Muhammad Kisoki and Borno

            The altercation between Borno and Kano during the reign of the latter’s Muhammad Kisoki is an intriguing example of conflict between the two states. Although there are some chronological ambiguities that require attention, Yusufu Bala Usman has connected Kisoki’s raid on Nguru with the Kano campaign of Borno during the time of Idris Alooma. According to Ahmad b. Furtu, a highly biased but contemporary source, Kano had “betrayed” Borno through fortifying towns or sites on their border with Borno and launching attacks. In response, Borno raised an army which destroyed the fortifications or walls and then failed to take Kano itself.[1] Importantly, the opposing side’s perspective can be glimpsed through the Kano Chronicle. Thus, one does not have to rely solely or mainly on Ahmad b. Furtu’s panegyrical text for his patron, unlike the case of most of the other peoples Borno went to war against during the lengthy reign of Idris Alooma. Therefore, this brief article shall examine Borno-Kano relations during the reign of Muhammad Kisoki, focusing on the raids launched from Kano against Borno and the response. This post argues that Muhammad Kisoki’s eastern raids likely correspond to the campaigns described by Ahmad b. Furtu and were autonomous Kano initiatives rather than part of a Kebbi-led regional conflict.

By examining this episode more closely, however, one sees yet again the influence of Maidaki Hauwa (and her brother, Guli) in a confrontation with Borno. Maidaki Hauwa had previously been involved with suppressing a revolt by the Dagachi in Kano, someone descended from the Sayfawa line and very influential. After preventing his rebellion, her son, Abdullahi, returned from a campaign and then faced an invasion from Borno. Undoubtedly linked to the Dagachi’s actions, Kano’s king, accompanied by mallams, had to submit to the mai. Then, once the mai returned to Borno, Abdullahi tricked or deceived the Dagachi and gave his office to a slave.[2] Although taking place several years before the Borno-Kano conflict during Idris Alooma’s reign (1564-1596, according to Lange’s chronology), it is very likely that Kisoki’s influential grandmother and her brother, whose influence at court was extremely powerful, shaped Kano state policy with regard to the frontier with Borno. By taking another look at this critical juncture, one can see just how realpolitik shaped relations between a regional power like Borno and the smaller Hausa states which, depending on one’s view, paid tribute or sent regular “gifts” to the mai.

But can we confidently date Muhammad Kisoki’s attacks on Borno with the reign of Idris Alooma? The two only overlapped, using Lange’s chronology and the dates in the Kano Chronicle, c. 1564-1565. Dierk Lange has suggested that the conflict with Kano occurred early in Idris b. Ali’s reign, perhaps in c. 1564, but other sources suggest the mai went on a pilgrimage to Mecca at this time.[3] Since our dates for Kisoki and Idris Alooma are approximations and other king lists of Kano give Kisoki’s predecessor a slightly longer list, one could possibly make the case for a longer period of overlapping reigns.[4] The other problem with Kisoki’s Borno conflict occurring during the reign of Idris Alooma is the praise song mentioning his grandmother, Hauwa. She could have been alive in the 1560s as a very aged woman, but some may prefer to date this period of conflict to an earlier decade in Kisoki’s lengthy reign.

The other issue with establishing a clearer chronology is the, quite frankly, mess made by previous generations of scholars interested in this part of the world. For instance, M.G. Smith, without a single source to back his speculative reasoning, suggested that Kisoki’s raiding of Borno territory may have been done in conjunction with the Kanta of Kebbi. Without any firm evidence and relying upon later sources and traditions of the power and stature of the Kanta in this part of West Africa, Smith has argued that Kisoki may have been the Kanta’s representative in central Hausaland. Consequently, Kisoki’s raid may be associated with Kebbi’s larger conflict with Borno. Building this possible theory on flimsy foundations, Smith then tentatively dates Kisoki’s attack on Nguru to 1544.[5]

Although Smith is merely suggesting possible regional scenarios to contextualize the wars and raiding between the major states in the Central Sudan, this is hardly supported by the source materials. While Muhammad Bello in the 1800s wrote of Kebbi conquering other Hausa states like Kano in the 1500s, it is very difficult to detect any of this in the Kano Chronicle or the Bornoan records. The Chronicle actually portrays Kisoki as the ruler of all of Hausaland. Indeed, according to this same source, “He waged war on Birnin Unguru because of Agaidam.”[6] This last word brings to mind Geidam in modern Nigeria, to the east of Nguru. This area may have been a source of contention as Borno was facing an extended famine during Abd Allah b. Dunama’s reign (c. 1557-1564).[7] This could have been influenced by the wars between Borno and Kebbi, as well as the distractions Borno faced from the Bulala to the east in Kanem and local revolts by the Sao in Borno and other groups. Seeing an advantageous position to strike, Kisoki (or perhaps his grandmother’s brother, who was extremely influential in the royal court) may have envisioned Kano extending further east. Certainly, booty in horses and textiles were desirable since Kisoki ordered no captives taken from Nguru.

Furthermore, utilizing all the various sources on the Kanta of Kebbi and his negative relations with Borno suggests a large-scale confrontation in which Borno attempted to besiege Surame took place in c. 1561. Traditions referring to this do not reference Kano at all. In fact, it was on Katsina territory the Bornoan forces engaged in combat with the Kanta.[8] This is highly suggestive of Kano’s actions against Borno likely being autonomous responses of the state to Borno and perceived weaknesses on its western borderlands with Kano.

For these aforementioned reasons, one is inclined to agree with Yusufu Bala Usman. Usman, in a largely insightful article on the history of relations between Borno and the Hausa states, correctly identified Kisoki’s raids with the ones described by Ahmad b. Furtu. Moreover, as Furtu writes, these raids were a “betrayal” by the people of Kano. As for the Kano Chronicle, Kano attacked Nguru because “it is the will of God.”[9] Usman’s reasoning here is not entirely clear, but the raids from Kano and the reference to the building of walls or fortifications around various towns in the Kano kingdom  are consistent with the actions of Kisoki. After all, by improving defenses on his eastern frontier, forces from Kano could more safely engage in raids or attacks on western Borno or its vassal provinces, then retreat to secure sites if pursued or followed. Over time, this could have led to a gradual increase in Kano’s influence and possible territorial gains to the east. One suspects the “will of God” as a justification of war was designed to show Kisoki as waging just war against various subject peoples of Borno who were not necessarily Muslims.

Agreeing with Usman also allows one to gain some insight into how both sides viewed their actions. One already knows the Borno perspective, even if Ahmad b. Furtu was not an eyewitness to the Kano campaign. He nonetheless wrote an explanation for the campaign based on Kano and its fortified towns like Kirza, Kalmasan, Majiya, Ukluya, Dulu, Awazaki, Ajiyajiya, Sa’iyya, Galaki and Kay. To Furtu, they not only fortified many settlements, but “resorted to abominable cunning and vile deeds.”[10] The conflict ended with the “many” expeditions launched against Kano, including Majagani. These expeditions led to the destruction of fortifications while the residents fled. Unfortunately, most of these expeditions are not described in detail and after the destruction of Majiya’s fortifications, the Bornoan forces were allegedly able to dismantle the walls and fortresses placed around other towns with little or no resistance. It is very unlikely that the ruler of Kano would have sat idly by, even if the musketry of Borno proved very effective against Majiya’s defenders. Overall, Furtu’s account seems to suggest Kano began this process of fortifying towns and launching raids before the reign of Idris Alooma, especially since the labor and resources necessary to build walls around several towns or cities could hardly have been accomplished in a short amount of time.

The Kano Chronicle, likely written in the late 1800s, lacks this level of detail but understandably highlights the moment of Kisoki’s victory as Borno failed to take Kano city. As previously mentioned, Muhammad Kisoki ordered the raiding of Nguru, a town which was the capital of the powerful galadimas of Borno by the 1600s. Murray Last has read the account of this as symbolic warfare, playing with the idea of the Kanuri word for the Hausa, afuno, and arse-clothes or nudity. After all, Kisoki did not take captives but focused on horses and clothes.[11] However, this symbolic meaning may not be relevant if Kisoki was endeavoring to present himself as a legitimate Muslim ruler not willing to take Muslim captives. Indeed, even Ahmad b. Furtu portrayed his patron similarly. Next, the Chronicle explains how the ruler of Borno then sought to attack Birnin Kano the following year, but failed to take the town. This led to an extended praise song which even included Maidaki Hauwa as the “old lady with swaggering gait, old lady of royal blood, guarded by men-at-arms.”[12] By praising Kisoki as the “physic of Bornu and the Chiratawa,” one can also surmise that Kano’s war with Borno involved Shira. Despite this victory of sorts, or at least the failure of the attempted assault on Kano, Kisoki invited prominent shaykhs from Borno anyway.[13] One may surmise here that Borno was still perceived as a source of reputable Islamic scholars and religious figures, Kano’s rulers were entrenching their own state legitimacy through war and Islam.

Ultimately, both sides could claim some degree of victory. Kano was able to withstand a military attack on its capital from its powerful neighbor. Borno, on the other hand, secured its western frontier by destroying fortifications and weakening Kano’s ability to launch deeper raids into Borno. Doing so inevitably aided the economy through the increased security for traders and travelers. It likewise made it easier for Borno to focus on internal rebellious groups and the Bulala to the east for a number of Kanem expeditions. Kano, meanwhile, was able to protect its capital and, unlike Abdullahi, Kisoki did not have humble himself before the mai. This expresses a growth in the political stature of the sarki who could meet the Sayfawa as a peer. Lastly, an attempt at revisiting the various sources on this encounter does support Kisoki’s raiding activities to the east as likely to be the same as those mentioned by Ahmad b. Furtu. Furtu’s account is too brief and not backed by eyewitness testimony. But based on the scale of operations and the necessary shovels, hoes, and implements to destroy town walls at various sites and then to attack Kano’s capital, the Kano expeditions must have been large and time-consuming.

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[1] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564–1576 according to the account of Ahmad b. Furtū. Arabic text, English translation, commentary and geographical gazetteer for a detailed translation of Ahmad b. Furtu’s text.

[2] For an attempt at making sense of the Dagachi and his descendants in Kano and their impact on Kano-Borno relations, see Behique Dunama, “The Dagachi of Kano: Elite Exiles, Political Centralization, and Kano-Borno Relations,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/03/the-dagachi-of-kano-elite-exiles.html.

[3] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 69.

[4] See Paul E. Lovejoy and John Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” Sudanic Africa 4 (1993) for different regnal years for Kano’s rulers. One manuscript assigns Abdullahi, Kisoki’s father, a reign of 12 years instead of the 10 in the Kano Chronicle.

[5] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350-1950, 140-141.

[6] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 79.

[7] See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 80.

[8] For a discussion of the various sources on Kebbi and Borno in the 1500s, see Behique Dunama, “The Kanta of Kebbi and Borno.” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/the-kanta-of-kebbi-and-borno.html.

[9] Yusuf Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland Before 1804” in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (editors), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 183-184.

[10] Dierk Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 66-67.

[11] Murray Last, “From Sultanate to Caliphate: Kano, 1450–1800 A.D.”  in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in Kano History, 72.

[12] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 79.

[13] This may have predated the Kano campaign of Borno.

Pondering the Origins of Maidaki Hauwa (c. 1463-1565)

What were the origins of one of the most powerful women in the annals of Kano history? This question is directly pertinent to questions of marriage alliances, the growing power of queen mothers or royal women, and the relations between Kano and other powers. Indeed, in the case of Maidaki Hauwa, it would go on to shape the reign of no less than 6 kings of Kano. This brief post shall explore the competing theories and defend the Gaya hypothesis for Hauwa’s origins.

According to one Kano chronicler, el-Arabi, Hauwa was the daughter of the ruler of Gaya, Agalfati (or Aganfi).[1] Unable to locate the text of this chronicle, one suspects el-Arabi connected Hauwa to Gaya’s ruler because Agalfati’s name appears in the Kano Chronicle before the reign of Muhammad Rumfa. In addition, some oral traditions associate Muhammad Rumfa with Daura and Gaya. According to Dokaji Alhaji Abubakar, Rumfa allegedly spent time in Gaya before coming to Kano.[2] This may have influenced el-Arabi’s account, perhaps suggesting an important alliance between Gaya and Rumfa. M.G. Smith, on the other hand, proposed a Gaya origin for Muhammad Rumfa’s mother, Fatima.[3]

Whatever the case may have been, the Rumfawa were linked to the powerful rulers of Gaya. Indeed, the Kano Chronicle also connects Agalfati with Machina, an important town whose rulers claimed ties to the Sayfawa.[4] The legendary story of origins for Machina’s kings claims their ancestor was a half-brother to a Sayfawa mai, the son of the first to rule from Gazargamo.[5] Interestingly, the kings of Machina resided in a palace of brick, a symbol of royal authority or status in Kanem and Borno. This suggests that the legend may be accurate in at least identifying an important connection or status with regard to Borno’s ruling dynasty. If the Gaya ruler Agalfati really was a son of the king of Machina, they may also have once been in the orbit of Borno. Much more information is needed to clearly establish this. For example, oral traditions cited by Muhammad Jamilu Abba link Gaya’s foundation to migrants from Jibede in the Dutse Gadawur territory.[6] Either way, traditions associating with Rumfa with Gaya may have influenced el-Arabi’s belief in Hauwa’s Gaya origin. An alliance sealed through marriage with Gaya’s chiefs may have been essential in gaining access to the throne for Rumfa. After all, Gaya had already proven its power through its involvement in the deposition of Umaru (1410-1421).[7]

The other theory, of a Songhay origin, is highly unlikely. Proposed by Murray Last, the only source for this notion is Leo Africanus. Per Africanus, the Askia of Songhay (Askia Muhammad I) supposedly conquered Kano and other parts of Hausaland. After defeating Kano’s ruler, he then made the Kano king marry his daughter.[8] But there are many problems with this theory. First, if one accepts 1493 as the date of Askia Muhammad’s accession to the throne of Songhay and 1499 as the year of Rumfa’s death, it is hard to imagine Maidaki Hauwa and Rumfa would have had a son old enough to become king of Kano in 1499. There’s also the issue of the Kano and Songhay sources making no mention of this at all. The Tarikh al-Sudan does refer to Songhay invasions of Agadez, conflict with Kebbi, and a 1514 raid on Katsina. But these events took place long after the death of Muhammad Rumfa. Furthermore, when Songhay sources do allude to Kano, such as Ali Fulan’s flight there in 1529, there is no mention of Songhay conquest or forcing the payment of tribute.[9] Perhaps the flight of prominent individuals from Songhay to Kano is additional evidence of the lack of any subjugation of the latter by the former.

Moreover, the description of Kano by Leo Africanus is more consistent with the reign of Abdullahi, Rumfa’s son. Africanus accurately noted that Kano had achieved military success against Katsina and Zaria.[10] Thus, the usually accepted chronology as well as the written sources and relevant traditions from West Africa do not support this theory. Consequently, if Leo Africanus is reliable at all, the Askia would have forced Abdullahi to marry his daughter. The “obvious candidate” for the Askia’s daughter would then become Lamis, a remarkable woman who significantly shaped events in the reign of Muhammad Kisoki.

            In addition, some sources from Kano support a Hausa origin for Hauwa. Translated lists of kings from manuscripts even name her father. According to one, he may have been Babari.[11] These lists are hardly conclusive evidence, but they could be interpreted as additional evidence against the Songhay origins theory for Hauwa. Against this must be considered other manuscripts which name Abu Bakar’s mother as Kuyina or Ukin.[12] But the lists do not readily support a Songhay origin or any ties to Askia Muhammad. Even Lamis, whose name is rendered in one manuscript as Lamis Tamajikanna, is difficult to connect with the Songhay.

The queen’s ability to ensure her son succeeded and that her brother began to exert a strong influence on the royal court of her grandson, one which seems to overlap with Gaya and eastern Kano interests, lends some support to the theory of Gaya origins. A pattern in later Kano-Borno relations can be detected across the centuries in the Kano Chronicle. One notes a tendency of Gaya’s ruling family trying to dominate Birnin Kano’s court and the development of policies which favor Gaya or suggest anti-Borno stances. To the extent that one accepts Barkindo’s theory of Rumfa’s caliphal ambitions as a challenge to the primacy of Borno and Songhay, this could have facilitated an alliance between anti-Borno Gaya and Rumfa. Indeed, a later era of Gaya influence in Kano’s court apparently led to the creation of new towns with additional walls, prompting a Borno campaign in the 1730s.[13] This is quite similar, apparently, to what transpired in Muhammad Kisoki’s reign, according to glimpses from Ahmad b. Furtu’s chronicle and the Kano Chronicle.

Perhaps the Gaya origin theory of Hauwa is still missing crucial support in the sources, but it does have a logical basis. Furthermore, it elucidates, or proposes a theory, for why she may have become the first Mai Daki or Babar Daki, with great powers and her own retainers. Her high status in Rumfa’s reign, or at least those of their son and grandson, could have begun through a close alliance with Gaya. Alternatively, she could have come from Dutsi or another powerful chiefly lineage in Kano or another part of Hausaland. But the Gaya theory “fits” best with what historians have been able to reconstruct of the Kano state in this period. The Songhay princess theory has little to no support in the sources or in the usually accepted chronologies.

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[1] Bawuro M. Barkindo, “Kano Relations with Borno: Early Times to c. 1800,” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Kano and Some of Her Neighbours,156.

[2] Dokaji Alhaji Abubakar, Kano ta Dabo cigari, 29.

[3] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350-1950, 104.

[4] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 76.

[5] See C.J. Lethem, “Bornu Province Bornu emirate Marchena District Assessment report by C.J.Lethem” for many details on Machena and the genealogy of its kings.

[6] Muhammad Jamilu Abba, “The Role of the Sarauta institution in Shaping the Spatial Growth and Community Integration in Kano City,” in Abdalla Uba Adamu (ed), Kano in the Second Millennium, 122.

[7] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350-1950, 104.

[8] Murray Last, “From Sultanate to Caliphate: Kano, 1450-1800,” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in the History of Kano, 69. 

[9] John Hunwick, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʻdi's Taʼrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents, 113-114, 349.

[10] Ibid., 287.

[11] See Paul E. Lovejoy and John Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” Sudanic Africa 4 (1993), 121. In one list, the mother of Abu Bakar Akkadu is named Awwa ta Babari. According to the Kano Chronicle, this sarki was a full brother of Abdullahi. Thus, Hauwa’s father may have been named Babari.

[12] Ibid., 106, 111.

[13] See Behique Dunama, “A Tentative Study of the Reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun (1729-1744),” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/02/a-tentative-study-of-reign-of-muhammad.html.

The Biu Plateau, Borno and Kwararafa

Although we still have not located a copy of an important study of Kwararafa by Webster, reading a thesis by a student of his, John E. Miller, has been informative. Miller's thesis, The Biu Plateau: Establishing a Chronology and the Linkages Between Bura-Babur and Kwararafa, attempts to interpret oral traditions and the few written sources available to contextualize Biu in the larger context of Kwararafa and Bornoan history. In so doing, the author draws from colonial-era reports and collections of traditions by authors like Meek as well as written sources included in works like Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan. Pushing back against attempts to read the earlier phases of Kwararafa as a heavily Jukun-influenced entity, Miller follows Webster in situating Kwararafa's second phase capital at Tagara (after being driven out of Santolo). It is this earlier context which elucidate things like the royal crocodile totem observed by many groups in the Biu region and along the Gongola, not the supposed Jukun influence reaching this area earlier. 

While pushing back against the Jukun readings of Kwararafa, Miller also tries to tentatively date the arrival of Yamta in Biu. Drawing on somewhat contradictory traditions, which also make Yamta a Bornoan prince from Gazargamo who left after some sort of succession dispute, Miller suggets a date of c. 1519-1546 for reign of Yamta in Biu. Citing Palmer, who reported traditions of Ali b. Dunama defeating Kwararafa, Miller argues that Yamta arrived in the region after Kwararafa abandoned the capital at Tagara to move south to cross the Benue. This meant the region was possibly politically divided or in a state of transition, facilitating the establishment of new chiefdoms in the area. But, critically, the previous ruling lineages who were influenced by or part of Kwararafa may have retained some influence as priestly clans or lineages. The evidence for this is still fragmentary, but observing totems, clan and lineage moieties, as well as commonalities between cultures associated with the later Kwararafa phases and those in regions like Biu, Miller thinks his model is plausible. 

Naturally, Miller's chronology and model here relies heavily upon Webster, whose notion of different phases of Kwararafa we have yet to examine. Miller is also assuming that the Sayfawa mai named in the traditions about Yamta, Idris, is Ali b. Dunama's son, who reigned (in Lange's chronology, 1497-1519). A firmer date is provided by Ahmad b. Furtu, whose account of Idris Alooma's wars refers to Yamta's chiefdom aiding in the attack on Amsaka. Using average regnal lengths and the date of Idris b. Ali, Miller has one of the few confident dates in his chronology. He's also assuming that Kwararafa's later capital at Biepi only began after c. 1485 (and with a Kanuri or more likely, Babur, dynasty by the 1520s) and only after the mid-1700s did the Jukun come to dominate Kwararafa. All of this could be plausible, but we need additional data on the Bura, Kilba, Marghi, Chibbuk, and other peoples to adequate test the proposed chronology of Miller. Hopefully future scholars will consult the more recently published studies on this region and try to incorporate more of the written sources from Vatican archives or European reports of the 1600s and 1700s. These could aid in proving or weakening the chronology adopted here...

Marie Pierre Haoussa and Louis Baronnet fils (1792)

 

IC=inconnu

One document we have been thinking about the last few days is a notarized contract from 1792. Establishing a société d'habitation de Marie Pierre Haoussa avec Louis Baronnet fils, the document is interesting for the surname of Marie Pierre: Haoussa. Although most documents in colonial Haiti spell "Hausa" as Aoussa, not Haoussa, we were nonetheless curious about Marie Pierre as a person of possible Hausa extraction. After all, colonial legislation did attempt to push free people to bear African names. Furthermore, people of African origin were sometimes known by a first name and their alleged "nation," too. 

In the case of Marie Pierre Haoussa, however, we could not trace her exact origins. It would appear that she was a free black woman owning land in Aquin, presumably i an area that may be today's la Colline à Mongons. When checking the parish registry, we did come across a Marie Pierre, black Creole, who married her "mulatto" master in 1781. But there is no indication of Marie Pierre's parents' origins in the parish books for Aquin. We were also wondering why she did not use her husband's surname, but he may not have been of legitimate birth either. Either way, Gabriel and this Marie Pierre had a number of children, he married her, and, from what we could gather, the Marie Pierre Haoussa named here could be the same woman.

In terms of her 1792 partnership with a man from Bainet, we were struck by the huge diversity in slaves both brought into their planned coffee farm. Marie Pierre was responsible for bringing 6 slaves, most apparently female. They consist of a mix of Arada, Mandingue, Thiamba, Ibo, Canga and one "nation" we could not decipher in the notary's handwriting (perhaps Aguiam?). Baronnet fils, on the other hand, was responsible for bringing in more slaves who were mostly male. Since the land was apparently held by Marie Pierre Haoussa, he may have been required to supply more of the forced labor. Either way, his enslaved workers were also very diverse in origins. One, whose "nation" looks like Guialuuka, is from a background we could not figure out. But others included Thiamba, Bibi (Ibibio), Biny (possibly Edo, for people from the kingdom of Benin), Congo, Creoles, Ibos, and a Mine. 

Naturally, we will have to conduct further searches in the notarized documents and parish registry to see if we can locate more records of Marie Pierre. But, the fact that she owned land and slaves is consistent with someone who was married to a free "mulatto" landowner for some time in the region. We suspect the "Haoussa" part of her name comes from an African-born father but have to dig deeper into the archives to prove it. 

The Dagachi of Kano: Elite Exiles, Political Centralization, and Kano-Borno Relations

The Gates of Kano City (Studies in the History of Kano). KofarWambai was once associated with the Dagachi.

            Uthman b. Dawud, a Sayfawa ruler of the early fifteenth century, is notable less for his brief reign than for his later career in Kano. Unique among the Sayfawa, Uthman b. Dawud (reigned c. 1421, according to Lange’s chronology) moved to Kano after his deposition, where he became an important official.[1] In addition, his descendants continued his legacy of significant wealth and influence in the Kano kingdom, eventually culminating with their fall from grace and disappearance in historical traditions.[2] Despite the limited sources, the period reveals important developments in state consolidation in the Central Sudan. In the case of Borno, the Sayfawa would eventually consolidate their state as Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497) of the Idrisids defeated the Dawudid branch of the dynasty. Likewise, Muhammad Rumfa initiated several political reforms which strengthened central authority and the role of Islam in the state. The career of Uthman K.l.n.ma, or Uthman b. Dawud, encapsulated this era of contestation as elite lineages competed with the rise of more centralized administrations in both Kano and Borno. Indeed, as an elite political exile forced out of power by a kaigama and yerima in Borno, his own descendants became a threat to the Rumfawa of Kano. Through an alleged revolt which nearly brought Borno and Kano into conflict during the reign of Idris b. Ali (r. 1496-1519), the Dagachi’s descendants became a threat to royal authority. This illustrates how both Kano and Borno navigated the thorny issue of political centralization over the course of the 15^th century. This essay argues that the career and legacy of Uthman b. Dawud (the Dagachi) illustrate how Sayfawa elite exiles shaped political centralization, economic development, and interstate relations in Kano, while also becoming threats to emerging centralized authority. Beginning with an overview on early Hausaland-Borno relations, the essay shall then examine the Dagachi’s arrival in Kano and the growing power of this official. The final section shifts attention to the revolt plotted by the Dagachi and how it relates to Kano-Borno relations as well as political centralization.

Kano and Borno Relations Before Uthman b. Dawud

            Unsurprisingly, the Hausa kingdom of Kano and Kanem-Borno had relations long before Uthman b. Dawud’s arrival in the 1420s. This background is necessary for understanding why Kano emerged as an attractive destination for elite Sayfawa exiles such as Uthman b. Dawud, as well as how they attained significant authority there. Due to the nature of the surviving sources, however, this can only be partially addressed.

The exact timing of Kano’s early relations with Borno is unknown, but scholars such as John Lavers have sought to identify the word afuno or afunu with the Hausa of Kano. Extant medieval Arabic sources first use the Kanuri word for the Hausa during the 1400s, in the writings of al-Maqrizi. However, contacts between Kanem-Borno and parts of Hausaland began by the 1200s or early 1300s. This is not surprising given the extension of Sayfawa rule into Borno by the 1200s during Dunama Dibalemi’s reign. A hint of Borno and Hausa trade may be seen in the travelogue of Ibn Battuta, too. According to this renowned traveler, Takedda and undoubtedly other Sahelian trading centers were linked to both Borno and Gobir.[3] The interests of the Sayfawa in Kawar, the Fazzan and relations with Tuareg groups in Aïr by the 1200s likely involved Gobir and early Hausa states, too. Lamentably, the exact nature of early Hausa state formation and its connections with trans-Saharan trade awaits further archaeological research.[4] But the little data collected so far points to possible links between Marandet (the Maranda of medieval Arabic sources) and the Lake Chad region.[5] In short, relations between Kanem-Borno and the area of Hausaland began in this period.

Lavers, whose admittedly speculative analysis of the topic of early Borno-Kano relations remains the most substantial, even proposed an earlier military engagement between Kano and Borno during the reign of Idris b. Ibrahim (c. 1342-1366).[6] Unfortunately, the narrative reported by P.A. Benton, which must be derived from oral tradition, named the mai in question as Iderisa Arrimi (Idris b. Ali). According to this tradition, Idris b. Ali sent his kaigama, Dalatu, to make war against Kano, eventually subduing and destroying it.[7] The narrative is linked with the folk etymology for the Kanuri term designating Hausa people, afunu. Intriguingly, the tradition also portrayed the people of Kano as Muslims who fasted and prayed (yet still wore arse cloths).[8] This is rather ambiguous but could be an oral tradition of the confrontation between Borno and Kano during the reign of Idris b. Ali (r. 1497-1519) or Idris b. Ibrahim.[9] In fact, an extant mahram dated to the reign of Idris b. Ali refers to a witness named Dallatu Abdullahi. Yet the kaigama who was named as a witness was Mommad ibn Sugu.[10] This may reflect confusion in the tradition regarding Dallatu Abdullahi and the actual kaigama of Idris b. Ali?

Even more baffling, the question of which polity in what would later become the united kingdom of Kano first formed relations with Borno is unknown. Lavers, borrowing from the tentative theories of Murray Last, has suggested that the Afnu king of al-Maqrizi, Mastur, was perhaps the ruler of Santolo or Santoro.[11] This early Kano polity or chiefdom was the original Afnu from the perspective of Borno. But the evidence for this is lacking in the Kano Chronicle. And if the Sayfawa were allies of the ruler of Santolo before the leaders at Dala who later became dominant in Kasar Kano, there is no mention of this in the chronicle.[12]

Furthermore, evidence derived from the history of titles in Kano support an earlier Sayfawa link with the Dala rulers who consolidated their state against Santolo. C.L. Temple’s research on the history of Kano included mention of the title of Dan Kade. According to Temple, this post was given to sons of the ruler of Kano, but was named after a “dan Sarki” of Borno who fled to Kano in the early days.[13] This figure was certainly Kaday Afnu of the Sayfawa, a son of Idris b. Ibrahim who died in war with the Bulala. Using Lange’s chronology, Kaday Afnu’s brief reign as mai was in c. 1388.[14] Kaday Afnu’s predecessor was possibly a usurper, Sa’id, and before him ruled Umar b. Idris (c. 1382-1387), a brother of Kaday Afnu. It is possible that Kaday Afnu fled to Kano during the reign of Sa’id or that of his brother, Umar. Alternatively, he may have fled to Kano when Dawud b. Ibrahim (c. 1366-1376) or another Dawudid held the throne. He possibly arrived in Kano as early as c. 1366, perhaps predating Sarkin Kano Yaji’s victory against Santolo.[15]

In summation, the story of early relations between Kanem-Borno and Hausaland is a field awaiting much further research. What seems clear is the relationship between Kasar Kano and Borno by the 1300s. This included a possible Sayfawa prince who arrived in Kano sometime after c. 1366. The later legend involving Bayajidda and interpreting Hausa states’ origins regarding Borno may obfuscate the more complicated question of early trade, migration, conquests, and cultural exchange. Nonetheless, even before the Sayfawa relocated to Borno for good by the reign of Umar b. Idris, Kano may have been the part of Hausaland with closest ties to Borno. This history of close ties elucidates why Kaday Afnu was comfortable fleeing there at an indeterminate period. It also indicates why Uthman b. Dawud later moved to Kano after his deposition.

Uthman b. Dawud’s Arrival in Kano

The Kano Chronicle, our main source on Uthman b. Dawud (or Uthman K.l.n.ma), refers to him as a “great prince” who came from South Bornu with many men and mallams. In addition, “He brought with him horse-drums, and trumpets and flags and guns. When he came, he sat down at Bomfai.”[16] Ignoring the anachronistic allusion to firearms, the chronicle sadly omits any reasons for why this elite figure from Borno moved to Kano. However, his use of royal regalia and large retinue, including mallams, suggests he was no ordinary person. Reading between the lines of the chronicle and the Diwan, it is possible to reconstruct some of the context for his coming to Kano during the reign of Dauda b. Kanajeji.

First, Uthman b. Dawud’s Borno context. Ascending to the throne in c. 1421, Uthman K.l.n.ma was a son of Dawud. In the words of the Diwan, “Il fut chassé du pouvoir par le kayghama Nikale, fils d’Ibrahim et le yarima Kaday Ka’aku. Il mourut à Afnu Kunu. La durée de son règne fut de 9 mois.”[17] In other words, he was in power for less than a year before the powerful kaigama and a yarima overthrew him. His descent from Dawud may have been an additional factor in his deposition as his two predecessors and successors were both descendants of Idris. But this was not merely part of the contested succession of the houses of Idris and Dawud. The kaigama was frequently involved in depositions and civil wars during this troubled era in the annals of the Sayfawa. Barth even proposed that the kaigama remained very powerful until the rise of Ali b. Dunama. Moreover, if the kaigama was already based in Borno before the Sayfawa maiwa abandoned Kanem to the Bulala, they may have had tremendous advantages in local ties and alliances. That advantage enabled them to frequently intervene in the internecine wars between the Dawudids and Idrisids.[18] Clearly, the yarima (a position given to princes, too), was also involved in the fall of Uthman in c. 1421-1422.

With the return to descendants of Idris to the throne after Uthman b. Dawud, one may surmise that the loyal followers and court of Uthman were supporters of the Dawudian house. Why Kano appealed to the deposed mai as a place of exile is not clear in the sources. But he certainly knew of the Idrisid Kaday Afnu who spent time there some decades before him. Kano in the 1420s was also increasingly Islamic. For instance, “The Song of Bagauda” referred to Sarkin Kano Umaru as “one learned in Islam, he it was who escaped (Hell-fire); He lit a fire which defied extinction.”[19] Likewise, the Kano Chronicle describes Umaru (r. 1410-1421) as abdicating to pursue a life of Islamic piety. More importantly, his friend, Abubakra, left for Borno during his reign.[20] Perhaps the reputation for piety achieved by Umaru and the time spent in Borno by Muslims affiliated with Kano’s court appealed to Uthman b. Dawud and his retinue.

Upon arrival, Uthman b. Dawud was appointed to the position of dagachi. Conventionally spelled dagaci (dagatai, plural) in Hausa, this is usually translated in English as village head.[21] But the responsibilities and power of the dagaci in this context was much more than a simple village ward head. More recent evidence from the political history of Kano, for example, reveals that the rulers of Gaya, Rano, Karaye and Dutse, powerful chiefs of areas within the kingdom, were given the title of dagaci. M.G. Smith argued that these officials exercised wider territorial authority than the hakimai and appointed their own dagatai.[22] It is very likely that the Dagachi from Borno exercised similar authority. The Kano Chronicle reports that the Dagachi settled with his large following at Dorai. He also acted as regent for the ruler of Kano when he left for 5 months to campaign against Zaria. This period of 5 months coincided with an increase in the wealth of the Dagachi.[23] Later, either during Uthman b. Dawud’s tenure or that of his progeny, the Dagachi was likewise powerful and wealthy during Abdullahi Burja’s reign (1438-1452).

Indeed, by this period, there was an increase in the scale of commerce in Kano that connected it with Gwanja, Asben, Borno, and beyond. The Dagachi’s followers also built homes from his own palatial estate to Salamta, thereby proving growth of this ward. The Chronicle similarly reports the Dagachi’s role in founding the market of Karabka.[24] Though not stated in the chronicle, one can surmise that the Dagachi enjoyed a role in the market taxes and the increased commercial activity across the region. Meanwhile, Kano appears to have gained a substantial captive population settled in various villages during this time. A galadima named Dauda was said to have established 21 towns with 1000 slaves each.[25] Notably, this same galadima had a daughter married to the ruler of Kano. Is it conceivable that the increase in commerce and slaving was another source of wealth for the Dagachi, whose market may have been a center for this trade? Besides the Dagachi, Uthman b. Dawud or his unnamed heir, only the galadima Dauda appears to have shared his power and influence.

Thus, the Dagachi from Borno rose from political exile to a post of great wealth and standing in Kano. This undoubtedly reflected the reputation of the Sayfawa dynasty across much of the region. The Dagachi’s arrival also occurred simultaneously with an increase in trans-Saharan and West African trade in Hausaland. The Wangara influence from the West and the trade in salt, kola, slaves, textiles, and the exchange of information and learning unquestionably shaped this context. Even a deposed Sayfawa mai brought royal rituals, regalia, and practices from a more established Islamic dynasty. It was perhaps no coincidence that Kano began to send “gifts” to Borno during Abdullahi Burja’s reign, too. The Dagachi’s presence in Kano could have been connected to this sending of “gifts” for blessings to the ruler of Borno and the maintenance of cordial relations.[26] As a result of the great privileges extended to the Dagachi for decades, his royal Sayfawa origin is rather probable. It likely contributed to the cultural and political exchanges between Kano and Borno during the 1400s.

Revisiting the Attempted Revolt of the Dagachi

Unfortunately, the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud later lost their power and privilege. During the reign of Abdullahi (c. 1499-1509), the son of Muhammad Rumfa, deposed the Sayfawa-descended Dagachi and gave the title to a slave. This episode, poorly explained in the Kano Chronicle, triggered an invasion from Borno (then ruled by Idris b. Ali, 1497-1519). Various authors have proposed alternative and sometimes illogical interpretations of this episode. Exploring the theories propounded by Yusufu Bala Usman, and M.G. Smith, this section shall endeavor to elucidate the conflict in terms of Kano’s political centralization and consolidation of Queen Hauwa’s descent group.

Beginning with Usman, one can see how torturous and questionable readings of the Kano Chronicle can lead one astray. Usman, wisely wishing to avoid reading the history of relations between Borno and Hausaland solely through the lens of empire or military conquests, tries to shift attention to other factors. For him, the burning question of internecine conflict within the Sayfawa branches claiming descent from Idris and Dawud was a factor. Purely speculating, Usman proposes that the intervention of Idris b. Ali during the planned revolt of the Dagachi was meant to neutralize the threat of a Dawudid Sayfawa descent group ruling Kano.[27] This view is quite unlikely based on a close reading of the English translation of the Kano Chronicle. In the Chronicle, it is clearly stated that Kano’s king waited for Idris b. Ali to leave Guduawa and return to Borno before he “beguiled” the Dagachi into submission. In the words of the Chronicle, “As soon as he was gone, Abdulahi beguiled Dagachi into submission and then turned him out of office and gave his own slave the title.”[28] If the ruler of Borno was opposed to the Dagachi, why would Kano’s king wait until he left before “beguiling” the Dagachi and then replacing him with a slave? Clearly, Idris b. Ali’s attack was coordinated to support the Dagachi who had been “prevented” from revolting due to Hauwa’s intervention.

Another view, explored by M.G. Smith’s Government in Kano, 1350-1950, suggests that the Dagachi probably did not intend to revolt. Instead, the Dagachi may have reported the actions of Kano’s ruler against Zaria and Katsina to Borno. Assuming Kano’s attacks on Zaria and Katsina were viewed as disloyalty by the ruler of Borno, Idris b. Ali consequently led an army against Kano. Smith is agnostic on the matter for he also suggests that the Dagachi may have been attempting to contest the throne of Kano with Abdullahi. Alternatively, they may have sought the throne due to the reforms of Muhammad Rumfa. Since conflict between Hausa states was perennial and it is unclear to what extent if any Borno sought to intervene in Kano’s wars with Zaria and Katsina. Nonetheless, Smith’s theory is plausible but cannot be demonstrated with any evidence from the Bornoan side. Idris b. Ali was certainly an active ruler on the military front, besting the Bulala in Kanem in two campaigns and was potentially more active in the west, too.[29] Since the reign of Abdullahi (c. 1499-1509) witnessed Kano’s victory against Katsina and Zazzau, Kano’s actions could have triggered alarm in Borno. The possibility of Kano upsetting the balance of power among the Hausa states may have been a sincere concern.[30] Of all Smith’s theorizing, the question of Rumfa’s reforms and changes in the state remains the most compelling theory, though a mixture of factors were probably relevant.

What were the changes in Kano’s administrative structure during the lengthy reign of Muhammad Rumfa? Why did they potentially lead to an attempted revolt by the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud? According to the Kano Chronicle, Rumfa (c. 1463-1499) was responsible for a number of reforms. These included the appointment of eunuchs to political office.[31] Besides constructing the palace used by subsequent Kano kings, Rumfa remodelled kingship based on Borno (at least in the eyes of M.G. Smith). This included the creation of a Council of Nine supposedly inspired by Borno’s royal court.[32] The nine principal officials around the sarki in subsequent centuries included the Galadima, Madaiki, Wombai, Makama, Sar. Dawaki, Sar. Bai (a slave), Ciroma, Dan Iya, and the Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda, also of slave origin.[33] The exact composition during the reign of Rumfa was probably slightly different, but one can note the influence of Borno through titles such as ciroma. At the same time, one also notes the influence of slave officials. By creating a new palace and redesigning the administrative system with more enslaved officials loyal to himself, Rumfa was able to centralize authority more successfully than his successors. Also important was Rumfa’s establishment of the Kurmi Market and initiated the use of ostrich-feather sandals, kakaki instruments, and other signs of royal authority.[34]

Consequently, one no longer reads of overwhelmingly powerful galadimas who effectively ruled Kano during the reign of Bugaya (c. 1385-1390) and the galadima entrusted with the affairs of Kano after Umaru (c. 1410-1421) abdicated.[35] The position retained its significance in future centuries of Kano history, even manifesting in Hauwa and Guli’s attempts to shape Kano politics long after Rumfa’s demise in the 1500s.[36] In short, the reforms of Rumfa increased the presentation and authority of the rulers of Kano through a new Borno-inspired court. With the enhancement of royal authority both visually and politically, the Dagachi may have felt threatened, or perceived a threat to Borno’s influence in this part of Hausaland.

But, the question of Rumfa hardly explains it all. After a lengthy reign terminating in c. 1499, the Dagachi may have represented another faction in Kano politics opposed to Hauwa. The wife of Rumfa, this remarkable woman shaped the next several decades of Kano politics through her influence on her son, Abdullahi (c. 1499-1509), and her grandson. In the context of Abdullahi’s reign, however, Hauwa sought to consolidate power for her descendants by sidelining other contenders supported by the Dagachi’s faction. Additionally, the Dagachi may have initially perceived Abdullahi as a much weaker ruler than his father who instituted several reforms and held the throne for a lengthy period. Hauwa, however, may have come from a powerful chiefly lineage within the Kano kingdom that was seeking to increase their influence in the royal court. Hence, her brother, Guli, was also a key ally in this process. Barkindo, citing a local Kano chronicler, has suggested Hauwa could have been the daughter of the Gaya king.[37] Hauwa’s strong role in the reign of Abdullahi can be seen in her suppression of the alleged revolt of the Dagachi whilst her son was away on campaign. Meanwhile, she promoted the interests of Gaya in court. This may have been a factor in the Dagachi’s plan to revolt, an ill-fated attempt to weaken Hauwa’s influence while also intervening to either supplant or replace Abdullahi.

Regrettably, we are indebted to the Kano Chronicle as the sole source on the Dagachi’s revolt. This imposes severe limitations on any attempt to reconstruct what transpired. Reading between the lines, however, one can generate a rough outline of what occurred. It is known that the Dagachi plot was scheduled for a time when Abdullahi was away, so the Dagachi must have planned and waited for an opportune time to strike. But Hauwa outmaneuvered him, preventing serious trouble from the Dagachi. One is apt to suspect the ruler of Borno was already aware of the Dagachi’s plot. But, by humbling himself with mallams by his side, Abdullahi convinced Idris b. Ali to return to Borno. Then, and only after the mai was no longer an immediate military threat, did Abdullahi trick the Dagachi into submitting to his authority. Afterwards, by replacing him with a slave, Abdullahi removed a powerful noble lineage as a threat to the state.[38] This revolt, which represented the final attempt by the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud to preserve their power and privilege, concluded with their demise in the face of Kano political centralization and a powerful queen-mother.

Elite Political Exiles and Sayfawa Influence Beyond Kanem and Borno

As the above endeavor to analyze the influence and legacy of a deposed Sayfawa mai in Kano illustrates, elite political exiles exerted tremendous authority and power in their new homes. In the case of Uthman b. Dawud and his descendants, they represent a product of the descendants of Dawud who were deposed by overly powerful officials of noble origin. Ironically, the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud were later deposed and replaced by slave officials, just as the Sayfawa accomplished against the kaigama during the reign of Ali b. Dunama and his successors. Much more remains to be said on this episode and the larger question of Kano-Borno relations, but it shows how even a branch of the Sayfawa could shape political culture and economics in areas on the periphery of Borno. Elites, bringing with them the Sayfawa state structure, a retinue, and Islamic scholars, nonetheless profoundly shaped their new locations. The example of the Dagachi serves as one example of this.

Looking beyond, to Darfur, for example, descendants of Dawud and other Bornoans claiming Magumi origin were able to achieve similar levels of influence. This promoted an image of Borno and the Sayfawa as ideal Islamic rulers across a vast expanse of the Sudanic belt, from the Niger to the Nile. Their cultural influence was compounded by an increase in trade, religious ties, pilgrimage routes, commerce, and official relations with Borno. In the case of Dagachi, this overwhelming power was considered a threat by a centralized Kano court with a possibly close tie to a Gaya-backed faction eager to consolidate their influence with Rumfa’s son. And while conflict erupted between Borno and Kano after Abdullahi’s reign, one can conclude that Borno’s cultural influence did not exclude military clashes or raids. Yet the type of regional politico-cultural hegemony achieved by the Sayfawa was undoubtedly aided by Sayfawa elite exiles and envoys. Perhaps more importantly, the Dagachi of Kano also serves as an example of how elite migrants and exiles affected state formation in the Central Sudan.

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[1] As always, we prefer Dierk Lange’s chronology for the annals of the Sayfawa. It has not yet been superseded, despite its occasional contradictions. See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808).

[2] Although he has not presented sufficient evidence to support his interpretation, Murray Last has suggested the Dagachi was actually a prince from Mandara. This seems highly unlikely, however. Last’s reasoning is based on the name of the mother of Kano king Dauda, Mandara. Apparently, this was implausibly linked to the kingdom of Mandara on the basis of the name of Dauda’s mother. On the other hand, Abubakar Dokaji’s chronicle of Kano’s history presents the Dagachi as a warrior. See discussion in Bawuro M. Barkindo, “Kano Relations with Borno, Early Times to C. 1800” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (editor), Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 151. Of course, when one consults the translation of a kings list for Kano by John Hunwick, the name of Dawud’s (Dauda’s) mother is Manduna. See John Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” 106. As for Dokaji’s theory, one must wonder why a warrior had a large number of mallams in his party. The large number of dependents, mallams, and possibly slaves who accompanied the Dagachi to Kano suggest someone of great wealth and status, not a mere warrior.

[3] Ibn Battuta in J. F. P. Hopkins and N. Levtzion (editors). Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 281, 302. Ibn Battuta’s reference to Gobir, whose ruler was not Muslim (if the sons of the ruler were killed and buried with their father, this would imply the people of Kubar (Gobir?) were still non-Muslim. Overall, Ibn Battuta’s brief report, recorded from a Masufa interlocutor, is indicative of an early Hausa state engaged in trans-Saharan trade.

[4] For one speculative look at Sayfawa intervention in the affairs of Aïr in the late 1100s or early 1200s, see Behique Dunama, “Kanem, Kawar and the Tuareg in the 12th Century,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/kanem-kawar-and-tuareg-in-12th-century.html. For another speculative interpretation of early Gobir, see Behique Dunama, “Gobir and the Copts,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2024/06/gobir-and-copts.html. Also worth considering is the possible connection between the Kanawa and the people of the Sosebaki states. According to Landeroin, the subjects of the Sosebaki rulers were Kanawas of Kutumbawas like the people of Kano. Oral traditions from the early 1900s indicated that about 800-900 years ago, a prince named  Mohammed Nafarko arrived in the region from Borno (Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 425-427). Additional oral traditions on the foundation of Birni Gazargamo also link the Sao leader, Dala N’Gumami, with Kano. See Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Vol 2, 67. Interpretation of these disparate traditions require much closer analysis but imply connections between peoples in Kano and Borno specifically long before the 1400s. Also worth noting is the name Dala, used by Ahmad b. Furtu during Idris Alooma’s reign to refer to Kano (the city). See Lange, A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564–1576 according to the account of Ahmad b. Furtū. Arabic text, English translation, commentary and geographical gazetteer. Also, note the genealogy of the alifas of Kanem as reported by Landeroin in “Notice historique.” The founder of their dynasty, Dalatoa Afuno, was allegedly of Magumi descent and from a village in the Kano kingdom. The name Dalatu may be a reference to Kano.

[5] See Sonja Magnavita and Juan-Marco Puerta Schardt, “Tracing connections: Exploring links between Marandet (Central Niger) and the Chad Basin through pottery provenance analysis using pXRF,” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 67 (2025).

[6] John Lavers, “A Note on the Terms “Hausa” and “Afuno,”’ Kano Studies 2 (1) 1980, 116.

[7] Intriguingly, there may have been a kaigama named Dalatu in the 1300s. According to the Diwan, Bir b. Idris, whose reign stretched from c. 1389-1421, engaged in war with a kaigama named Muhammad b. D.l.t. See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77. The title of kaigama was perhaps not inherited through direct succession but Muhammad’s father may have held the title sometime during the reign of Idris b. Ibrahim. For evidence of the title of kaigama once being the domain of elites whose children were considered princes, see Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries Vol. II, and Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846), 93. For an opposing view, see Lange, “Preliminaires pour une histoire des Sao,” Journal of African History 30, no. 2 (1989), 209. Lange’s perspective, however, is contradicted by Palmer, Barth and Nur Alkali.

[8] P.A. Benton, The Languages and Peoples of Bornu, Vol 1., 25. Benton’s report also indicates that the chima of Kano was the mulima of the kaigama. This connection with the kaigama may stem from the earlier territorial domains of the kaigama, which, according to Nachtigal, encompassed the lands stretching from what was the Sokoto Caliphate to Logon, including Daia, Gujeba, Mabani and Bulgoa (Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. II, 249). The title may also have some connection with Kagha, possibly an earlier capital of Borno under the administration of the kaigama. See Djibo Hamani, Quatorze siecles d'histoire du Soudan Central: Niger du VIIè au XXè siècle, 110.

[9] Oral tradition conflating the reigns of different maiwa with the same name is likely.

[10] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 29. One is also tempted to consider later maiwa such as Idris Alooma as a possible candidate for the ruler of Borno recounted in Benton’s tale. However, based on the chronicle of Ahmad b. Furtu, we know that the kaigama was named Muhammad Kaday (at least for the Sau-Gafata campaign). See Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 49.

[11] John Lavers, “A Note on the Terms “Hausa” and “Afuno,”’ 115.

[12] Although it is possible the Wangarawa traders whose arrival in Kano during the late 1300s is probable supported one local group whilst Borno lent its aid to the other?

[13] Paul E. Lovejoy, Abdullahi Mahadi, and Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar, “C.L. Temple’s Notes on the History of Kano: A Lost Chronicle of Political Office (1909),” Sudanic Africa 4 (1993), 76.

[14] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77. Lamentably, the Diwan does not provide many details on the political turbulence within the Sayfawa state during the 1300s and 1400s. Besides allusions to conflict with the Bulala and Sao or civil wars with kaigama officials, it is difficult to reconstruct in greater detail the possible alliances of elite officials or competing branches of the Sayfawa which made this an unstable era, politically.

[15] See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 72.

[16] Ibid., 74.

[17] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77.

[18] To properly understand the period stretching from c. 1389-1459, recall that there were 12 Sayfawa rulers, 6 each from among the descendants of Dawud and Idris. Frequent contestations of succession or civil wars may have given the kaigama officials tremendous power to shape events to their favor. See Jean-Claude Zeltner, Pages d'histoire du Kanem, pays tchadien, 82.

[19] Mervyn Hiskett, “The ‘Song of Bagauda’: A Hausa King List and Homily in Verse—II,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 28, no. 1 (1965), 116.

[20] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 74.

[21] Roxana Ma Newman, An English-Hausa Dictionary, 296.

[22] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350–1950, 73.

[23] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 75. This suggests that despite his humble title, the Dagachi was actually one of the most powerful or important titleholders in Kano. Before the Dagachi’s regency, only the galadima appears similarly influential and powerful, including acting as regent or deposing kings.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Ibid., 76.

[26] Kofar Dagachi, for instance, was an important gate that opened on the road to Kazaure, Hadejia and beyond. Is there any chance this was linked to trade with Borno from Kano? More investigation is needed into the possible role of branches of the Sayfawa from the Dawudid branch in other lands despite ongoing hostilities between Dawud’s descendants and those of Idris. For more on the gate of the Dagachi, see Bawuro M. Barkindo, “Gates of Kano” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (editor), Studies in the History of Kano, 18.

[27] Yusufu Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland Before 1804” in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (editors), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 182.

[28] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78.

[29] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Vol 1, 17.

[30] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78.

[31] Ibid.

[32] M.G. Smith, “Historical and Cultural Conditions of Political Corruption among the Hausa,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 6, no. 2 (1964), 168.

[33] Paul E. Lovejoy, Abdullahi Mahadi, and Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar, “C.L. Temple’s Notes on the History of Kano: A Lost Chronicle of Political Office (1909),” 50.

[34] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78. The state-sponsored establishment of a market, perhaps several years after the Dagachi had sponsored one, is a sign of state support for commerce and likely a greater role for the government in taxation and long-distance trade.

[35] Ibid., 73-74.

[36] Ibid., 80.

[37] Bawuro Barkindo, “Kano Relations with Borno, Early Times to c. 1800” in Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 156. The unlikely theory of Murray Last on a royal Songhay origin for Hauwa is derived from Leo Africanus, a questionable source on the details of Kano during this era. As for Hauwa’s Gaya origins, the ruling lineage there were noted in the Kano Chronicle to have come to the capital during the reign of Yakubu (1452-1463). Was Hauwa a daughter of Agalfati? If so, she was a descendant of the ruling line of Machina, whose local dynasty were close with the Sayfawa. See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 76.

[38] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78.