Lake Chad in the Beatus Map

Whilst perusing Jean Maley's "Histoire lac Tchad durant le dernier millénaire" online recently, we noticed that the author proposed an early map depicting Lake Chad from medieval Europe. The Beatus map follows the conventions of medieval European cartography inspired by Ptolemy, but does depict a large lake south of the Sahara (Deserta arenosa, or sandy desert?) in what would roughly be the Lake Chad region. The connection to the Nile does match the incorrect view of Islamic geographers that Lake Chad and the Nile were connected. It probably resulted from a mistaken belief that the Bahr el Ghazal and the Nile were one and the same. But is it possible this map only placed Lake Chad in its correct location through chance or error? It's clearly based on ancient maps since it still refers to the "Isle of Meroe" and does not name specific places in the Lake Chad Basin. Yet unlike Isidore of Seville, the large lake believed to be the source of the Nile is not named Nilides, nor does this match show the river turning south before rising north to Egypt. 

The Reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun (1729-1744)

        Mai Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun, who likely reigned in 1729-1744, was one of the last successful Sayfawa monarchs of the 18^th century. During the Late Sayfawa Period, the dynasty that ruled Borno gradually withered with the loss of Bilma. Even more, Wadai’s expansion into eastern Kanem, the autonomy of the Bedde, and Bagirmi’s attacks against the Kotoko states and southern Borno during the reign of mbang Muhammad al-Amin also occurred in this late 18^th century decline. Naturally, tensions between Borno and Mandara continued as well, with disastrous consequences for Borno during the reign of Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama. Nonetheless, until the fall of Gazargamo in 1808, the Sayfawa remained powerful and likely possessed a spiritual stature or authority unequalled in the Central Sudan. Yet before that decline of the second half of the 18^th century, some of the last maiwa endeavored to reassert Borno’s political and economic dominance. Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun represents such a ruler, and although his reign is poorly documented, glimpses of his attempts to restore Borno’s hegemony can be found. After a brief overview of the extant sources, this article shall review Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun’s policy with regard to Hausaland, the question of relations with Mandara and Bagirmi, and an overview of domestic affairs within Borno. Undoubtedly, Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun represents one of the last assertive Sayfawa rulers, whose reign complicates narratives of 18th-century Bornoan decline and political disengagement.

Discussing the Sources

            In terms of source material, the lack of a surviving chronicle severely limits one’s efforts to reevaluate the reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun. Nonetheless, an assortment of oral sources and written sources provide enough clues for a tentative overview. First, the Diwan. Essentially a list of the various rulers of the Sayfawa maiwa with brief details on their reign, the Diwan aids in establishing an approximate timeline for the Sayfawa rulers.[1] In addition, the Kano Chronicle briefly alludes to an attack on the Kano kingdom by Borno during the reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun. Besides identifying the Sarkin Bornu as Ali, the chronicle’s erroneous description of the campaign is contradicted by Bornoan oral sources which establish that it was not Ali who attacked Kano in the 1730s.[2]

A third written source, a rihla copied in the mid-19^th century, presents a number of problems. The manuscript was found in the library of Shaikh Abu Bakr al-Miskin, and supposedly written by his grandfather, Muhammad b. Ali b. Dunama b. Ali b. Umar b. Idris.[3] It is supposedly a description of the hajj of Ali b. Umar. But the year given for this undertaking, 1727-8, and the description of the reign of about 15 years that followed, are more applicable for Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun. Is it possible that this source is about the hajj of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun but changed to be about Ali b. Umar due to the latter’s renown?[4]

Besides the aforementioned written sources, a number of oral sources exist. One of the most important, a Kanuri praise song translated by J.R. Patterson in Kanuri Songs, is particularly conspicuous. Given the genre and its conventions, one cannot expect a song that is necessarily historically accurate. Yet it speaks to a type of court praise singing and ethos that very much emphasized military valor and power. In addition, studies of the history of the Central Sudan based on oral sources supplement the meager textual ones. For instance, H.R. Palmer’s Sudanese Memoirs contains a short chapter on Muhammad Hajimi and the Masbarma that alludes to the Kano campaign.[5] Likewise, a girgam translated in Palmer’s Bornu Sahara and Sudan refers to Muhammad as the “lord of Lergam the Black Prince with the white mouth-veil.”[6] This supports the identification of the builder of the elite brick building at Lergam with Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun, a tradition cited by Seidensticker.[7]

Unsurprisingly, a number of 19^th century, colonial-era reports and works by 20^th century scholars drawing on oral sources for the history of Hausaland, Bagirmi and Kanem refer to relations with Borno in the first half of the 18^th century. Furthermore, M.G. Smith, Hogben and Kirk-Greene provide useful clues on Kano and Hausaland during this period while Lavers, Nachtigal, and H. Lanier’s syntheses of Bagirmi history assist in reconstructing Bagirmi’s relationship with Borno. Great caution must be used with such material, particularly as later scholars sometimes regurgitated information from colonial-era scholars who hardly cited their sources. For instance, Lavers has uncritically repeated H.R. Palmer for the theory of a Mandara campaign of Ali b. Umar during the 1650s. When one checks Palmer, however, there is no sourcing to determine where he found this information![8]

Overall, the sources for the reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun are hardly adequate, but sufficient for a tentative overview. Doing so allows one insights into the nature of Sayfawa statecraft and relations in a dynamic 18^th century world. The Sayfawa maiwa were hardly the indolent sovereigns only engaged in Islamic study or ritual seclusion in this time.

Borno, Kano, and Hausaland, c. 1729-1744

            Perhaps the best documented action of the mai was his attack on Kano, which may have taken place in 1734 (it coincided with a solar eclipse). Kano had previously been the subject of a campaign during the reign of Idris b. Ali in the 16^th century. At the time, Kano’s actions of fortifying settlements near Borno’s frontier were seen as a threat. For perhaps equivalent reasons, Borno’s Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun also attacked the powerful Hausa kingdom. In this campaign, probably in the 1730s, the Kano Chronicle reports that “May Ali” came to make war on Kano during the reign of Sarkin Kano Kumbari (1731-1743). The Bornoan forces allegedly camped at Faggi for 3 nights without fighting due to the intervention of Shehu Tahiru and Shehu Bunduu.[9] Apparently, one of the mallams, Shehu Attahiru, who persuaded the mai to leave was an ancestor of the emir of Kano.[10] Unfortunately, this chronicle does not elucidate why the conflict arose in the first place, but it emphasizes the role of highly respected Islamic leaders in bringing peace.

Despite the chronicle suggesting a rather brief Bornoan siege, other sources suggest a far longer campaign. For example, tradition reported in Palmer’s Sudanese Memoirs suggests that the mai was in the Kano state for 7 months.[11] Indeed, the mai attacked but did not prevail “until the appointed time came.” If the campaign lasted at least 7 months and the mai eventually prevailed, then Borno may have been able to successfully restore its position of dominance over Kano, albeit likely only with some form of tribute or vassal status for Kano’s sarki. In terms of why the conflict arose in the first place, Lavers has proposed that Kano was attacked to prevent it from importing guns and upsetting the regional balance of power.[12] While plausible, there is no evidence for this in our surviving sources. Other scholars emphasize internal dynamics within Kano. Thus, the Gaya, whose influence in Kano affairs was great during the reign of Sarkin Kano Sharifa and Kumbari, played a role. Moreover, new towns and walls around several in the eastern domain of Kano, such as Takai, Tsokuwa, and Rano implied the closing of the frontier with ribats. The newer towns constructed in this era often followed a uniform plan, suggestive of state or official planning. They were often built in the open plain while others, at major crossroads for trade, became administrative centers for taxation and cheap labor for Sharifa and Kumbari.[13] Thus, it is possible that Borno’s intervention in Kano was due to the latter’s operations along its eastern frontier and the creation of fortified settlements. This theory is more persuasive than that of the firearms in Kano, although the two are not mutually exclusive. Consequently, Borno’s response was likely motivated by increased attempts at centralization by Kano’s rulers as well as ensuring Kano’s access to firearms did not upset the regional balance of power.

But what was accomplished by Borno’s intervention in Kano in c. 1734? According to some sources, the conflict with Kano likely reverberated across Hausaland with Bornoan intervention beyond. Although the Kano Chronicle does not report the outcome, other sources highly affirm the notion of Borno’s ruler reestablishing Kano as a vassal state (even if only symbolic).[14] The Gazetteer of Kano Province reports that the mai  had issued an ultimatum to Kano: he would burn the city unless tribute was paid.[15] Others suggest that Borno overran other parts of Hausaland at this time, too. Although corroborating evidence is lacking, Hogben and Kirk-Greene wrote of the many Kanuri links in Zaria. For instance, the office of Limamin Kona was reserved to a family of Borno origin. Other Bornoan emissaries or officials in Zaria could potentially be linked to this episode, such as the Madalla.[16] Another source, the Abuja Chronicle, dates the Beriberi (Kanuri) of Borno attacking Hausaland to 1734, with Zaria paying tribute to Borno.[17] Other evidence for this is lacking, but it is certainly possible that Borno’s actions in Kano in c. 1734 also impacted Zaria and other Hausa states, particularly in the reassertion of a claim by Borno to regional hegemony. To what extent Borno may have also used Gobir to influence events in Hausaland is unclear, but Gobir during the reign of Babari (c. 1741-69?) attacked Bornoan territory at Shirra.[18] Ultimately, a resurgence of Bornoan claims to regional supremacy and tribute may have been won from Kano and Zaria during the c. 1734 campaign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun.

Mandara, Bagirmi and the East

In addition to the Kano campaign, which appears to have been a success, Borno’s relations with Bagirmi during this time appear favorable for the former. Bagirmi was forced to submit to the authority of Borno during the reign of mbang Lahoual (or Alahouine). In the words of H. Lanier, “En 1741, attaqué par le sultan de Bornou, il fut vaincu et dut se soumettre à la souveraineté de ce pays.” [19] Although Bagirmi was able to throw off the yoke of Borno during the reign of Hadji (dated c. 1741-1784 by Lanier) and end Borno’s claims to sovereignty of the kingdom, Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun was apparently successful in Bagirmi. Likewise, the rihla mentions Bagirmi as one area where the Sayfawa mai traveled on the pilgrimage. If the problematic source is incorrectly attributing the hajj along the Sudan Road to Ali b. Umar but actually describing a pilgrimage of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun, then Bagirmi was allegedly one of the areas where the Sayfawa ruler settled 5000 captives in 1727/8.[20] This act of establishing settlements in Bagirmi could be partly motivated by a desire to facilitate travel for pilgrims using the Sudan Road in the 18^th century. Furthermore, it also served to emphasize the power of the Sayfawa ruler whose act of establishing towns or villages in other kingdoms was an assertion of Borno’s influence and power in the Central Sudan.

Naturally, the highly problematic account of the 1727/8 pilgrimage must be interpreted very carefully. But it is consistent with the actions of the Sayfawa in the first half of the 18^th century who may have successfully imposed tributary relations on Bagirmi. In fact, it may also have been during the reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun that the “Kurata” or Tunjur Arabs in Kanem sent their leader to Borno for confirmation of his position. This may explain why the praise song to this mai names the Kurata among the captives of the mai.[21] The actions of the Sayfawa mai in Bagirmi are perhaps to be expected with similar developments in Kanem which may have included greater control of the Tunjur in Kanem who usually resisted the alifa at Mao.[22] In short, Borno may have succeeded in establishing firmer control of Kanem (which was to become a major battleground in the 19^th century) as well as imposed tribute on Bagirmi whilst protecting its influence over various polities south of Lake Chad.

Besides Bagirmi and the eastern shores of Lake Chad, Mandara was also another arena of conflict for Borno. The previously mentioned Rihla even claims “Ali b. Umar” (although the dates used in the document align with Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun) died in Krowrowa, which appears to be Kerawa, once a capital of Mandara. This problematic source asserts, “He raided Krowrowa and died there in Krowrowa where his grave is visited.”[23] This is contradicted by the Diwan, which indicates that Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun died in Gazargamo.[24] In spite of these contradictions and inaccuracies, the text does seem to be accurate in referring to conflict with Mandara during the first half of the 18^th century, before Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama’s disastrous campaign in the 1780s. According to Barkindo, the Islamization of Mandara in the early 1700s was supported by Borno. In fact, Dunama b. Ali (c. 1696-1715) was said to have sent Islamic scholars to Mandara. Tradition in Mora of Mandara’s conversion to Islam during the reign of Bukar Aji (who reigned c. 1715-1737) even suggests he grew up in Borno and was sent to Mandara after Borno had the previous ruler killed. Interestingly, Bukar Aji is also said to have taken the title of mai and remodelled his court on that of Borno. Tradition also asserts that Bukar Aji and his successor sent regular gifts of tribute to Borno. Even Hamdun b. Dunama reciprocated, sending a personal Quran to Bukar Aji.[25]

Yet despite Borno’s role in the ascent of Mandara’s first Muslim king, occasional conflict occurred. To Lavers, serious trouble with Mandara occurred during the reigns of al-Hajj Hamdun b. Dunama and Muhammad b. Hamdun, who both fought Mandara.[26] It would seem that Mandara’s allegiance to Borno depended on the proximity of Borno’s army. So even the spiritual authority or stature of the Sayfawa and the renown some maiwa achieved as pious figures was not sufficient to ensure the loyalty of Mandara. In this case, Mandara’s now Muslim kings were likely eager to benefit from expansion and raiding, when possible, the vulnerable tributary polities of Borno. Though it does not seem likely that Hamdun b. Dunama or Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun died in a war with Mandara, the existence of conflict between the two states points to a problem which only grew during the reign of Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama. But for now, Borno was able to meet the challenge, at least based on available evidence. Moreover, the period of Aji Bukar and Madi Makiya’s reigns, c. 1715-1751, also coincided with the immigration of Bornoan settlers in Mandara. Their presence also necessitated the assertion of Sayfawa rule or authority that may have caused conflict with Mandara’s kings who saw these settlers as their subjects.[27] But, Mandara’s kings accepted Borno’s right to tax many towns in the northern part of its domains until c. 1751 and Borno continued to raid parts of Mandara despite receiving gifts and tribute from Aji Bukar and Madi Makiyya, the latter possibly the son of a Kanuri woman.[28] This level of Bornoan influence in the affairs of Mandara may have also been motivated by the interests of the Bornoan elite to expand and protect their influence in the south while the north was challenged by population movements due to prolonged drought and climate change.

Internal Dynamics in Borno

In terms of internal affairs and domestic concerns, the reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun was challenged by ecological shifts, migration, and famine. Indeed, a famine that persisted for 2 years occurred during his reign.[29] The last several years of his reign coincided with a drought that lasted from 1738-1753. Due to this period of long-lasting drought, various groups such as the Jetko, Tubu, Tuareg, Koyam, and Fulani migrated to more fertile lands, thereby increasing the chances for conflict over scarce resources in difficult times.[30] Despite these challenges, Borno was still in control of Bilma. The Bedde, however, were beginning to act autonomously in the 18^th century and disrupt caravan routes.

In the face of these challenges, the Bornoan state was still able to continue past Sayfawa practices such as the sponsoring of elite brick structures. At the site of Lergam, for instance, Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun is remembered for sponsoring the construction of a brick building for what was likely a palace enclosure. According to Wilhelm Seidensticker, “The name of the founder of the palace was given as Mohammed Ajimi, who can be considered identical with Muhammad b. al-Haji Hamdun (ca. 1731-1747).”[31] Located 31 kilometers west of Geidam and on the northern banks of the Komadugu Yobe, today the site lacks any visible evidence of bricks except for a few from what was presumably the wall of the palace enclosure. Magnavita also described the site of Lergam, reporting that Lergam was also known as Kirishadam, referring to the largest refuse mound. Although the area was only an estimated 250 by 250 meters, Lergam appears to have been built by the mai as a temporary residence.[32] Like Gambaru built in the 16^th century, Lergam indicates that a Sayfawa ruler was still able to support elite architecture using brick well into the 1700s.

 Likewise, Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun also supported the creation of new towns or settlements, including Kurnawa or Dalaturi. Kurnawa, according to J.R. Patterson’s Borsari District Assessment Report, was founded by a Mandara slave named Haji Amadu. This Mandara captive of the Borno mai, Momadu Haji, was given his freedom upon his return from Mecca. Subsequently, he left Birni Gazargamo and founded Kurnawa with his followers. His descendants later ruled the town.[33] This act demonstrates the role of the Sayfawa and their captives or dependents in the administration and the creation of new settlements. The praise song to this mai also emphasizes his power to redistribute and relocate people:

You son of Aji, can collect or disperse people at your will

And turn again, and make a town (with those you have dispersed)

You are the scourge of Jillam, Dalla Darge and Dakkinam Dalla Damaram

Some towns are founded during the cold season of the year

But some of yours have been founded as the result of your victories, Aji Gana the Intriguer[34]

 

Many of these places are difficult to identify, but the implication is rather clear: the mai possessed great authority through the control of people, including the relocation of dependents or subjects to create new towns. Additionally, he was able to found towns through his military victories. Since the conventions of the praise song may lead to exaggeration, one must use this type of material very cautiously. Even though the general image of the authority of the maiwa in this period is supported by conflict with Mandara (possibly related to Bornoan settlers in parts of Mandara), the possible settlement of slaves in parts of Bagirmi and Wadai, and the creation of Kurnawa as a prosperous town.

            Finally, the domestic religious policies and political choices made by Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun were also significant. He was the first mai to invite Shaykh Tahir b. Ibrahim to Gazargamo. This shaykh later played a prominent role in Borno during the reign of Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama (r. 1747-1792). His father, Hamdun, was also remembered as a scholar in Borno tradition who had studied at al-Azhar in Cairo.[35] Hamdun was also said to have written 12 copies of the Quran and placed himself in ritual seclusion.[36] His son, whose pilgrimage to Mecca is still up for debate, may have been similarly pious but was also more likely to have engaged in military campaigns. Yet he also included respected Muslim leaders such as a Masbarma in his retinue during the c. 1734 campaign against Kano. He also listened to Kano mallams to end that conflict, again suggestive of how essential Islam was to state ideology and administrative practices of the Sayfawa court. He likely benefitted from the caliphal status of the Sayfawa whose pious sanctity was acknowledged widely, while also simultaneously endeavoring to recover or restore Borno’s economic and political hegemony.

Conclusion

Despite the paucity of written sources that directly speak to the reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun, enough material exists to reconsider this reign. Whilst the Late Sayfawa Period unquestionably included decline, it is very misleading or inaccurate to portray the last century of effective Sayfawa rule as merely one of indolent or secluded maiwa who passively responded to the changing political, economic, intellectual and ecological landscapes. Through the Kano campaign in the 1730s, interventions in Mandara and Bagirmi, the possible support for the Sudan Road for pilgrims, Borno remained a significant contender in the region. Similarly, the sponsoring of new towns and brick architecture as an expression of elite authority reveal the strength of Borno’s ruling dynasty. In other words, all was not immediately lost for the Sayfawa maiwa until the second half of the 18^th century. Undeniably, the prolonged drought and population movements from 1738-1753 and the burgeoning power of the Kel Ewey in Kawar, as well as favorable shifts in power relations that benefitted Mandara, Bagirmi, and Wadai eventually did weaken Borno’s claims to regional hegemony. Yet assertive and dynamic leaders did exist in the 18^th century. The reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun, poorly documented as it is, illustrates this dynamic leadership of the Late Sayfawa Period.

---

[1] Dierk Lange, whose masterful study of this source remains unsurpassed, has illustrated how it can be corroborated by a number of external and internal sources on the history of Kanem and Borno. Whether or not the form that survives is an abbreviated version of a much longer chronicle is unknown, but it at least helps in constructing a mostly accurate timeline for the political history of the Sayfawa maiwa.

[2] The Kano Chronicle is hardly free of anachronisms, inaccuracies, omissions, or additional textual problems. There is a great danger in relying too heavily on it to reconstruct the history of Kano and Hausaland, but it can also be corroborated by various external sources that are suggestive of an at least generally accurate chronology.

[3] See Behique Dunama, “A Sayfawa Hajj in c. 1728” for an early attempt at reconciling this source with the mainstream of historical sources on the Sayfawa, https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/a-sayfawa-hajj-in-c1728.html.

[4] This source requires much deeper textual analysis and a new translation. It may also refer to an attack on Kerawa, a capital of Mandara, that could have taken place during the reign of Ali b. Umar, Dunama b. Ali, or al-Hajj Hamdun b. Dunama. It problematically refers to the Sudan in a seemingly modern way, too.

[5] It is not always clear from where and by whom H.R. Palmer derived his information. Nonetheless, the tradition strongly supports the identification of the Sayfawa mai who attacked Kano in the 1730s or so with Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun.

[6] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 253.

[7] Wilhelm Seidensticker, “Borno and the East: Notes and Hypotheses on the Technology of Burnt Bricks” in Nilo-Saharan. Proceedings of the First Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium, Leiden September 8–10, 242.

[8] This specific example refers to a problematic passage in H.R. Palmer’s Bornu Sahara and Sudan. In describing Ali b. Umar’s campaign against the Tuareg of Air, Palmer adds narrative elaboration in which a Kel Etti woman sought Ali b. Umar’s aid at the same time he was in the midst of a Mandara campaign. See Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 247.

[9] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 90.

[10] W.F. Gowers, Gazetteer of Kano Province, 10. Without elucidating his evidence, Louis Brenner has argued that Shehu Tahir was Muhammad b. al-Tahir b. Ibrahim al-Fallati, a known Fulbe scholar in Borno. See “Three Fulbe Scholars in Borno,” 107.

[11] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 111.

[12] John Lavers, “Kanem and Borno to 1808” in Groundwork of Nigerian History, 203.

[13] Murray Last, “From Sultanate to Caliphate: Kano c. 1450-1800” in Studies in the History of Kano, 83-84.

[14] See M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350-1950.

[15] W.F. Gowers, Gazetteer of Kano Province, 9.

[16] Kirk-Greene & Hogben, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 219.

[17] Alhaji Hassan and Shuaibu Na’ibi, Abuja Chronicle, 14.

[18] Shaykh Dan Tafa, Rawdat’l-Afkaar.

[19] H. Lanier, “L’ancien royaume du Baguirmi,” Bulletin du Comité de l'Afrique française No. 10 (1925), 460-461.

[20] Omer El-Nagar, West Africa and the Muslim Pilgrimage, 397.

[21] “The Kurata Arabs in the Kanem towns are your slaves.” H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 254.

[22] For an admittedly speculative look at this period, see Behique Dunama, “Siècles Obscurs: The Alifas of Kanem and the Tunjur in the 17th and 18th Centuries” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/11/siecles-obscurs-alifas-of-kanem-and.html.

[23] Omer El-Nagar, West Africa and the Muslim Pilgrimage: An historical study with special reference to the nineteenth century, 399.

[24] Dierk Lange, Le Diwan des sultans du Kanem-Bornu : chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 82.

[25] Bawuro Barkindo, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902: History of the Evolution, Development and Collapse of a Central Sudanese Kingdom, 132-134, 145.

[26] John Lavers, “Kanem and Borno to 1808,” 203.

[27] Bawuro Barkindo, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902, 145.

[28] On the possible Kanuri parentage of Madi Makiya, see H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 98.

[29] Dierk Lange, Le Diwan, 82.

[30] For an overview of this period and the impact of the prolonged drought, see Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A study of Origin, Growth and Collapse of a Dynasty.

[31] Wilhelm Seidensticker, “Borno and the East: Notes and Hypotheses on the Technology of Burnt Bricks,” 242.

[32] Carlos Magnavita, “Short report of a visit to the archaeological sites of Lergam and Garu Kime, Geidam L.G.A., Yobe State of Nigeria,” Borno Museum Society Newsletter 76.

[33] J.R. Patterson, “Assessment Report on Borsari District, Bornu Emirate, Bornu Province” (1918).

[34] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 254.

[35] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of Borno: A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808, 22, 29.

[36] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A study of Origin, Growth and Collapse of a Dynasty, 299. 

The Question of a Jewish Presence in Medieval Mali

Songhay at the time of Sonni Ali Ber, in Adam Konare Ba, Sonni Ali Ber.

Although the tradition of a Jewish population near Tindirma (in Mali) has long been known, this past has not been confirmed through archaeology or finds like gravestones. That said, it is remarkable that the tradition has been reported in the Tarikh al-Fattash, the marginalia in Timbuktu manuscripts, and oral tradition collected in the region during the 20^th century. Since some versions of the tradition insert fantastic or unrealistic details, such as the giant stature of the ancient Beni Israel or their 7 leaders commanding thousands of cavalry forces, we previously assumed this was purely legendary. When reconsidering the evidence, however, our opinion has changed to a tempered skepticism.

            First, let us explain our initial stance rejecting the historical validity of the Jewish population in Tindirma. The 1447 letter of Antonio Malfante, a man who traveled to Tuwat and wrote of the area’s Jewish population, also mentioned their prominence in trade. But the same author wrote of the “Philistines” of the Sahara, apparently Tuareg, who did not let Jews pass through their territory. According to Malfante, “They are sworn enemies of the Jews, who do not dare pass hither.”[1] Assuming Malfante correctly understood the nature of the Jewish community’s relationship with Saharan nomads, the Jewish population in Tamentit or other northern Saharan trading centers did not usually cross the Sahara. If they did, the “Philistines” presumably harassed them.

            Of course, it is very dangerous to rely too heavily (and uncritically) on a single source. It is certainly possible some Jews crossed the Sahara from Tuwat in the 1400s. Their presence in Songhay during the reign of Askia Muhammad is likewise implied by the government’s actions to ban them and despoil traders of their goods for doing business with Jews.[2] Leo Africanus also echoed this, describing the ruler of Songhay (or the “king” of Timbuktu) as “an inveterate enemy of the Jews.”[3] It is difficult to imagine the need for anti-Jewish laws or proclamations if there were absolutely no Jewish people in the domains of Songhay. While al-Maghili’s role in this is quite probable, one must wonder to what attitudes regarding Jews existed in the Western Sudan.

            An additional type of evidence attesting to the Jewish colony of Tindirma can be found in the margins of various manuscripts from Timbuktu. According to Susana Molins Lliteras, notes dated to 1504/5 describe the ancient Jewish presence near Tindirma. These notes report that the Jews were buried with their heads facing west. Furthermore, the presence of Hebrew inscriptions was noted. This type of evidence must be carefully evaluated, but it illustrates how the idea of a Jewish presence in Tindirma was around by the early 16^th century. Indeed, despite the Hebrew writing, the notes mention a donation in the area as well as an allusion to knives and swords.[4] Perhaps this is referring to some type of military regime or system in place to defend the area’s prosperous farmers?

            Besides the marginalia in Timbuktu manuscripts, the Tarikh al-Fattash echoes the notion of a Jewish past in Tindirma. Although its composite nature and 19^th century interpolation forces one to consider that the references to the Jewish presence are based on oral traditions, it brings new details into the narrative. For instance, the report on the Tindirma region in the chronicle alludes to the use of wells by the Jews as a water source for their farms. It is also here where the legend of 7 Jewish princes arose, who allegedly each commanded a group of 12,000 horsemen. They were also said to have partitioned the 333 wells built for agricultural purposes among themselves. The names given to these princes appear to be Arabic, such as Fadl ben Mizar.

In terms of the community’s disappearance, the chronicle only mentions that a single Jew was there when a Sorko man and his wife, Marma came to the region. When the kurmina-fari Amar arrived to establish Tindirma as his capital, this lone survivor was dead. This account seems particularly legendary, but the Jewish man named his town Bako.[5] Yet, if the date of 1497 for Umar Komadiakha’s appointment as kurmina-fari is accurate, this suggests that whatever Jewish communities lived in the region had disappeared or dispersed by the late 15^th century.[6]

            As one moves into the colonial era, a reconnaissance of Tindirma was conducted by Bonnel de Mézières. This Frenchman traveled to Tindirma in the company of a respected Timbuktu scholar. He claimed to have seen evidence of the extensive wells built in the region as well as the Jewish cemetery. He also found evidence of a tumulus at Coigur.[7] Since he personally witnessed what was described as the cemetery of the Beni Israel and traveled with an informant presenting oral traditions, there does seem to have been, in the distant past, a prosperous community here perceived as non-Muslims. At least, that’s what was commonly believed by this period.

            Later, in the postcolonial era, Mahmoud Abdou Zouber collected oral traditions published as Traditions historiques songhoy (Tindirma, Morikoyra, Arham). A number of local informants recounted the tradition of an ancient Jewish presence in the region, though sometimes contradicting each other. In some cases, it is also possible that the local traditions were influenced by the Tarikh al-Fattash or drew from similar sources. Yet one key difference is the reference to possible conflict with the Songhay under the Si dynasty. According to one informant, one “Israelite” was in the region when Umar (Amar Aboubakari) built the mosque in Tindirma. Said to have perished at a place called Founefoune 3 years after the arrival of the kurmina-fari, which has been dated to 1497, the single survivor of the community would have died in c. 1500. This informant also reported that the Jews were not defeated in battle or exterminated. Instead, he reported, “Ces Israélites n'ont pas été exterminés par la guerre ; ils sont morts tout simplement.”[8]

On the other hand, other informants hinted at a military conflict that ended the Jewish presence in the region. According to tradition, Sonni Ali had a grand court at Tindirma, suggesting the region was once important to 15^th century Songhay rulers before Askia Muhammad. Moreover, the town, Baka, between Tindirma and Lessoudji was said to have been the place where Jews established a community and subjected the local inhabitants. In the words of the informant, “Les Israélites s’y ont fixés, et ont exercé leur domination sur les autochtones.”[9] This town, Baka, sounds suspiciously close to the name of the Jewish town in the Tarikh al-Fattash. Where things differ is the tradition of the barakoy, Mansikoura, said to have battled the Jews. Indeed, an informant said “C’est le Barakoy qui a vaincu les Israélites et les a contraints à descendre jusqu'à Tindirma.”[10] Elsewhere, the area the Jews once resided in is referred to as the Barissileyla, a place near the river where Jewish tombs, human remains, and wells were found. As for the barakoy, his title appears to include the word mansa, a title used by the barakoy in the Songhay Empire.

Sketch of the Fati region by Bonnel de Mézières.

While the traditions imply that the barakoy had used military force to displace the Jewish population, it is not clear to what extent said venture may have contributed to the dissolution of the community. Tradition suggests this occurred in the 15^th century, too, likely during the reign of Sonni Ali (c. 1464-1492). After all, Sonni Ali is said to have conquered Bara, the region where Tindirma seemingly was a part of.[11] If the traditions are not entirely legendary, there is a chance that the Jewish community of the area was relocated by a barakoy at this time. Later on, by the late 15^th century, the community had died out or dispersed. But the references to the construction of wells and agricultural produce suggest that, for some time at least, the local elites from this allegedly Jewish population lived off the taxation and agricultural production of the region. To what extent they were linked to supplying provisions to Timbuktu or other towns is unclear, but one could imagine a scenario in which Jewish traders might have expanded their interests in the region by investing in agriculture. Their construction of well-built wells for sources of water may have also appealed to Sonni Ali, who once expressed an interest in canals and has been said to have sponsored the creation of wells in the Gourma region.[12] In fact, a tradition reported by Boubou Hama asserts that Jews supported Sonni Ali against the Islamic clerical class and Tuareg.[13] Consequently, it is not inconceivable that Jewish traders with links to Tuwat and a settlement near the Niger supported Sonni Ali during his conquests of Jenne, Timbuktu and other parts of the Middle Niger.

Traditions of the barakoy chasing Jews may contradict this possible alliance between Sonni Ali and the Jews. But it is possible that the Jewish presence near Tindirma, however small or large it may have been, expressed support for Sonni Ali. Their dispersal through the hydraulic program of the Songhay leader could have led to the dissolution of the community. Then, under Askia Muhammad, persecution or banning of Jews may have further weakened whatever was left of the Jewish presence in the region. Ultimately, whatever was left of the community near Tindirma ended by the late 1490s as Askia Muhammad became the ruler of Songhay. Despite that, oral tradition recorded a non-Muslim presence in the area that was very likely tied to Jewish traders who may have come from Tuwat. Since oral traditions, chronicles and, to a certain extent, archaeological traces of ancient wells survive, the notion of a Jewish community in the 15^th century Western Sudan is quite plausible. To what extent they encouraged proselytization or how they managed the area under their authority is unclear, but it was likely in decline by the late 15^th century during the reign of Sonni Ali.

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[1] Antonio Malfante, “Letter from Tuwat”, in The Voyages of Cadamosto and Other Documents on Western Africa in the Second Half of the Fifteenth Century.

[2] John Hunwick, Jews of a Saharan Oasis, 64

[3] John Hunwick, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa‘dī's Ta’rīkh al-sūdān down to 1613 and other Contemporary Documents, 281.

[4] Susana Molins Lliteras, “The Making of a Historian in Timbuktu: The Signed Marginalia Attributed to Mahmud Ka’ti in the Fondo Ka’ti Collection”, in Scribal Practice and the Global Cultures of Colophons, 1400–1800, 147-148.

[5] Octave Houdas (trans.), Tarikh el-Fettach" ou Chronique du chercheur pour servir à l'histoire des villes, des armées, et des principaux personnages du Tekrour: documents arabes relatifs à l'histoire du Soudan, 119-123.

[6] John Hunwick, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire, 104, 343.

[7] Bonnel de Mézières, “Reconnaissance à Tendirma et dans la région de Fati, Bulletin de la Section de Géographie, t. XXIX, 130-131.

[8] Mahmoud Abdou Zouber, Traditions historiques songhoy (Tindirma, Morikoyra, Arham), 14-18.

[9] Ibid., 74.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Hunwick, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire, 92.

[12] Adam Konare Ba, Sonni Ali Ber, 102.

[13] Ibid., 102-103.

Revisiting Amina of Zaria

Muhammad Bello's map of the Sokoto Caliphate and nearby regions.

            Queen Amina of Zaria remains one of the most obscure historical figures in the early history of Hausaland yet widely celebrated. Said to have been the daughter of Bakwa Turunku, whose gender has been remembered as male in some sources and female according to others, some scholars date her reign to the 16^th century. Others, relying on information in the Kano Chronicle, suggest a 15^th century date. Upon a reexamination of the surviving textual sources and a parsimonious reading of the oral traditions, we argue for a 15^th century date for Amina’s life. By closely examining other dates or developments in the Central Sudan which can be corroborated by multiple sources, it is clear that Amina of Zaria was unlikely to have lived in the late 16^th century. Those final decades of the 1500s are covered by a plethora of sources which do not easily support Amina or Zaria as major powers in the Hausaland at the time. However, when one uses a 15^th century date, it is more likely that, at that era when the history of Hausaland was not well-represented in the extant corpus of written sources, Amina may have lived. This brief excursion through the sources shall argue in favor of a 15^th century date for Amina and contextualize Zaria’s southern expansion into central northern Nigeria. Beginning with pre-colonial written sources, we will then explore sources and traditions collected during the colonial era before examining post-colonial scholarship on Amina of Zaria.

Amina of Zaria in the Pre-Colonial Written Sources

            Beginning in the 16^th century, the century in which many assume Amina lived, some detailed descriptions of West Africa can be found in the work of Anania. An Italian writing about West Africa but not solely regurgitating information from Leo Africanus, Anania had access to sources from the second half of the 1500s. For instance, Anania knew that the state of Kebbi was, at the time, still a major power in Hausaland. Therefore, it is very interesting to note that in his description of Zaria, or Zegzeg, Anania merely referred to its geographic location north of the Cardi, or pagans. Interestingly, Doma appears as one of the states in Anania’s geographical text, although merely to report on its sacred king.[1] It is very likely that the Doma mentioned here is the land of Doma included in the Gwari region by Muhammad Bello. Yet one cannot help but notice that Anania did not report any type of Zaria dominion or suzerainty of Doma. This suggests that if Zaria under Queen Amina did impose tribute on Doma, it was likely before the time of Anania, perhaps further back in the 15^th century.

There are important written sources in the 19^th century, too. In particular, the writings of Muhammad Bello of the Sokoto Caliphate and his nephew, Shaykh Dan Tafa, who provided brief allusions to the conquests of Amina. The former wrote of Zaria’s Amina, daughter of its emir, who waged war and ruled over Katsina, Kano, and Bauchi. According to Bello, she later died in Atagara, near Idah. Atagara, in Bello’s conception of West African geography, was an expansive land close to the coast visited by Europeans. Zaria’s dominions at this time supposedly included the Gwari region: Gwandara, Doma, Yasku, Kwotto, Adama, Kwato and Kwararafa.[2] Since Bello’s account was written in the 19^th century and likely drew from oral tradition, it is unclear to what extent Zaria really did extend its influence so far south. Similar questions could be raised about the nature of Zaria’s influence in the affairs of Kano and Katsina. Like his uncle, Dan Tafa’s brief mention of Amina of Zaria is likely based on Bello’s Infaq al-Maysur. He also reports that Kwararafa once ruled Zaria.[3] This suggests that Zaria’s claims to tribute from Kwararafa were hardly permanent. Indeed, it is likely that when Kwararafa attacked Kano, Katsina, or perhaps even Borno, Zaria was either neutral or sometimes even forced to send tribute to the powerful non-Muslim state to the south. If moments of Kwararafa aggression against Hausa states like Kano and Katsina or Borno represent moments when Zaria may also have been the weaker power in relation to Kwararafa, it is difficult to locate Amina’s reign to the commonly repeated date of 1576, particularly since Kwararafa was said to have attacked Kano during the reign of Mohamma Zaki (r. 1582-1618).[4]

The next great source of the precolonial era is the Kano Chronicle. Ostensibly on the history of Kano, numerous references to relations with other Hausa or non-Hausa states can be found in the text. It can also be corroborated by other sources to help control the dating, although a new chronology to supersede that of Palmer is sorely needed. Nonetheless, its reliability for earlier centuries has been attested by the Diwan of Kanem-Borno. According to the Diwan, a deposed mai named Uthman K.l.n.ma was briefly ruler of Borno in c. 1421. The same source indicates that he died in Kano.[5] This man was undoubtedly Dagachi, a Borno prince who arrived in Kano during the reign of Dauda (r. 1421-1438). Although the Kano Chronicle anachronistically claims Dagachi arrived with guns, the deposed Sayfawa mai likely arrived in Kano in c. 1421 or 1422. Soon after his arrival in the Hausa kingdom, Dauda went to war on Zaria, leaving Dagachi in charge for months during this campaign.[6] It is perhaps telling that the chronicle did not report the success of Dauda against Zaria at this time (possibly sometime in the early 1420s), but it clearly identifies Zaria’s ruler as Amina of Zaria. We suspect she was the victor against Dauda, since the chronicle then goes on to report her conquests as far as Nupe and Kwararafa. In addition, she was said to receive 40 eunuchs and 10,000 kola nuts from Nupe as tribute. Indeed, “Her conquests extended over 34 years.”[7] If taken at face value, then the reign of Amina of Zaria extended over a 34 year period that included at least part of the 1420s.

In addition, the Kano Chronicle also reports on earlier and later conflicts with Zaria or other states which aid our chronology. For instance, Kanajeji, who ruled Kano in 1390-1410, is remembered for going to war against Zaria, attacking Turunku. After losing to Zaria, Kanajeji fulfilled pre-Islamic rites for Tchibiri and defeated Zaria, killing their king.[8] This account suggests that Zaria’s capital was at Turunku in the late 1300s or early 1400s, a town also associated with Bakwa Turunku, Amina’s parent. Later, during the reign of Abdulahi Burja (r. 1438-1452), Borno was said to have attacked Asben. Although the campaign did not succeed, “The next year, every town in the west paid him tsare.”[9] The exact meaning of this reference to Borno’s campaign against Asben and the resulting payment of tsare is unclear, but Yusufu Bala Usman has argued that Palmer’s translation misleads the reader by omitting the full sentence of the Arabic text. Apparently, it was tarai given to the Sayfawa ruler for a blessing.[10] The enigmatic reference in the chronicle to every town in the west may be a reference to more than one Hausa kingdom sending an at least nominal gift or “tribute” to Borno in recognition of its ruler’s Islamic legitimacy and influence. But it nonetheless gives a potential terminus ad quem for Zaria’s hegemony led by Amina. Therefore, sometime between 1438-1452, Amina may have died and Zaria’s hegemony over Kano and other states ended or declined. Further evidence of this can be found in the Kano Chronicle for the reign of Abdulahi (r. 1499-1509), who was said to have conquered Zaria.[11]

In summation, the precolonial written sources provide clear evidence for Amina of Zaria’s influence and a tentative chronology. Although Bello and Dan Tafa were writing in the 19^th century and presumably based their work on oral traditions for Amina, the Kano Chronicle is rather detailed and can be corroborated by other sources for events in the 15^th century. The aforementioned Anania, writing in the second half of the 16^th century, did not refer to Zaria as a major power in the Central Sudan. This strongly suggests that those who prefer to begin Amina’s reign to c. 1576 are failing to take into account the absence of any sources that refer to Zaria as a regional power in this period.

Amina of Zaria in Colonial Historiography

With the advent of British colonialism, the emergence of scholarship and ethnography of the peoples of Nigeria worked hand in hand with colonial administration and ideology. In the case of areas of Nigeria where a written tradition persisted, a few king lists, chronicles, and other manuscripts were translated. In the case of Zaria’s Hausa rulers, E.J. Arnett translated one list of its rulers. In his list, Bakwa was revered for freeing Zaria from Kwararafa rule. Bakwa’s reign was also dated 1492-1522.[12] H.R. Palmer, well known in the study of Borno’s history, also published translations of important sources like the Kano Chronicle. In his study of oral traditions in Borno or other parts of northern Nigeria, Palmer was also very instrumental in reproducing them for Sudanese Memoirs and The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. For instance, his sources problematically asserted the Kisra legend of origin for Kwararafa. In his own speculative footnotes, Palmer wanted to present the Turunku kings of Zaria as appointees of the Askias of Songhay while Amina of Zaria was allegedly a Queen Mother of the Kwararafa.[13] Furthermore, Palmer dates a major victory of Borno against Kwona (Kwararafa) to the reign of Ali Gaji. Relying presumably on oral tradition, the Kwona chief was apparently captured and 17,000 of his people taken captive.[14] Of course, much of Palmer’s speculative reasoning and unscientific linguistic evidence does not stand up to scrutiny. But if the dating of one of the major campaigns against Kwararafa from Borno occurred in Ali Gaji’s reign (second half of the 15^th century), we may have another instance in which Zaria was possibly not a major power in the Central Sudan.

Besides Palmer and Arnett, two major colonial-era sources exist. One, the Nigerian Northern Provinces, Gazetteer, includes details on Zaria’s Hausa dynasty. The foundation of Zaria town was completed by Bakwa Turunku, who, based on a list of kings, was the 22^nd ruler. Their reign was said to have begun in c. 1536 while Nohir was assigned the years 1532-1535.[15] Another major source, A Chronicle of Abuja, was published in the 1950s. Reporting on the Habe dynasty there who ruled Zaria before the jihad, it contains a wealth of references on Zaria’s history. Nonetheless, its authors assign Bakwa Turunku’s construction of Zaria town to 1537. Moreover, they seem to identify Bakwa as a woman, writing “It was by her determination, too, that the Kwarrarafa or Jukons, were prevented from overrunning the land of Zazzau in their invasion from the south.”[16] This same source, on an unclear basis, dates Zaria’s tribute to Borno to the year 1734.

Overall, the colonial era produced many written sources drawn from oral tradition or translations of precolonial documents. These authors often brought with them their own colonialist ideologies of race and problematic notions of ethnicity, language, or oral tradition. Nonetheless, this era produced English-language lists of kings with problematic dates for Zaria. It also included the first English translation of the Kano Chronicle. Perhaps most significantly, a Hausa language history of Amina entitled Amina Sarauniyar Zazzau was written in 1954 by an anonymous author. This text appears to be one of the main sources utilized by various historians of Zaria, although the author may have compiled various traditions or legends which are contradictory. Unfortunately, we were unable to locate a copy of this work.

Amina of Zaria in the Post-Colonial World

With Nigerian independence and the search for feminine national heroes or icons, Amina of Zaria attracted much interest. Academics eager to challenge colonial-era paradigms of sub-Saharan African history were also developing new approaches to the history of Nigeria and Hausaland. As many know, oral tradition was fully embraced in some quarters as a source for African history whilst scholars also began to work with additional types of Arabic or ajami manuscripts. For Amina of Zaria, however, scholars could never quite develop a scholarly consensus on when she lived, her relationship to Bakwa Turunku, or the development of a coherent model for understanding Zaria’s dynamic relations with Kwararafa, Kano, and other states.

Fortunately for Anglophone readers, Kirk-Greene and Hogben’s The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions summarizes most of the traditions on Amina in the chapter on Zaria. Interestingly, they present Bakwa Turunku as a queen rather than male and attribute the movement of people from Turunku to Kufena during her reign (possibly in c. 1536). But Turunku was also said to have been built by slaves of Bakwa during her war with the Nupe.[17] As for Amina herself, she is believed to have been a daughter of Bakwa. Her sister, Zaria, was the source of Zazzau’s new capital city’s name. Furthermore, Amina’s mother, Bakwa, ruled after her father and brother. As for Amina, she was said to have become a magajiya at age 16 and led Zaria’s military campaigns during the reign of Karama. Apparently, she was seen as so influential in Zaria that the ruler of Kano sought to marry her with gifts of slaves and cloth. Eventually, in 1576, she became ruler of Zaria.[18] Kirk-Greene and Hogben even repeat the tradition that Amina took a lover in each town she conquered before having him beheaded the following day. Her praise song became “Amina, daughter of Niketau, a woman as capable as a man.”[19] Elsewhere, she was remembered in Yauri for remonstrating the people for their lack of a king.[20] Clearly, Kirk-Greene and Hogben presented all the known traditions of Amina. They even use the problematic date of 1576 for the start of her reign. They also drew from Muhammad Bello while ignoring the chronology for Amina indicated in the Kano Chronicle. Unfortunately, they did not endeavor to date Amina’s reign with a more judicious interpretation of the traditions and other written sources.

Besides Kirk-Greene and Hogben, Abdullahi Smith wrote extensively on Zaria’s Hausa rulers. In “Some notes on the history of Zazzau under the Hausa kings” in Zaria and Its Region, Smith attempted an overview of Zaria’s pre-jihad past. In Smith’s view, Bakwa reigned in the late 1400s. He believed that the rise of a new dynasty in Zaria happened after Sarkin Kano Kanajeji defeated Zazzau in the early 1400s. As a result, the dynasty based in Turunku may have moved to Kufena.[21] Bakwa himself emerges as a foundational figure in tradition. For example, Zaria’s old Hausa kings were known beyond the Kaduna frontier as the sons of Bakwa.[22] Based on a model of Hausa political organization in which territorial expansion and commerce were pursued by Hausa rulers to maintain the support of elite officials and their families, Smith proposes reasons why Zaria was interested in southern conquests and trade. Thus, Sarauniya (daughter of the sarki) Amina, said to be the daughter of Bakwa Turunku, campaigned as far as Nupeland and Kwararafa. Despite dating this expansion to the 1500s, Smith relies on later traditions for Zaria’s influence in the south. Indeed, Zaria’s sway was felt among the Kamuku, the Basa of Gumna, in Gwari, Kajuru, the Morwa, Katab, Chawa and more. According to tradition, all these various groups were once subject to Zazzau. Additionally, the aforementioned Muhammad Bello extended Zaria’s influence to Doma, Yeskwa and other lands.[23]

In terms of Zaria’s policy in the south, Smith also raised several essential points to consider. First, Zaria’s southern expansion may have been related to the Abakpa and Abakwariga communities among the Idoma and Jukun. These groups of Hausa origin were certainly established in Kwararafa by the 17^th century and undoubtedly long before. Second, Smith asserts that slave raiding was hardly the sole concern of Zaria in its relations with the source. In fact, Zaria may have been seen by some of their southern neighbors as a source of protection in a landscape with several mutually hostile peoples.[24] Third, Zaria’s encounter with Borno that allegedly took place during the time of Amina at Gadaz was only one episode of Borno’s relations with Zaria. In truth, at an unknown date, Borno established formal relations with Zaria. Zaria’s court even included an official, the Bakon Barno, who may have been responsible for delivering Zaria’s tribute. Another official, the Kadalla, was an emissary of Borno in Zaria. Lastly, the Magajin Mallam was another representative of the Sayfawa in Zaria, participating in the installation of a new sarki.[25] Since Smith was rightly hesitant to assign any date of origin to these officials, it is worthwhile to consider that Borno’s encounter with Zaria forces at Gadaz was motivated by the desire of the Sayfawa ruler to marry Amina.[26] In spite of the lack of corroborating evidence from Borno, it is still possible that the Sayfawa wanted to establish formal relations with Zaria at a time when the state was exerting its influence in Nupeland and Kwararafa. Thus, Zaria’s southern expansion and commercial relations undoubtedly made it important for Borno, particularly for access to kola nuts and slaves. Even if all these developments cannot be traced to the time of Amina, they are plausible developments to comprehend Zaria’s southern expansion.

Issues of religion and spirituality are also areas of concern in understanding Zaria’s expansion. Though further research is necessary, the relationship of the sarauniya or magajiya to the Bori cult was an established practice in the court of Zaria.[27] If Amina of Zaria was a magajiya at one point, does that mean she was also involved in important state rituals? Like Kanajeji of Kano and the Tchibiri, was Amina involved in pre-Islamic rites closely entwined with the Hausa kingdom’s administration and ruling ideology? One must also wonder to what extent this also shaped her military campaigns in the south since these cults may have been part of her military strategy. Similarly, were these non-Islamic practices one way in which Zaria could incorporate non-Muslim groups?

The next major historical source on Amina, Sa’ad Abubakar’s essay, “Queen Amina of Zaria,” attempts to correlate all previous scholarship on the queen. Unlike Smith, Abubakar was more willing to accept Bakwa as the parent of Amina. His recounting of the traditions on Amina also elucidates how she became so skilled in statecraft and war. Before the reign of Bakwa, Amina spent time at the court of her grandfather, Sarki Nohir. It was there that she carefully observed the government and later learned the ways of war. Then, after the death of Bakwa, who succeeded Nohir, Amina assisted in the wars of Karama, a king who loved war. Amina’s military training paid off handsomely here, as she was said to have become rich with booty and slaves.[28] Like Smith, Abubakar associates Zaria’s southern campaigns with Hausa settlements in these lands.[29] The request of the Sayfawa mai to marry Amina at Gadaz may be apocryphal, but could very well symbolize the beginning of formal relations between Borno and Zaria. Lamentably, Abubakar’s analysis of Amina does not help establish a better chronology for her reign.

Amina of Zaria: Conclusions for a More Accurate Chronology

With any historically obscure figure who has become the subject of legends and oft-repeated claims, Amina of Zaria’s very existence has been called into question. Others uncritically repeat problematic chronologies for her reign that fail to take into account all the available sources. Therefore, a reconsideration of Amina’s reign that dates it to the first half of the 15^th century is better aligned with the textual and oral sources. Similarly, the romanticization of Amina of Zaria and the making of a national heroine of her story has obfuscated a deeper analysis of how Zaria’s southern expansion functioned. It was unquestionably a dynamic frontier that was occasionally challenged by Kwararafa’s rise and fall. Similarly, Zaria’s occasionally combative relations with Kano reveal how Zazzau was never able to maintain its dominance for too long. But, when contextualized properly, Amina was and is remembered for playing a pivotal role in the early expansion and consolidation of Zaria. This was not just a symbol of Zaria’s military and commercial growth, but something remembered by tradition as linked to the Zaria king most often invoked in tradition, Bakwa. Naturally, as a female leader remembered for taking part in military campaigns and possessing leadership, Amina’s story raises a plethora of questions about gender, power, and perhaps pre-Islamic Hausa religious traditions. How does her experience fare with that of Aisa Kili of Borno, who ruled in the 16^th century? How did women rulers find legitimacy in a context where formal kingship was usually monopolized by men? Amina of Zaria’s life raises more questions than it answers, but correctly dating her reign provides possible clues to how gendered notions of power may have developed after the 1400s.

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[1] Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud. "L'intérieur de l'Afrique occidentale d'après Giovanni Lorenzo Anania (XVIe siècle),” 335, 339.

[2] Muhammad Bello and Salahudeen Yusuf (editor).  A History of Islam, Scholarship and Revivalism in Western Sudan, Being an Annotated Translation with Introduction of Infaqul-Maisur Fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello Bin Fodio, 80.

[3] Shaykh Dan Tafa, Rawdat’l-Afkaar.

[4] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 82.

[5] Dierk Lange, Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808), 77.

[6] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 74-75.

[7] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 75.

[8] Ibid., 73-74.

[9] Ibid., 75.

[10] Yusufu Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland before 1804,” in Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 189.

[11] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 78.

[12] E.J. Arnett, “A Hausa Chronicle,” 162.

[13] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 62.

[14] H.R. Palmer, The Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 223.

[15] E.J. Arnette (ed.), Gazetteer of Zaria, Gazetteer, 8.

[16] Alhaji Hassan & Shuaibu Na’ibi, A Chronicle of Abuja, 13.

[17] A.H.M. Kirk-Greene & S.J. Hogben, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions,  215-216.

[18] Ibid., 216-217.

[19] Ibid., 218.

[20] Ibid., 255-256.

[21] Abdullahi Smith, “Some notes on the history of Zazzau under the Hausa Kings” in Zaria and Its, 83. Elsewhere in the same essay, smith suggests that Bakwa was a contemporary of Kano’s Muhammad Rumfa and Katsina’s Muhammad Korau (Smith, 21).

[22] Ibid., 98. A praise song among the Hausawa in Katab country likewise refers to the Hausa as the sons of Bakwa (Ibid., 99).

[23] Ibid., 85-86.

[24] Ibid., 87-88.

[25] Ibid., 88.

[26] Sa’ad Abubakar, “Queen Amina of Zaria” in Nigerian Women in Historical Perspective, 21.

[27] Abdullahi Smith, “Some notes on the history of Zazzau under the Hausa Kings” in Zaria and Its Region (M.J. Mortimore, ed.), 101.

[28] Sa’ad Abubakar, “Queen Amina of Zaria” in Nigerian Women in Historical Perspective, 10, 18.

[29] Ibid., 20.