Guérin Montilus's Dieux en diaspora. Les Loa Haïtiens et les Vaudou du Royaume d'Allada (Bénin) is a short but richly detailed study comparing the Rada Rite in Haitian Vodou with Vodun in Allada. Based on fieldwork in both Haiti and Allada, Montilus is able to trace the origin of various lwa in Haiti and offer a model for why the mythology around many deviated so greatly from source materials in Allada. However, an African sedimentation of the mythology around many lwa persists, as do some of the concepts and larger framework in which these entities operate. But the destructive impact of the slave trade and enslavement in Saint Domingue, as well as contact with Christianity and various other African peoples undoubtedly led to many transformations and shifts in the conception of the Rada Rite. Montilus hints at this when examining the Simbi spirits, for instance, or theorizing how Congo or Petro rites incorporate more Central African ideas of magic. Montilus's main weakness is perhaps not examining the ways in which Vodun in Benin is a living tradition, hence another cause for its differences from Haitian practice. After all, if Haitians were able to develop a radically new mythology in some cases involving Erzilie, Ogou, Agwe, or other lwa, why wouldn't people in Benin have also adapted the spirits to meet their changing world? One can imagine Dahomey's conquest of Allada in 1724, their conquest of Ouidah, the French colonial conquest, and Christianity also had some impact here (perhaps even before colonialism through contacts with the Portuguese?). The diversity of legends and stories about Legba, Chango, and other vodun in Benin is perhaps a remnant of this great diversity in practice and mythology in today's Benin that has deep historical roots. Anyway, we hope to now read a recently published history of Vodou (again, focusing on the connections to the Slave Coast) that investigates more deeply the political factors shaping religion and spirituality in this part of West Africa.
4/10/26
4/9/26
Muhammad Kisoki and Borno
The altercation between Borno and
Kano during the reign of the latter’s Muhammad Kisoki is an intriguing example
of conflict between the two states. Although there are some chronological
ambiguities that require attention, Yusufu Bala Usman has connected Kisoki’s
raid on Nguru with the Kano campaign of Borno during the time of Idris Alooma.
According to Ahmad b. Furtu, a highly biased but contemporary source, Kano had
“betrayed” Borno through fortifying towns or sites on their border with Borno
and launching attacks. In response, Borno raised an army which destroyed the
fortifications or walls and then failed to take Kano itself.[1] Importantly, the opposing
side’s perspective can be glimpsed through the Kano Chronicle. Thus, one
does not have to rely solely or mainly on Ahmad b. Furtu’s panegyrical text for
his patron, unlike the case of most of the other peoples Borno went to war
against during the lengthy reign of Idris Alooma. Therefore, this brief article
shall examine Borno-Kano relations during the reign of Muhammad Kisoki, focusing
on the raids launched from Kano against Borno and the response. This post
argues that Muhammad Kisoki’s eastern raids likely correspond to the campaigns
described by Ahmad b. Furtu and were autonomous Kano initiatives rather than
part of a Kebbi-led regional conflict.
By examining this episode more closely,
however, one sees yet again the influence of Maidaki Hauwa (and her brother,
Guli) in a confrontation with Borno. Maidaki Hauwa had previously been involved
with suppressing a revolt by the Dagachi in Kano, someone descended from the
Sayfawa line and very influential. After preventing his rebellion, her son,
Abdullahi, returned from a campaign and then faced an invasion from Borno.
Undoubtedly linked to the Dagachi’s actions, Kano’s king, accompanied by
mallams, had to submit to the mai.
Then, once the mai returned to Borno,
Abdullahi tricked or deceived the Dagachi and gave his office to a slave.[2] Although taking place
several years before the Borno-Kano conflict during Idris Alooma’s reign
(1564-1596, according to Lange’s chronology), it is very likely that Kisoki’s
influential grandmother and her brother, whose influence at court was extremely
powerful, shaped Kano state policy with regard to the frontier with Borno. By
taking another look at this critical juncture, one can see just how realpolitik
shaped relations between a regional power like Borno and the smaller Hausa
states which, depending on one’s view, paid tribute or sent regular “gifts” to
the mai.
But can we confidently date Muhammad
Kisoki’s attacks on Borno with the reign of Idris Alooma? The two only
overlapped, using Lange’s chronology and the dates in the Kano Chronicle,
c. 1564-1565. Dierk Lange has suggested that the conflict with Kano occurred
early in Idris b. Ali’s reign, perhaps in c. 1564, but other sources suggest
the mai went on a pilgrimage to Mecca at this time.[3] Since our dates for Kisoki
and Idris Alooma are approximations and other king lists of Kano give Kisoki’s
predecessor a slightly longer list, one could possibly make the case for a
longer period of overlapping reigns.[4] The other problem with
Kisoki’s Borno conflict occurring during the reign of Idris Alooma is the
praise song mentioning his grandmother, Hauwa. She could have been alive in the
1560s as a very aged woman, but some may prefer to date this period of conflict
to an earlier decade in Kisoki’s lengthy reign.
The other issue with establishing a
clearer chronology is the, quite frankly, mess made by previous generations of
scholars interested in this part of the world. For instance, M.G. Smith,
without a single source to back his speculative reasoning, suggested that
Kisoki’s raiding of Borno territory may have been done in conjunction with the
Kanta of Kebbi. Without any firm evidence and relying upon later sources and
traditions of the power and stature of the Kanta in this part of West Africa,
Smith has argued that Kisoki may have been the Kanta’s representative in
central Hausaland. Consequently, Kisoki’s raid may be associated with Kebbi’s
larger conflict with Borno. Building this possible theory on flimsy foundations,
Smith then tentatively dates Kisoki’s attack on Nguru to 1544.[5]
Although Smith is merely suggesting
possible regional scenarios to contextualize the wars and raiding between the
major states in the Central Sudan, this is hardly supported by the source
materials. While Muhammad Bello in the 1800s wrote of Kebbi conquering other
Hausa states like Kano in the 1500s, it is very difficult to detect any of this
in the Kano Chronicle or the Bornoan records. The Chronicle actually
portrays Kisoki as the ruler of all of Hausaland. Indeed, according to this
same source, “He waged war on Birnin Unguru because of Agaidam.”[6] This last word brings to
mind Geidam in modern Nigeria, to the east of Nguru. This area may have been a
source of contention as Borno was facing an extended famine during Abd Allah b.
Dunama’s reign (c. 1557-1564).[7] This could have been
influenced by the wars between Borno and Kebbi, as well as the distractions
Borno faced from the Bulala to the east in Kanem and local revolts by the Sao
in Borno and other groups. Seeing an advantageous position to strike, Kisoki (or
perhaps his grandmother’s brother, who was extremely influential in the royal
court) may have envisioned Kano extending further east. Certainly, booty in
horses and textiles were desirable since Kisoki ordered no captives taken from
Nguru.
Furthermore, utilizing all the various
sources on the Kanta of Kebbi and his negative relations with Borno suggests a
large-scale confrontation in which Borno attempted to besiege Surame took place
in c. 1561. Traditions referring to this do not reference Kano at all. In fact,
it was on Katsina territory the Bornoan forces engaged in combat with the
Kanta.[8] This is highly suggestive
of Kano’s actions against Borno likely being autonomous responses of the state
to Borno and perceived weaknesses on its western borderlands with Kano.
For these aforementioned reasons, one is
inclined to agree with Yusufu Bala Usman. Usman, in a largely insightful
article on the history of relations between Borno and the Hausa states,
correctly identified Kisoki’s raids with the ones described by Ahmad b. Furtu.
Moreover, as Furtu writes, these raids were a “betrayal” by the people of Kano.
As for the Kano Chronicle, Kano attacked Nguru because “it is the will
of God.”[9] Usman’s reasoning here is
not entirely clear, but the raids from Kano and the reference to the building
of walls or fortifications around various towns in the Kano kingdom are consistent with the actions of Kisoki.
After all, by improving defenses on his eastern frontier, forces from Kano
could more safely engage in raids or attacks on western Borno or its vassal
provinces, then retreat to secure sites if pursued or followed. Over time, this
could have led to a gradual increase in Kano’s influence and possible
territorial gains to the east. One suspects the “will of God” as a
justification of war was designed to show Kisoki as waging just war against
various subject peoples of Borno who were not necessarily Muslims.
Agreeing with Usman also allows one to
gain some insight into how both sides viewed their actions. One already knows
the Borno perspective, even if Ahmad b. Furtu was not an eyewitness to the Kano
campaign. He nonetheless wrote an explanation for the campaign based on Kano
and its fortified towns like Kirza, Kalmasan, Majiya, Ukluya, Dulu, Awazaki, Ajiyajiya,
Sa’iyya, Galaki and Kay. To Furtu, they not only fortified many settlements,
but “resorted to abominable cunning and vile deeds.”[10] The conflict ended with
the “many” expeditions launched against Kano, including Majagani. These
expeditions led to the destruction of fortifications while the residents fled. Unfortunately,
most of these expeditions are not described in detail and after the destruction
of Majiya’s fortifications, the Bornoan forces were allegedly able to dismantle
the walls and fortresses placed around other towns with little or no resistance.
It is very unlikely that the ruler of Kano would have sat idly by, even if the
musketry of Borno proved very effective against Majiya’s defenders. Overall,
Furtu’s account seems to suggest Kano began this process of fortifying towns
and launching raids before the reign of Idris Alooma, especially since the
labor and resources necessary to build walls around several towns or cities
could hardly have been accomplished in a short amount of time.
The Kano Chronicle, likely written
in the late 1800s, lacks this level of detail but understandably highlights the
moment of Kisoki’s victory as Borno failed to take Kano city. As previously
mentioned, Muhammad Kisoki ordered the raiding of Nguru, a town which was the
capital of the powerful galadimas of Borno by the 1600s. Murray Last has
read the account of this as symbolic warfare, playing with the idea of the
Kanuri word for the Hausa, afuno, and arse-clothes or nudity. After all,
Kisoki did not take captives but focused on horses and clothes.[11] However, this symbolic
meaning may not be relevant if Kisoki was endeavoring to present himself as a
legitimate Muslim ruler not willing to take Muslim captives. Indeed, even Ahmad
b. Furtu portrayed his patron similarly. Next, the Chronicle explains
how the ruler of Borno then sought to attack Birnin Kano the following year,
but failed to take the town. This led to an extended praise song which even
included Maidaki Hauwa as the “old lady with swaggering gait, old lady of royal
blood, guarded by men-at-arms.”[12] By praising Kisoki as the
“physic of Bornu and the Chiratawa,” one can also surmise that Kano’s war with
Borno involved Shira. Despite this victory of sorts, or at least the failure of
the attempted assault on Kano, Kisoki invited prominent shaykhs from Borno
anyway.[13] One may surmise here that
Borno was still perceived as a source of reputable Islamic scholars and
religious figures, Kano’s rulers were entrenching their own state legitimacy
through war and Islam.
Ultimately, both sides could claim some
degree of victory. Kano was able to withstand a military attack on its capital
from its powerful neighbor. Borno, on the other hand, secured its western
frontier by destroying fortifications and weakening Kano’s ability to launch
deeper raids into Borno. Doing so inevitably aided the economy through the
increased security for traders and travelers. It likewise made it easier for
Borno to focus on internal rebellious groups and the Bulala to the east for a
number of Kanem expeditions. Kano, meanwhile, was able to protect its capital
and, unlike Abdullahi, Kisoki did not have humble himself before the mai.
This expresses a growth in the political stature of the sarki who could
meet the Sayfawa as a peer. Lastly, an attempt at revisiting the various
sources on this encounter does support Kisoki’s raiding activities to the east
as likely to be the same as those mentioned by Ahmad b. Furtu. Furtu’s account
is too brief and not backed by eyewitness testimony. But based on the scale of
operations and the necessary shovels, hoes, and implements to destroy town
walls at various sites and then to attack Kano’s capital, the Kano expeditions
must have been large and time-consuming.
[1] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno Expeditions
of Idrīs Alauma (1564–1576 according to the account of Ahmad b. Furtū. Arabic
text, English translation, commentary and geographical gazetteer for a
detailed translation of Ahmad b. Furtu’s text.
[2] For an attempt at making sense of
the Dagachi and his descendants in Kano and their impact on Kano-Borno
relations, see Behique Dunama, “The Dagachi of Kano: Elite Exiles, Political
Centralization, and Kano-Borno Relations,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/03/the-dagachi-of-kano-elite-exiles.html.
[3] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic
Chronicle, 69.
[4] See Paul E. Lovejoy and John
Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” Sudanic Africa 4 (1993) for
different regnal years for Kano’s rulers. One manuscript assigns Abdullahi,
Kisoki’s father, a reign of 12 years instead of the 10 in the Kano Chronicle.
[5] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano,
1350-1950, 140-141.
[6] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and
Ireland 38 (1908), 79.
[7] See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des
sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la
fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 80.
[8] For a discussion of the various
sources on Kebbi and Borno in the 1500s, see Behique Dunama, “The Kanta of
Kebbi and Borno.” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/the-kanta-of-kebbi-and-borno.html.
[9] Yusuf Bala Usman, “A
Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland Before
1804” in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (editors), Studies in
the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 183-184.
[10] Dierk Lange, A Sudanic
Chronicle, 66-67.
[11] Murray Last, “From Sultanate to
Caliphate: Kano, 1450–1800 A.D.” in
Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in Kano History, 72.
[12] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
79.
[13] This may have predated the Kano campaign of Borno.
4/8/26
Pondering the Origins of Maidaki Hauwa (c. 1463-1565)
What were the origins of one of the most
powerful women in the annals of Kano history? This question is directly
pertinent to questions of marriage alliances, the growing power of queen
mothers or royal women, and the relations between Kano and other powers.
Indeed, in the case of Maidaki Hauwa, it would go on to shape the reign of no
less than 6 kings of Kano. This brief post shall explore the competing theories
and defend the Gaya hypothesis for Hauwa’s origins.
According to one Kano chronicler,
el-Arabi, Hauwa was the daughter of the ruler of Gaya, Agalfati (or Aganfi).[1] Unable to locate the text
of this chronicle, one suspects el-Arabi connected Hauwa to Gaya’s ruler
because Agalfati’s name appears in the Kano
Chronicle before the reign of Muhammad Rumfa. In addition, some oral
traditions associate Muhammad Rumfa with Daura and Gaya. According to Dokaji
Alhaji Abubakar, Rumfa allegedly spent time in Gaya before coming to Kano.[2] This may have influenced
el-Arabi’s account, perhaps suggesting an important alliance between Gaya and
Rumfa. M.G. Smith, on the other hand, proposed a Gaya origin for Muhammad
Rumfa’s mother, Fatima.[3]
Whatever the case may have been, the
Rumfawa were linked to the powerful rulers of Gaya. Indeed, the Kano Chronicle also connects Agalfati
with Machina, an important town whose rulers claimed ties to the Sayfawa.[4] The legendary story of
origins for Machina’s kings claims their ancestor was a half-brother to a
Sayfawa mai, the son of the first to
rule from Gazargamo.[5] Interestingly, the kings
of Machina resided in a palace of brick, a symbol of royal authority or status
in Kanem and Borno. This suggests that the legend may be accurate in at least
identifying an important connection or status with regard to Borno’s ruling
dynasty. If the Gaya ruler Agalfati really was a son of the king of Machina,
they may also have once been in the orbit of Borno. Much more information is
needed to clearly establish this. For example, oral traditions cited by
Muhammad Jamilu Abba link Gaya’s foundation to migrants from Jibede in the
Dutse Gadawur territory.[6] Either way, traditions
associating with Rumfa with Gaya may have influenced el-Arabi’s belief in
Hauwa’s Gaya origin. An alliance sealed through marriage with Gaya’s chiefs may
have been essential in gaining access to the throne for Rumfa. After all, Gaya
had already proven its power through its involvement in the deposition of Umaru
(1410-1421).[7]
The other theory, of a Songhay origin, is
highly unlikely. Proposed by Murray Last, the only source for this notion is
Leo Africanus. Per Africanus, the Askia of Songhay (Askia Muhammad I)
supposedly conquered Kano and other parts of Hausaland. After defeating Kano’s
ruler, he then made the Kano king marry his daughter.[8] But there are many
problems with this theory. First, if one accepts 1493 as the date of Askia
Muhammad’s accession to the throne of Songhay and 1499 as the year of Rumfa’s
death, it is hard to imagine Maidaki Hauwa and Rumfa would have had a son old
enough to become king of Kano in 1499. There’s also the issue of the Kano and
Songhay sources making no mention of this at all. The Tarikh al-Sudan does refer to Songhay invasions of Agadez, conflict
with Kebbi, and a 1514 raid on Katsina. But these events took place long after
the death of Muhammad Rumfa. Furthermore, when Songhay sources do allude to
Kano, such as Ali Fulan’s flight there in 1529, there is no mention of Songhay
conquest or forcing the payment of tribute.[9] Perhaps the flight of
prominent individuals from Songhay to Kano is additional evidence of the lack
of any subjugation of the latter by the former.
Moreover, the description of Kano by Leo
Africanus is more consistent with the reign of Abdullahi, Rumfa’s son.
Africanus accurately noted that Kano had achieved military success against
Katsina and Zaria.[10] Thus, the usually
accepted chronology as well as the written sources and relevant traditions from
West Africa do not support this theory. Consequently, if Leo Africanus is
reliable at all, the Askia would have forced Abdullahi to marry his daughter.
The “obvious candidate” for the Askia’s daughter would then become Lamis, a
remarkable woman who significantly shaped events in the reign of Muhammad
Kisoki.
In addition, some sources from Kano
support a Hausa origin for Hauwa. Translated lists of kings from manuscripts
even name her father. According to one, he may have been Babari.[11] These lists are hardly
conclusive evidence, but they could be interpreted as additional evidence
against the Songhay origins theory for Hauwa. Against this must be considered
other manuscripts which name Abu Bakar’s mother as Kuyina or Ukin.[12] But the lists do not
readily support a Songhay origin or any ties to Askia Muhammad. Even Lamis,
whose name is rendered in one manuscript as Lamis Tamajikanna, is difficult to
connect with the Songhay.
The queen’s ability to ensure her son
succeeded and that her brother began to exert a strong influence on the royal
court of her grandson, one which seems to overlap with Gaya and eastern Kano
interests, lends some support to the theory of Gaya origins. A pattern in later
Kano-Borno relations can be detected across the centuries in the Kano Chronicle. One notes a tendency of
Gaya’s ruling family trying to dominate Birnin Kano’s court and the development
of policies which favor Gaya or suggest anti-Borno stances. To the extent that
one accepts Barkindo’s theory of Rumfa’s caliphal ambitions as a challenge to
the primacy of Borno and Songhay, this could have facilitated an alliance
between anti-Borno Gaya and Rumfa. Indeed, a later era of Gaya influence in Kano’s
court apparently led to the creation of new towns with additional walls,
prompting a Borno campaign in the 1730s.[13] This is quite similar,
apparently, to what transpired in Muhammad Kisoki’s reign, according to
glimpses from Ahmad b. Furtu’s chronicle and the Kano Chronicle.
Perhaps the Gaya origin theory of Hauwa is
still missing crucial support in the sources, but it does have a logical basis.
Furthermore, it elucidates, or proposes a theory, for why she may have become
the first Mai Daki or Babar Daki, with great powers and her
own retainers. Her high status in Rumfa’s reign, or at least those of their son
and grandson, could have begun through a close alliance with Gaya.
Alternatively, she could have come from Dutsi or another powerful chiefly lineage
in Kano or another part of Hausaland. But the Gaya theory “fits” best with what
historians have been able to reconstruct of the Kano state in this period. The
Songhay princess theory has little to no support in the sources or in the
usually accepted chronologies.
[1] Bawuro M. Barkindo, “Kano
Relations with Borno: Early Times to c. 1800,” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Kano and Some of Her Neighbours,156.
[2] Dokaji Alhaji Abubakar, Kano ta Dabo cigari, 29.
[3] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350-1950, 104.
[4] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
76.
[5] See C.J. Lethem, “Bornu Province
Bornu emirate Marchena District Assessment report by C.J.Lethem” for many
details on Machena and the genealogy of its kings.
[6] Muhammad Jamilu Abba, “The Role of
the Sarauta institution in Shaping the Spatial Growth and Community Integration
in Kano City,” in Abdalla Uba Adamu (ed), Kano
in the Second Millennium, 122.
[7] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350-1950, 104.
[8] Murray Last, “From Sultanate to
Caliphate: Kano, 1450-1800,” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in the History of Kano, 69.
[9] John Hunwick, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʻdi's Taʼrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to
1613, and Other Contemporary Documents, 113-114, 349.
[10] Ibid., 287.
[11] See Paul E. Lovejoy and John
Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” Sudanic
Africa 4 (1993), 121. In one list, the mother of Abu Bakar Akkadu is named
Awwa ta Babari. According to the Kano Chronicle, this sarki was a full brother of Abdullahi. Thus, Hauwa’s father may
have been named Babari.
[12] Ibid., 106, 111.
[13] See Behique Dunama, “A Tentative
Study of the Reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun (1729-1744),” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/02/a-tentative-study-of-reign-of-muhammad.html.
4/4/26
The Biu Plateau, Borno and Kwararafa
3/31/26
Marie Pierre Haoussa and Louis Baronnet fils (1792)
IC=inconnu
One document we have been thinking about the last few days is a notarized contract from 1792. Establishing a société d'habitation de Marie Pierre Haoussa avec Louis Baronnet fils, the document is interesting for the surname of Marie Pierre: Haoussa. Although most documents in colonial Haiti spell "Hausa" as Aoussa, not Haoussa, we were nonetheless curious about Marie Pierre as a person of possible Hausa extraction. After all, colonial legislation did attempt to push free people to bear African names. Furthermore, people of African origin were sometimes known by a first name and their alleged "nation," too.
In the case of Marie Pierre Haoussa, however, we could not trace her exact origins. It would appear that she was a free black woman owning land in Aquin, presumably i an area that may be today's la Colline à Mongons. When checking the parish registry, we did come across a Marie Pierre, black Creole, who married her "mulatto" master in 1781. But there is no indication of Marie Pierre's parents' origins in the parish books for Aquin. We were also wondering why she did not use her husband's surname, but he may not have been of legitimate birth either. Either way, Gabriel and this Marie Pierre had a number of children, he married her, and, from what we could gather, the Marie Pierre Haoussa named here could be the same woman.
In terms of her 1792 partnership with a man from Bainet, we were struck by the huge diversity in slaves both brought into their planned coffee farm. Marie Pierre was responsible for bringing 6 slaves, most apparently female. They consist of a mix of Arada, Mandingue, Thiamba, Ibo, Canga and one "nation" we could not decipher in the notary's handwriting (perhaps Aguiam?). Baronnet fils, on the other hand, was responsible for bringing in more slaves who were mostly male. Since the land was apparently held by Marie Pierre Haoussa, he may have been required to supply more of the forced labor. Either way, his enslaved workers were also very diverse in origins. One, whose "nation" looks like Guialuuka, is from a background we could not figure out. But others included Thiamba, Bibi (Ibibio), Biny (possibly Edo, for people from the kingdom of Benin), Congo, Creoles, Ibos, and a Mine.
Naturally, we will have to conduct further searches in the notarized documents and parish registry to see if we can locate more records of Marie Pierre. But, the fact that she owned land and slaves is consistent with someone who was married to a free "mulatto" landowner for some time in the region. We suspect the "Haoussa" part of her name comes from an African-born father but have to dig deeper into the archives to prove it.
3/25/26
The Dagachi of Kano: Elite Exiles, Political Centralization, and Kano-Borno Relations
.png)
Uthman
b. Dawud, a Sayfawa ruler of the early fifteenth century, is notable less for
his brief reign than for his later career in Kano. Unique among the Sayfawa, Uthman
b. Dawud (reigned c. 1421, according to Lange’s chronology) moved to Kano after
his deposition, where he became an important official.[1] In
addition, his descendants continued his legacy of significant wealth and
influence in the Kano kingdom, eventually culminating with their fall from
grace and disappearance in historical traditions.[2] Despite
the limited sources, the period reveals important developments in state consolidation
in the Central Sudan. In the case of Borno, the Sayfawa would eventually consolidate
their state as Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497) of the Idrisids defeated the
Dawudid branch of the dynasty. Likewise, Muhammad Rumfa initiated several
political reforms which strengthened central authority and the role of Islam in
the state. The career of Uthman K.l.n.ma, or Uthman b. Dawud, encapsulated this
era of contestation as elite lineages competed with the rise of more
centralized administrations in both Kano and Borno. Indeed, as an elite
political exile forced out of power by a kaigama
and yerima in Borno, his own
descendants became a threat to the Rumfawa of Kano. Through an alleged revolt
which nearly brought Borno and Kano into conflict during the reign of Idris b.
Ali (r. 1496-1519), the Dagachi’s descendants became a threat to royal
authority. This illustrates how both Kano and Borno navigated the thorny issue of
political centralization over the course of the 15th century. This
essay argues that the career and legacy of Uthman b. Dawud (the Dagachi) illustrate
how Sayfawa elite exiles shaped political centralization, economic development,
and interstate relations in Kano, while also becoming threats to emerging
centralized authority. Beginning with an overview on early Hausaland-Borno
relations, the essay shall then examine the Dagachi’s arrival in Kano and the
growing power of this official. The final section shifts attention to the
revolt plotted by the Dagachi and how it relates to Kano-Borno relations as
well as political centralization.
Kano and
Borno Relations Before Uthman b. Dawud
Unsurprisingly,
the Hausa kingdom of Kano and Kanem-Borno had relations long before Uthman b.
Dawud’s arrival in the 1420s. This background is necessary for understanding
why Kano emerged as an attractive destination for elite Sayfawa exiles such as
Uthman b. Dawud, as well as how they attained significant authority there. Due
to the nature of the surviving sources, however, this can only be partially
addressed.
The exact timing of Kano’s early relations with
Borno is unknown, but scholars such as John Lavers have sought to identify the
word afuno or afunu with the Hausa of Kano. Extant medieval Arabic sources first
use the Kanuri word for the Hausa during the 1400s, in the writings of
al-Maqrizi. However, contacts between Kanem-Borno and parts of Hausaland began
by the 1200s or early 1300s. This is not surprising given the extension of
Sayfawa rule into Borno by the 1200s during Dunama Dibalemi’s reign. A hint of
Borno and Hausa trade may be seen in the travelogue of Ibn Battuta, too.
According to this renowned traveler, Takedda and undoubtedly other Sahelian
trading centers were linked to both Borno and Gobir.[3] The
interests of the Sayfawa in Kawar, the Fazzan and relations with Tuareg groups
in Aïr by the 1200s likely involved Gobir and early Hausa states, too. Lamentably,
the exact nature of early Hausa state formation and its connections with
trans-Saharan trade awaits further archaeological research.[4]
But the little data collected so far points to possible links between Marandet
(the Maranda of medieval Arabic sources) and the Lake Chad region.[5] In
short, relations between Kanem-Borno and the area of Hausaland began in this
period.
Lavers, whose admittedly speculative analysis
of the topic of early Borno-Kano relations remains the most substantial, even
proposed an earlier military engagement between Kano and Borno during the reign
of Idris b. Ibrahim (c. 1342-1366).[6]
Unfortunately, the narrative reported by P.A. Benton, which must be derived
from oral tradition, named the mai in
question as Iderisa Arrimi (Idris b. Ali). According to this tradition, Idris
b. Ali sent his kaigama, Dalatu, to
make war against Kano, eventually subduing and destroying it.[7]
The narrative is linked with the folk etymology for the Kanuri term designating
Hausa people, afunu. Intriguingly,
the tradition also portrayed the people of Kano as Muslims who fasted and
prayed (yet still wore arse cloths).[8]
This is rather ambiguous but could be an oral tradition of the confrontation
between Borno and Kano during the reign of Idris b. Ali (r. 1497-1519) or Idris
b. Ibrahim.[9] In fact, an extant mahram
dated to the reign of Idris b. Ali refers to a witness named Dallatu
Abdullahi. Yet the kaigama who was named as a witness was Mommad ibn
Sugu.[10] This
may reflect confusion in the tradition regarding Dallatu Abdullahi and the
actual kaigama of Idris b. Ali?
Even more baffling, the question of which
polity in what would later become the united kingdom of Kano first formed
relations with Borno is unknown. Lavers, borrowing from the tentative theories
of Murray Last, has suggested that the Afnu king of al-Maqrizi, Mastur, was
perhaps the ruler of Santolo or Santoro.[11] This
early Kano polity or chiefdom was the original Afnu from the perspective of
Borno. But the evidence for this is lacking in the Kano Chronicle. And
if the Sayfawa were allies of the ruler of Santolo before the leaders at Dala
who later became dominant in Kasar Kano, there is no mention of this in the
chronicle.[12]
Furthermore, evidence derived from the history
of titles in Kano support an earlier Sayfawa link with the Dala rulers who
consolidated their state against Santolo. C.L. Temple’s research on the history
of Kano included mention of the title of Dan Kade. According to Temple,
this post was given to sons of the ruler of Kano, but was named after a “dan
Sarki” of Borno who fled to Kano in the early days.[13]
This figure was certainly Kaday Afnu of the Sayfawa, a son of Idris b. Ibrahim
who died in war with the Bulala. Using Lange’s chronology, Kaday Afnu’s brief
reign as mai was in c. 1388.[14]
Kaday Afnu’s predecessor was possibly a usurper, Sa’id, and before him ruled
Umar b. Idris (c. 1382-1387), a brother of Kaday Afnu. It is possible that
Kaday Afnu fled to Kano during the reign of Sa’id or that of his brother, Umar.
Alternatively, he may have fled to Kano when Dawud b. Ibrahim (c. 1366-1376) or
another Dawudid held the throne. He possibly arrived in Kano as early as c.
1366, perhaps predating Sarkin Kano Yaji’s victory against Santolo.[15]
In summation, the story of early relations
between Kanem-Borno and Hausaland is a field awaiting much further research.
What seems clear is the relationship between Kasar Kano and Borno by the 1300s.
This included a possible Sayfawa prince who arrived in Kano sometime after c.
1366. The later legend involving Bayajidda and interpreting Hausa states’
origins regarding Borno may obfuscate the more complicated question of early
trade, migration, conquests, and cultural exchange. Nonetheless, even before
the Sayfawa relocated to Borno for good by the reign of Umar b. Idris, Kano may
have been the part of Hausaland with closest ties to Borno. This history of
close ties elucidates why Kaday Afnu was comfortable fleeing there at an
indeterminate period. It also indicates why Uthman b. Dawud later moved to Kano
after his deposition.
Uthman b. Dawud’s Arrival in
Kano
The Kano Chronicle, our main source on
Uthman b. Dawud (or Uthman K.l.n.ma), refers to him as a “great prince” who
came from South Bornu with many men and mallams. In addition, “He brought with
him horse-drums, and trumpets and flags and guns. When he came, he sat down at
Bomfai.”[16] Ignoring the
anachronistic allusion to firearms, the chronicle sadly omits any reasons for
why this elite figure from Borno moved to Kano. However, his use of royal
regalia and large retinue, including mallams, suggests he was no ordinary
person. Reading between the lines of the chronicle and the Diwan, it is
possible to reconstruct some of the context for his coming to Kano during the
reign of Dauda b. Kanajeji.
First, Uthman b. Dawud’s Borno context. Ascending
to the throne in c. 1421, Uthman K.l.n.ma was a son of Dawud. In the words of
the Diwan, “Il fut chassé du pouvoir par le kayghama Nikale, fils
d’Ibrahim et le yarima Kaday Ka’aku. Il mourut à Afnu Kunu. La durée de son règne
fut de 9 mois.”[17] In other words, he was in
power for less than a year before the powerful kaigama and a yarima overthrew
him. His descent from Dawud may have been an additional factor in his
deposition as his two predecessors and successors were both descendants of
Idris. But this was not merely part of the contested succession of the houses
of Idris and Dawud. The kaigama was frequently involved in depositions
and civil wars during this troubled era in the annals of the Sayfawa. Barth even
proposed that the kaigama remained very powerful until the rise of Ali
b. Dunama. Moreover, if the kaigama was already based in Borno before
the Sayfawa maiwa abandoned Kanem to the Bulala, they may have had
tremendous advantages in local ties and alliances. That advantage enabled them
to frequently intervene in the internecine wars between the Dawudids and
Idrisids.[18] Clearly, the yarima
(a position given to princes, too), was also involved in the fall of Uthman in
c. 1421-1422.
With the return to descendants of Idris to the
throne after Uthman b. Dawud, one may surmise that the loyal followers and
court of Uthman were supporters of the Dawudian house. Why Kano appealed to the
deposed mai as a place of exile is not clear in the sources. But he
certainly knew of the Idrisid Kaday Afnu who spent time there some decades
before him. Kano in the 1420s was also increasingly Islamic. For instance, “The
Song of Bagauda” referred to Sarkin Kano Umaru as “one learned in Islam, he it
was who escaped (Hell-fire); He lit a fire which defied extinction.”[19]
Likewise, the Kano Chronicle describes Umaru (r. 1410-1421) as
abdicating to pursue a life of Islamic piety. More importantly, his friend,
Abubakra, left for Borno during his reign.[20]
Perhaps the reputation for piety achieved by Umaru and the time spent in Borno
by Muslims affiliated with Kano’s court appealed to Uthman b. Dawud and his
retinue.
Upon arrival, Uthman b. Dawud was appointed to
the position of dagachi. Conventionally spelled dagaci (dagatai,
plural) in Hausa, this is usually translated in English as village
head.[21] But
the responsibilities and power of the dagaci in this context was much
more than a simple village ward head. More recent evidence from the political
history of Kano, for example, reveals that the rulers of Gaya, Rano, Karaye and
Dutse, powerful chiefs of areas within the kingdom, were given the title of dagaci.
M.G. Smith argued that these officials exercised wider territorial authority
than the hakimai and appointed their own dagatai.[22] It is very likely
that the Dagachi from Borno exercised similar authority. The Kano Chronicle reports
that the Dagachi settled with his large following at Dorai. He also acted as
regent for the ruler of Kano when he left for 5 months to campaign against
Zaria. This period of 5 months coincided with an increase in the wealth of the
Dagachi.[23] Later, either during
Uthman b. Dawud’s tenure or that of his progeny, the Dagachi was likewise
powerful and wealthy during Abdullahi Burja’s reign (1438-1452).
Indeed, by this period, there was an increase
in the scale of commerce in Kano that connected it with Gwanja, Asben, Borno, and
beyond. The Dagachi’s followers also built homes from his own palatial estate
to Salamta, thereby proving growth of this ward. The Chronicle similarly
reports the Dagachi’s role in founding the market of Karabka.[24]
Though not stated in the chronicle, one can surmise that the Dagachi enjoyed a
role in the market taxes and the increased commercial activity across the
region. Meanwhile, Kano appears to have gained a substantial captive population
settled in various villages during this time. A galadima named Dauda was
said to have established 21 towns with 1000 slaves each.[25]
Notably, this same galadima had a daughter married to the ruler of Kano.
Is it conceivable that the increase in commerce and slaving was another source
of wealth for the Dagachi, whose market may have been a center for this trade?
Besides the Dagachi, Uthman b. Dawud or his unnamed heir, only the galadima
Dauda appears to have shared his power and influence.
Thus, the Dagachi from Borno rose from
political exile to a post of great wealth and standing in Kano. This
undoubtedly reflected the reputation of the Sayfawa dynasty across much of the
region. The Dagachi’s arrival also occurred simultaneously with an increase in
trans-Saharan and West African trade in Hausaland. The Wangara influence from
the West and the trade in salt, kola, slaves, textiles, and the exchange of
information and learning unquestionably shaped this context. Even a deposed
Sayfawa mai brought royal rituals, regalia, and practices from a more
established Islamic dynasty. It was perhaps no coincidence that Kano began to
send “gifts” to Borno during Abdullahi Burja’s reign, too. The Dagachi’s
presence in Kano could have been connected to this sending of “gifts” for
blessings to the ruler of Borno and the maintenance of cordial relations.[26] As
a result of the great privileges extended to the Dagachi for decades, his royal
Sayfawa origin is rather probable. It likely contributed to the cultural and
political exchanges between Kano and Borno during the 1400s.
Revisiting the Attempted
Revolt of the Dagachi
Unfortunately, the descendants of Uthman b.
Dawud later lost their power and privilege. During the reign of Abdullahi (c.
1499-1509), the son of Muhammad Rumfa, deposed the Sayfawa-descended Dagachi
and gave the title to a slave. This episode, poorly explained in the Kano
Chronicle, triggered an invasion from Borno (then ruled by Idris b. Ali,
1497-1519). Various authors have proposed alternative and sometimes illogical
interpretations of this episode. Exploring the theories propounded by Yusufu
Bala Usman, and M.G. Smith, this section shall endeavor to elucidate the
conflict in terms of Kano’s political centralization and consolidation of Queen
Hauwa’s descent group.
Beginning with Usman, one can see how torturous
and questionable readings of the Kano Chronicle can lead one astray.
Usman, wisely wishing to avoid reading the history of relations between Borno
and Hausaland solely through the lens of empire or military conquests, tries to
shift attention to other factors. For him, the burning question of internecine
conflict within the Sayfawa branches claiming descent from Idris and Dawud was
a factor. Purely speculating, Usman proposes that the intervention of Idris b.
Ali during the planned revolt of the Dagachi was meant to neutralize the threat
of a Dawudid Sayfawa descent group ruling Kano.[27]
This view is quite unlikely based on a close reading of the English translation
of the Kano Chronicle. In the Chronicle, it is clearly stated
that Kano’s king waited for Idris b. Ali to leave Guduawa and return to Borno
before he “beguiled” the Dagachi into submission. In the words of the Chronicle,
“As soon as he was gone, Abdulahi beguiled Dagachi into submission and then
turned him out of office and gave his own slave the title.”[28]
If the ruler of Borno was opposed to the Dagachi, why would Kano’s king wait
until he left before “beguiling” the Dagachi and then replacing him with a
slave? Clearly, Idris b. Ali’s attack was coordinated to support the Dagachi
who had been “prevented” from revolting due to Hauwa’s intervention.
Another view, explored by M.G. Smith’s Government
in Kano, 1350-1950, suggests that the Dagachi probably did not intend to
revolt. Instead, the Dagachi may have reported the actions of Kano’s ruler
against Zaria and Katsina to Borno. Assuming Kano’s attacks on Zaria and
Katsina were viewed as disloyalty by the ruler of Borno, Idris b. Ali
consequently led an army against Kano. Smith is agnostic on the matter for he
also suggests that the Dagachi may have been attempting to contest the throne
of Kano with Abdullahi. Alternatively, they may have sought the throne due to
the reforms of Muhammad Rumfa. Since conflict between Hausa states was
perennial and it is unclear to what extent if any Borno sought to intervene in
Kano’s wars with Zaria and Katsina. Nonetheless, Smith’s theory is plausible
but cannot be demonstrated with any evidence from the Bornoan side. Idris b.
Ali was certainly an active ruler on the military front, besting the Bulala in
Kanem in two campaigns and was potentially more active in the west, too.[29] Since
the reign of Abdullahi (c. 1499-1509) witnessed Kano’s victory against Katsina
and Zazzau, Kano’s actions could have triggered alarm in Borno. The possibility
of Kano upsetting the balance of power among the Hausa states may have been a
sincere concern.[30] Of all Smith’s
theorizing, the question of Rumfa’s reforms and changes in the state remains
the most compelling theory, though a mixture of factors were probably relevant.
What were the changes in Kano’s administrative
structure during the lengthy reign of Muhammad Rumfa? Why did they potentially
lead to an attempted revolt by the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud? According to
the Kano Chronicle, Rumfa (c. 1463-1499) was responsible for a number of
reforms. These included the appointment of eunuchs to political office.[31] Besides
constructing the palace used by subsequent Kano kings, Rumfa remodelled
kingship based on Borno (at least in the eyes of M.G. Smith). This included the
creation of a Council of Nine supposedly inspired by Borno’s royal court.[32]
The nine principal officials around the sarki in subsequent centuries
included the Galadima, Madaiki, Wombai, Makama, Sar.
Dawaki, Sar. Bai (a slave), Ciroma, Dan Iya, and the Sar.
Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda, also of slave origin.[33] The exact
composition during the reign of Rumfa was probably slightly different, but one
can note the influence of Borno through titles such as ciroma. At the
same time, one also notes the influence of slave officials. By creating a new
palace and redesigning the administrative system with more enslaved officials
loyal to himself, Rumfa was able to centralize authority more successfully than
his successors. Also important was Rumfa’s establishment of the Kurmi Market and
initiated the use of ostrich-feather sandals, kakaki instruments, and
other signs of royal authority.[34]
Consequently, one no longer reads of overwhelmingly
powerful galadimas who effectively ruled Kano during the reign of Bugaya
(c. 1385-1390) and the galadima entrusted with the affairs of Kano after
Umaru (c. 1410-1421) abdicated.[35]
The position retained its significance in future centuries of Kano history,
even manifesting in Hauwa and Guli’s attempts to shape Kano politics long after
Rumfa’s demise in the 1500s.[36]
In short, the reforms of Rumfa increased the presentation and authority of the
rulers of Kano through a new Borno-inspired court. With the enhancement of
royal authority both visually and politically, the Dagachi may have felt
threatened, or perceived a threat to Borno’s influence in this part of
Hausaland.
But, the question of Rumfa hardly explains it
all. After a lengthy reign terminating in c. 1499, the Dagachi may have represented
another faction in Kano politics opposed to Hauwa. The wife of Rumfa, this
remarkable woman shaped the next several decades of Kano politics through her
influence on her son, Abdullahi (c. 1499-1509), and her grandson. In the
context of Abdullahi’s reign, however, Hauwa sought to consolidate power for
her descendants by sidelining other contenders supported by the Dagachi’s
faction. Additionally, the Dagachi may have initially perceived Abdullahi as a
much weaker ruler than his father who instituted several reforms and held the
throne for a lengthy period. Hauwa, however, may have come from a powerful
chiefly lineage within the Kano kingdom that was seeking to increase their
influence in the royal court. Hence, her brother, Guli, was also a key ally in
this process. Barkindo, citing a local Kano chronicler, has suggested Hauwa could
have been the daughter of the Gaya king.[37] Hauwa’s
strong role in the reign of Abdullahi can be seen in her suppression of the
alleged revolt of the Dagachi whilst her son was away on campaign. Meanwhile, she
promoted the interests of Gaya in court. This may have been a factor in the
Dagachi’s plan to revolt, an ill-fated attempt to weaken Hauwa’s influence
while also intervening to either supplant or replace Abdullahi.
Regrettably, we are indebted to the Kano
Chronicle as the sole source on the Dagachi’s revolt. This imposes severe
limitations on any attempt to reconstruct what transpired. Reading between the
lines, however, one can generate a rough outline of what occurred. It is known
that the Dagachi plot was scheduled for a time when Abdullahi was away, so the Dagachi
must have planned and waited for an opportune time to strike. But Hauwa
outmaneuvered him, preventing serious trouble from the Dagachi. One is apt to
suspect the ruler of Borno was already aware of the Dagachi’s plot. But, by
humbling himself with mallams by his side, Abdullahi convinced Idris b. Ali to
return to Borno. Then, and only after the mai was no longer an immediate
military threat, did Abdullahi trick the Dagachi into submitting to his
authority. Afterwards, by replacing him with a slave, Abdullahi removed a
powerful noble lineage as a threat to the state.[38]
This revolt, which represented the final attempt by the descendants of Uthman
b. Dawud to preserve their power and privilege, concluded with their demise in
the face of Kano political centralization and a powerful queen-mother.
Elite Political Exiles and
Sayfawa Influence Beyond Kanem and Borno
As the above endeavor to analyze the influence
and legacy of a deposed Sayfawa mai in Kano illustrates, elite political
exiles exerted tremendous authority and power in their new homes. In the case
of Uthman b. Dawud and his descendants, they represent a product of the
descendants of Dawud who were deposed by overly powerful officials of noble
origin. Ironically, the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud were later deposed and
replaced by slave officials, just as the Sayfawa accomplished against the kaigama
during the reign of Ali b. Dunama and his successors. Much more remains to
be said on this episode and the larger question of Kano-Borno relations, but it
shows how even a branch of the Sayfawa could shape political culture and
economics in areas on the periphery of Borno. Elites, bringing with them the
Sayfawa state structure, a retinue, and Islamic scholars, nonetheless
profoundly shaped their new locations. The example of the Dagachi serves as one
example of this.
Looking beyond, to Darfur, for example,
descendants of Dawud and other Bornoans claiming Magumi origin were able to
achieve similar levels of influence. This promoted an image of Borno and the
Sayfawa as ideal Islamic rulers across a vast expanse of the Sudanic belt, from
the Niger to the Nile. Their cultural influence was compounded by an increase
in trade, religious ties, pilgrimage routes, commerce, and official relations
with Borno. In the case of Dagachi, this overwhelming power was considered a
threat by a centralized Kano court with a possibly close tie to a Gaya-backed
faction eager to consolidate their influence with Rumfa’s son. And while
conflict erupted between Borno and Kano after Abdullahi’s reign, one can
conclude that Borno’s cultural influence did not exclude military clashes or
raids. Yet the type of regional politico-cultural hegemony achieved by the
Sayfawa was undoubtedly aided by Sayfawa elite exiles and envoys. Perhaps more
importantly, the Dagachi of Kano also serves as an example of how elite
migrants and exiles affected state formation in the Central Sudan.
[1] As always, we prefer Dierk Lange’s
chronology for the annals of the Sayfawa. It has not yet been superseded,
despite its occasional contradictions. See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un
royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808).
[2] Although he has not presented
sufficient evidence to support his interpretation, Murray Last has suggested
the Dagachi was actually a prince from Mandara. This seems highly unlikely,
however. Last’s reasoning is based on the name of the mother of Kano king
Dauda, Mandara. Apparently, this was implausibly linked to the kingdom of
Mandara on the basis of the name of Dauda’s mother. On the other hand, Abubakar
Dokaji’s chronicle of Kano’s history presents the Dagachi as a warrior. See
discussion in Bawuro M. Barkindo, “Kano Relations with Borno, Early Times to C.
1800” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (editor), Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 151.
Of course, when one consults the translation of a kings list for Kano by John
Hunwick, the name of Dawud’s (Dauda’s) mother is Manduna. See John Hunwick, “Not
Yet the Kano Chronicle,” 106. As for Dokaji’s theory, one must wonder why a
warrior had a large number of mallams in his party. The large number of
dependents, mallams, and possibly slaves who accompanied the Dagachi to Kano
suggest someone of great wealth and status, not a mere warrior.
[3] Ibn Battuta in J. F. P. Hopkins
and N. Levtzion (editors). Corpus of
Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 281, 302. Ibn Battuta’s reference to Gobir, whose ruler was not
Muslim (if the sons of the ruler were killed and buried with their father, this
would imply the people of Kubar (Gobir?) were still non-Muslim. Overall, Ibn
Battuta’s brief report, recorded from a Masufa interlocutor, is indicative of
an early Hausa state engaged in trans-Saharan trade.
[4] For one speculative look at
Sayfawa intervention in the affairs of Aïr in the late 1100s or early 1200s,
see Behique Dunama, “Kanem, Kawar and the Tuareg in the 12th Century,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/kanem-kawar-and-tuareg-in-12th-century.html. For another speculative
interpretation of early Gobir, see Behique Dunama, “Gobir and the Copts,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2024/06/gobir-and-copts.html. Also worth considering is the
possible connection between the Kanawa and the people of the Sosebaki states.
According to Landeroin, the subjects of the Sosebaki rulers were Kanawas of
Kutumbawas like the people of Kano. Oral traditions from the early 1900s
indicated that about 800-900 years ago, a prince named Mohammed Nafarko arrived in the region from
Borno (Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la
Mision Tilho, 425-427). Additional oral traditions on the foundation of
Birni Gazargamo also link the Sao leader, Dala N’Gumami, with Kano. See Palmer,
Sudanese Memoirs Vol 2, 67. Interpretation of these disparate
traditions require much closer analysis but imply connections between peoples
in Kano and Borno specifically long before the 1400s. Also worth noting is the
name Dala, used by Ahmad b. Furtu during Idris Alooma’s reign to refer to Kano
(the city). See Lange, A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno Expeditions of Idrīs
Alauma (1564–1576 according to the account of Ahmad b. Furtū. Arabic text,
English translation, commentary and geographical gazetteer. Also, note the
genealogy of the alifas of Kanem as reported by Landeroin in “Notice
historique.” The founder of their dynasty, Dalatoa Afuno, was allegedly of
Magumi descent and from a village in the Kano kingdom. The name Dalatu may be a
reference to Kano.
[5] See Sonja Magnavita and Juan-Marco
Puerta Schardt, “Tracing connections: Exploring links between Marandet (Central
Niger) and the Chad Basin through pottery provenance analysis using pXRF,” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports
67 (2025).
[6] John Lavers, “A Note on the Terms
“Hausa” and “Afuno,”’ Kano Studies 2 (1)
1980, 116.
[7] Intriguingly, there may have been
a kaigama named Dalatu in the 1300s. According to the Diwan, Bir
b. Idris, whose reign stretched from c. 1389-1421, engaged in war with a kaigama
named Muhammad b. D.l.t. See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du
(Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe
siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77. The title of kaigama was perhaps
not inherited through direct succession but Muhammad’s father may have held the
title sometime during the reign of Idris b. Ibrahim. For evidence of the title
of kaigama once being the domain of elites whose children were
considered princes, see Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries Vol. II, and
Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the
Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty
(891-1846), 93. For an opposing view, see Lange, “Preliminaires pour une
histoire des Sao,” Journal of African
History 30, no. 2 (1989), 209. Lange’s perspective, however, is
contradicted by Palmer, Barth and Nur Alkali.
[8] P.A. Benton, The Languages and Peoples of Bornu, Vol 1., 25. Benton’s report
also indicates that the chima of Kano was the mulima of the kaigama.
This connection with the kaigama may stem from the earlier territorial
domains of the kaigama, which, according to Nachtigal, encompassed the
lands stretching from what was the Sokoto Caliphate to Logon, including Daia,
Gujeba, Mabani and Bulgoa (Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. II, 249).
The title may also have some connection with Kagha, possibly an earlier capital
of Borno under the administration of the kaigama. See Djibo Hamani, Quatorze
siecles d'histoire du Soudan Central: Niger du VIIè au XXè siècle, 110.
[9] Oral tradition conflating the
reigns of different maiwa with the same name is likely.
[10] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and
Sudan, 29. One is also tempted to consider later maiwa such as Idris
Alooma as a possible candidate for the ruler of Borno recounted in Benton’s
tale. However, based on the chronicle of Ahmad b. Furtu, we know that the kaigama
was named Muhammad Kaday (at least for the Sau-Gafata campaign). See Lange,
A Sudanic Chronicle, 49.
[11] John Lavers, “A Note on the Terms
“Hausa” and “Afuno,”’ 115.
[12] Although it is possible the
Wangarawa traders whose arrival in Kano during the late 1300s is probable
supported one local group whilst Borno lent its aid to the other?
[13] Paul E. Lovejoy, Abdullahi Mahadi,
and Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar, “C.L. Temple’s Notes on the History of Kano: A Lost
Chronicle of Political Office (1909),” Sudanic
Africa 4 (1993), 76.
[14] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des
sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la
fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77. Lamentably, the Diwan does not
provide many details on the political turbulence within the Sayfawa state
during the 1300s and 1400s. Besides allusions to conflict with the Bulala and
Sao or civil wars with kaigama officials, it is difficult to reconstruct
in greater detail the possible alliances of elite officials or competing
branches of the Sayfawa which made this an unstable era, politically.
[15] See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano
Chronicle,” The Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 72.
[16] Ibid., 74.
[17] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des
sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la
fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77.
[18] To properly understand the period
stretching from c. 1389-1459, recall that there were 12 Sayfawa rulers, 6 each
from among the descendants of Dawud and Idris. Frequent contestations of
succession or civil wars may have given the kaigama officials tremendous
power to shape events to their favor. See Jean-Claude Zeltner, Pages d'histoire du Kanem, pays tchadien,
82.
[19] Mervyn Hiskett, “The ‘Song of
Bagauda’: A Hausa King List and Homily in Verse—II,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of
London 28, no. 1 (1965), 116.
[20] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
74.
[21] Roxana Ma Newman, An
English-Hausa Dictionary, 296.
[22] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350–1950, 73.
[23] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
75. This suggests that despite his humble title, the Dagachi was actually one
of the most powerful or important titleholders in Kano. Before the Dagachi’s
regency, only the galadima appears similarly influential and powerful,
including acting as regent or deposing kings.
[24] Ibid.
[25] Ibid., 76.
[26] Kofar Dagachi, for instance, was
an important gate that opened on the road to Kazaure, Hadejia and beyond. Is
there any chance this was linked to trade with Borno from Kano? More
investigation is needed into the possible role of branches of the Sayfawa from
the Dawudid branch in other lands despite ongoing hostilities between Dawud’s
descendants and those of Idris. For more on the gate of the Dagachi, see Bawuro
M. Barkindo, “Gates of Kano” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (editor), Studies in the
History of Kano, 18.
[27] Yusufu Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration
of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland Before 1804” in Yusufu Bala
Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (editors), Studies in the History of
Pre-Colonial Borno, 182.
[28] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
78.
[29] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs
Vol 1, 17.
[30] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
78.
[31] Ibid.
[32] M.G. Smith, “Historical and
Cultural Conditions of Political Corruption among the Hausa,” Comparative
Studies in Society and History
6, no. 2 (1964), 168.
[33] Paul E. Lovejoy, Abdullahi Mahadi,
and Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar, “C.L. Temple’s Notes on the History of Kano: A Lost
Chronicle of Political Office (1909),” 50.
[34] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
78. The state-sponsored establishment of a market, perhaps several years after
the Dagachi had sponsored one, is a sign of state support for commerce and
likely a greater role for the government in taxation and long-distance trade.
[35] Ibid., 73-74.
[36] Ibid., 80.
[37] Bawuro Barkindo, “Kano Relations
with Borno, Early Times to c. 1800” in Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 156.
The unlikely theory of Murray Last on a royal Songhay origin for Hauwa is
derived from Leo Africanus, a questionable source on the details of Kano during
this era. As for Hauwa’s Gaya origins, the ruling lineage there were noted in
the Kano Chronicle to have come to the capital during the reign of
Yakubu (1452-1463). Was Hauwa a daughter of Agalfati? If so, she was a
descendant of the ruling line of Machina, whose local dynasty were close with
the Sayfawa. See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 76.
[38] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78.