The Biu Plateau, Borno and Kwararafa

Although we still have not located a copy of an important study of Kwararafa by Webster, reading a thesis by a student of his, John E. Miller, has been informative. Miller's thesis, The Biu Plateau: Establishing a Chronology and the Linkages Between Bura-Babur and Kwararafa, attempts to interpret oral traditions and the few written sources available to contextualize Biu in the larger context of Kwararafa and Bornoan history. In so doing, the author draws from colonial-era reports and collections of traditions by authors like Meek as well as written sources included in works like Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan. Pushing back against attempts to read the earlier phases of Kwararafa as a heavily Jukun-influenced entity, Miller follows Webster in situating Kwararafa's second phase capital at Tagara (after being driven out of Santolo). It is this earlier context which elucidate things like the royal crocodile totem observed by many groups in the Biu region and along the Gongola, not the supposed Jukun influence reaching this area earlier. 

While pushing back against the Jukun readings of Kwararafa, Miller also tries to tentatively date the arrival of Yamta in Biu. Drawing on somewhat contradictory traditions, which also make Yamta a Bornoan prince from Gazargamo who left after some sort of succession dispute, Miller suggets a date of c. 1519-1546 for reign of Yamta in Biu. Citing Palmer, who reported traditions of Ali b. Dunama defeating Kwararafa, Miller argues that Yamta arrived in the region after Kwararafa abandoned the capital at Tagara to move south to cross the Benue. This meant the region was possibly politically divided or in a state of transition, facilitating the establishment of new chiefdoms in the area. But, critically, the previous ruling lineages who were influenced by or part of Kwararafa may have retained some influence as priestly clans or lineages. The evidence for this is still fragmentary, but observing totems, clan and lineage moieties, as well as commonalities between cultures associated with the later Kwararafa phases and those in regions like Biu, Miller thinks his model is plausible. 

Naturally, Miller's chronology and model here relies heavily upon Webster, whose notion of different phases of Kwararafa we have yet to examine. Miller is also assuming that the Sayfawa mai named in the traditions about Yamta, Idris, is Ali b. Dunama's son, who reigned (in Lange's chronology, 1497-1519). A firmer date is provided by Ahmad b. Furtu, whose account of Idris Alooma's wars refers to Yamta's chiefdom aiding in the attack on Amsaka. Using average regnal lengths and the date of Idris b. Ali, Miller has one of the few confident dates in his chronology. He's also assuming that Kwararafa's later capital at Biepi only began after c. 1485 (and with a Kanuri or more likely, Babur, dynasty by the 1520s) and only after the mid-1700s did the Jukun come to dominate Kwararafa. All of this could be plausible, but we need additional data on the Bura, Kilba, Marghi, Chibbuk, and other peoples to adequate test the proposed chronology of Miller. Hopefully future scholars will consult the more recently published studies on this region and try to incorporate more of the written sources from Vatican archives or European reports of the 1600s and 1700s. These could aid in proving or weakening the chronology adopted here...

Marie Pierre Haoussa and Louis Baronnet fils (1792)

 

IC=inconnu

One document we have been thinking about the last few days is a notarized contract from 1792. Establishing a société d'habitation de Marie Pierre Haoussa avec Louis Baronnet fils, the document is interesting for the surname of Marie Pierre: Haoussa. Although most documents in colonial Haiti spell "Hausa" as Aoussa, not Haoussa, we were nonetheless curious about Marie Pierre as a person of possible Hausa extraction. After all, colonial legislation did attempt to push free people to bear African names. Furthermore, people of African origin were sometimes known by a first name and their alleged "nation," too. 

In the case of Marie Pierre Haoussa, however, we could not trace her exact origins. It would appear that she was a free black woman owning land in Aquin, presumably i an area that may be today's la Colline à Mongons. When checking the parish registry, we did come across a Marie Pierre, black Creole, who married her "mulatto" master in 1781. But there is no indication of Marie Pierre's parents' origins in the parish books for Aquin. We were also wondering why she did not use her husband's surname, but he may not have been of legitimate birth either. Either way, Gabriel and this Marie Pierre had a number of children, he married her, and, from what we could gather, the Marie Pierre Haoussa named here could be the same woman.

In terms of her 1792 partnership with a man from Bainet, we were struck by the huge diversity in slaves both brought into their planned coffee farm. Marie Pierre was responsible for bringing 6 slaves, most apparently female. They consist of a mix of Arada, Mandingue, Thiamba, Ibo, Canga and one "nation" we could not decipher in the notary's handwriting (perhaps Aguiam?). Baronnet fils, on the other hand, was responsible for bringing in more slaves who were mostly male. Since the land was apparently held by Marie Pierre Haoussa, he may have been required to supply more of the forced labor. Either way, his enslaved workers were also very diverse in origins. One, whose "nation" looks like Guialuuka, is from a background we could not figure out. But others included Thiamba, Bibi (Ibibio), Biny (possibly Edo, for people from the kingdom of Benin), Congo, Creoles, Ibos, and a Mine. 

Naturally, we will have to conduct further searches in the notarized documents and parish registry to see if we can locate more records of Marie Pierre. But, the fact that she owned land and slaves is consistent with someone who was married to a free "mulatto" landowner for some time in the region. We suspect the "Haoussa" part of her name comes from an African-born father but have to dig deeper into the archives to prove it. 

The Dagachi of Kano: Elite Exiles, Political Centralization, and Kano-Borno Relations

The Gates of Kano City (Studies in the History of Kano). KofarWambai was once associated with the Dagachi.

            Uthman b. Dawud, a Sayfawa ruler of the early fifteenth century, is notable less for his brief reign than for his later career in Kano. Unique among the Sayfawa, Uthman b. Dawud (reigned c. 1421, according to Lange’s chronology) moved to Kano after his deposition, where he became an important official.[1] In addition, his descendants continued his legacy of significant wealth and influence in the Kano kingdom, eventually culminating with their fall from grace and disappearance in historical traditions.[2] Despite the limited sources, the period reveals important developments in state consolidation in the Central Sudan. In the case of Borno, the Sayfawa would eventually consolidate their state as Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497) of the Idrisids defeated the Dawudid branch of the dynasty. Likewise, Muhammad Rumfa initiated several political reforms which strengthened central authority and the role of Islam in the state. The career of Uthman K.l.n.ma, or Uthman b. Dawud, encapsulated this era of contestation as elite lineages competed with the rise of more centralized administrations in both Kano and Borno. Indeed, as an elite political exile forced out of power by a kaigama and yerima in Borno, his own descendants became a threat to the Rumfawa of Kano. Through an alleged revolt which nearly brought Borno and Kano into conflict during the reign of Idris b. Ali (r. 1496-1519), the Dagachi’s descendants became a threat to royal authority. This illustrates how both Kano and Borno navigated the thorny issue of political centralization over the course of the 15^th century. This essay argues that the career and legacy of Uthman b. Dawud (the Dagachi) illustrate how Sayfawa elite exiles shaped political centralization, economic development, and interstate relations in Kano, while also becoming threats to emerging centralized authority. Beginning with an overview on early Hausaland-Borno relations, the essay shall then examine the Dagachi’s arrival in Kano and the growing power of this official. The final section shifts attention to the revolt plotted by the Dagachi and how it relates to Kano-Borno relations as well as political centralization.

Kano and Borno Relations Before Uthman b. Dawud

            Unsurprisingly, the Hausa kingdom of Kano and Kanem-Borno had relations long before Uthman b. Dawud’s arrival in the 1420s. This background is necessary for understanding why Kano emerged as an attractive destination for elite Sayfawa exiles such as Uthman b. Dawud, as well as how they attained significant authority there. Due to the nature of the surviving sources, however, this can only be partially addressed.

The exact timing of Kano’s early relations with Borno is unknown, but scholars such as John Lavers have sought to identify the word afuno or afunu with the Hausa of Kano. Extant medieval Arabic sources first use the Kanuri word for the Hausa during the 1400s, in the writings of al-Maqrizi. However, contacts between Kanem-Borno and parts of Hausaland began by the 1200s or early 1300s. This is not surprising given the extension of Sayfawa rule into Borno by the 1200s during Dunama Dibalemi’s reign. A hint of Borno and Hausa trade may be seen in the travelogue of Ibn Battuta, too. According to this renowned traveler, Takedda and undoubtedly other Sahelian trading centers were linked to both Borno and Gobir.[3] The interests of the Sayfawa in Kawar, the Fazzan and relations with Tuareg groups in Aïr by the 1200s likely involved Gobir and early Hausa states, too. Lamentably, the exact nature of early Hausa state formation and its connections with trans-Saharan trade awaits further archaeological research.[4] But the little data collected so far points to possible links between Marandet (the Maranda of medieval Arabic sources) and the Lake Chad region.[5] In short, relations between Kanem-Borno and the area of Hausaland began in this period.

Lavers, whose admittedly speculative analysis of the topic of early Borno-Kano relations remains the most substantial, even proposed an earlier military engagement between Kano and Borno during the reign of Idris b. Ibrahim (c. 1342-1366).[6] Unfortunately, the narrative reported by P.A. Benton, which must be derived from oral tradition, named the mai in question as Iderisa Arrimi (Idris b. Ali). According to this tradition, Idris b. Ali sent his kaigama, Dalatu, to make war against Kano, eventually subduing and destroying it.[7] The narrative is linked with the folk etymology for the Kanuri term designating Hausa people, afunu. Intriguingly, the tradition also portrayed the people of Kano as Muslims who fasted and prayed (yet still wore arse cloths).[8] This is rather ambiguous but could be an oral tradition of the confrontation between Borno and Kano during the reign of Idris b. Ali (r. 1497-1519) or Idris b. Ibrahim.[9] In fact, an extant mahram dated to the reign of Idris b. Ali refers to a witness named Dallatu Abdullahi. Yet the kaigama who was named as a witness was Mommad ibn Sugu.[10] This may reflect confusion in the tradition regarding Dallatu Abdullahi and the actual kaigama of Idris b. Ali?

Even more baffling, the question of which polity in what would later become the united kingdom of Kano first formed relations with Borno is unknown. Lavers, borrowing from the tentative theories of Murray Last, has suggested that the Afnu king of al-Maqrizi, Mastur, was perhaps the ruler of Santolo or Santoro.[11] This early Kano polity or chiefdom was the original Afnu from the perspective of Borno. But the evidence for this is lacking in the Kano Chronicle. And if the Sayfawa were allies of the ruler of Santolo before the leaders at Dala who later became dominant in Kasar Kano, there is no mention of this in the chronicle.[12]

Furthermore, evidence derived from the history of titles in Kano support an earlier Sayfawa link with the Dala rulers who consolidated their state against Santolo. C.L. Temple’s research on the history of Kano included mention of the title of Dan Kade. According to Temple, this post was given to sons of the ruler of Kano, but was named after a “dan Sarki” of Borno who fled to Kano in the early days.[13] This figure was certainly Kaday Afnu of the Sayfawa, a son of Idris b. Ibrahim who died in war with the Bulala. Using Lange’s chronology, Kaday Afnu’s brief reign as mai was in c. 1388.[14] Kaday Afnu’s predecessor was possibly a usurper, Sa’id, and before him ruled Umar b. Idris (c. 1382-1387), a brother of Kaday Afnu. It is possible that Kaday Afnu fled to Kano during the reign of Sa’id or that of his brother, Umar. Alternatively, he may have fled to Kano when Dawud b. Ibrahim (c. 1366-1376) or another Dawudid held the throne. He possibly arrived in Kano as early as c. 1366, perhaps predating Sarkin Kano Yaji’s victory against Santolo.[15]

In summation, the story of early relations between Kanem-Borno and Hausaland is a field awaiting much further research. What seems clear is the relationship between Kasar Kano and Borno by the 1300s. This included a possible Sayfawa prince who arrived in Kano sometime after c. 1366. The later legend involving Bayajidda and interpreting Hausa states’ origins regarding Borno may obfuscate the more complicated question of early trade, migration, conquests, and cultural exchange. Nonetheless, even before the Sayfawa relocated to Borno for good by the reign of Umar b. Idris, Kano may have been the part of Hausaland with closest ties to Borno. This history of close ties elucidates why Kaday Afnu was comfortable fleeing there at an indeterminate period. It also indicates why Uthman b. Dawud later moved to Kano after his deposition.

Uthman b. Dawud’s Arrival in Kano

The Kano Chronicle, our main source on Uthman b. Dawud (or Uthman K.l.n.ma), refers to him as a “great prince” who came from South Bornu with many men and mallams. In addition, “He brought with him horse-drums, and trumpets and flags and guns. When he came, he sat down at Bomfai.”[16] Ignoring the anachronistic allusion to firearms, the chronicle sadly omits any reasons for why this elite figure from Borno moved to Kano. However, his use of royal regalia and large retinue, including mallams, suggests he was no ordinary person. Reading between the lines of the chronicle and the Diwan, it is possible to reconstruct some of the context for his coming to Kano during the reign of Dauda b. Kanajeji.

First, Uthman b. Dawud’s Borno context. Ascending to the throne in c. 1421, Uthman K.l.n.ma was a son of Dawud. In the words of the Diwan, “Il fut chassé du pouvoir par le kayghama Nikale, fils d’Ibrahim et le yarima Kaday Ka’aku. Il mourut à Afnu Kunu. La durée de son règne fut de 9 mois.”[17] In other words, he was in power for less than a year before the powerful kaigama and a yarima overthrew him. His descent from Dawud may have been an additional factor in his deposition as his two predecessors and successors were both descendants of Idris. But this was not merely part of the contested succession of the houses of Idris and Dawud. The kaigama was frequently involved in depositions and civil wars during this troubled era in the annals of the Sayfawa. Barth even proposed that the kaigama remained very powerful until the rise of Ali b. Dunama. Moreover, if the kaigama was already based in Borno before the Sayfawa maiwa abandoned Kanem to the Bulala, they may have had tremendous advantages in local ties and alliances. That advantage enabled them to frequently intervene in the internecine wars between the Dawudids and Idrisids.[18] Clearly, the yarima (a position given to princes, too), was also involved in the fall of Uthman in c. 1421-1422.

With the return to descendants of Idris to the throne after Uthman b. Dawud, one may surmise that the loyal followers and court of Uthman were supporters of the Dawudian house. Why Kano appealed to the deposed mai as a place of exile is not clear in the sources. But he certainly knew of the Idrisid Kaday Afnu who spent time there some decades before him. Kano in the 1420s was also increasingly Islamic. For instance, “The Song of Bagauda” referred to Sarkin Kano Umaru as “one learned in Islam, he it was who escaped (Hell-fire); He lit a fire which defied extinction.”[19] Likewise, the Kano Chronicle describes Umaru (r. 1410-1421) as abdicating to pursue a life of Islamic piety. More importantly, his friend, Abubakra, left for Borno during his reign.[20] Perhaps the reputation for piety achieved by Umaru and the time spent in Borno by Muslims affiliated with Kano’s court appealed to Uthman b. Dawud and his retinue.

Upon arrival, Uthman b. Dawud was appointed to the position of dagachi. Conventionally spelled dagaci (dagatai, plural) in Hausa, this is usually translated in English as village head.[21] But the responsibilities and power of the dagaci in this context was much more than a simple village ward head. More recent evidence from the political history of Kano, for example, reveals that the rulers of Gaya, Rano, Karaye and Dutse, powerful chiefs of areas within the kingdom, were given the title of dagaci. M.G. Smith argued that these officials exercised wider territorial authority than the hakimai and appointed their own dagatai.[22] It is very likely that the Dagachi from Borno exercised similar authority. The Kano Chronicle reports that the Dagachi settled with his large following at Dorai. He also acted as regent for the ruler of Kano when he left for 5 months to campaign against Zaria. This period of 5 months coincided with an increase in the wealth of the Dagachi.[23] Later, either during Uthman b. Dawud’s tenure or that of his progeny, the Dagachi was likewise powerful and wealthy during Abdullahi Burja’s reign (1438-1452).

Indeed, by this period, there was an increase in the scale of commerce in Kano that connected it with Gwanja, Asben, Borno, and beyond. The Dagachi’s followers also built homes from his own palatial estate to Salamta, thereby proving growth of this ward. The Chronicle similarly reports the Dagachi’s role in founding the market of Karabka.[24] Though not stated in the chronicle, one can surmise that the Dagachi enjoyed a role in the market taxes and the increased commercial activity across the region. Meanwhile, Kano appears to have gained a substantial captive population settled in various villages during this time. A galadima named Dauda was said to have established 21 towns with 1000 slaves each.[25] Notably, this same galadima had a daughter married to the ruler of Kano. Is it conceivable that the increase in commerce and slaving was another source of wealth for the Dagachi, whose market may have been a center for this trade? Besides the Dagachi, Uthman b. Dawud or his unnamed heir, only the galadima Dauda appears to have shared his power and influence.

Thus, the Dagachi from Borno rose from political exile to a post of great wealth and standing in Kano. This undoubtedly reflected the reputation of the Sayfawa dynasty across much of the region. The Dagachi’s arrival also occurred simultaneously with an increase in trans-Saharan and West African trade in Hausaland. The Wangara influence from the West and the trade in salt, kola, slaves, textiles, and the exchange of information and learning unquestionably shaped this context. Even a deposed Sayfawa mai brought royal rituals, regalia, and practices from a more established Islamic dynasty. It was perhaps no coincidence that Kano began to send “gifts” to Borno during Abdullahi Burja’s reign, too. The Dagachi’s presence in Kano could have been connected to this sending of “gifts” for blessings to the ruler of Borno and the maintenance of cordial relations.[26] As a result of the great privileges extended to the Dagachi for decades, his royal Sayfawa origin is rather probable. It likely contributed to the cultural and political exchanges between Kano and Borno during the 1400s.

Revisiting the Attempted Revolt of the Dagachi

Unfortunately, the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud later lost their power and privilege. During the reign of Abdullahi (c. 1499-1509), the son of Muhammad Rumfa, deposed the Sayfawa-descended Dagachi and gave the title to a slave. This episode, poorly explained in the Kano Chronicle, triggered an invasion from Borno (then ruled by Idris b. Ali, 1497-1519). Various authors have proposed alternative and sometimes illogical interpretations of this episode. Exploring the theories propounded by Yusufu Bala Usman, and M.G. Smith, this section shall endeavor to elucidate the conflict in terms of Kano’s political centralization and consolidation of Queen Hauwa’s descent group.

Beginning with Usman, one can see how torturous and questionable readings of the Kano Chronicle can lead one astray. Usman, wisely wishing to avoid reading the history of relations between Borno and Hausaland solely through the lens of empire or military conquests, tries to shift attention to other factors. For him, the burning question of internecine conflict within the Sayfawa branches claiming descent from Idris and Dawud was a factor. Purely speculating, Usman proposes that the intervention of Idris b. Ali during the planned revolt of the Dagachi was meant to neutralize the threat of a Dawudid Sayfawa descent group ruling Kano.[27] This view is quite unlikely based on a close reading of the English translation of the Kano Chronicle. In the Chronicle, it is clearly stated that Kano’s king waited for Idris b. Ali to leave Guduawa and return to Borno before he “beguiled” the Dagachi into submission. In the words of the Chronicle, “As soon as he was gone, Abdulahi beguiled Dagachi into submission and then turned him out of office and gave his own slave the title.”[28] If the ruler of Borno was opposed to the Dagachi, why would Kano’s king wait until he left before “beguiling” the Dagachi and then replacing him with a slave? Clearly, Idris b. Ali’s attack was coordinated to support the Dagachi who had been “prevented” from revolting due to Hauwa’s intervention.

Another view, explored by M.G. Smith’s Government in Kano, 1350-1950, suggests that the Dagachi probably did not intend to revolt. Instead, the Dagachi may have reported the actions of Kano’s ruler against Zaria and Katsina to Borno. Assuming Kano’s attacks on Zaria and Katsina were viewed as disloyalty by the ruler of Borno, Idris b. Ali consequently led an army against Kano. Smith is agnostic on the matter for he also suggests that the Dagachi may have been attempting to contest the throne of Kano with Abdullahi. Alternatively, they may have sought the throne due to the reforms of Muhammad Rumfa. Since conflict between Hausa states was perennial and it is unclear to what extent if any Borno sought to intervene in Kano’s wars with Zaria and Katsina. Nonetheless, Smith’s theory is plausible but cannot be demonstrated with any evidence from the Bornoan side. Idris b. Ali was certainly an active ruler on the military front, besting the Bulala in Kanem in two campaigns and was potentially more active in the west, too.[29] Since the reign of Abdullahi (c. 1499-1509) witnessed Kano’s victory against Katsina and Zazzau, Kano’s actions could have triggered alarm in Borno. The possibility of Kano upsetting the balance of power among the Hausa states may have been a sincere concern.[30] Of all Smith’s theorizing, the question of Rumfa’s reforms and changes in the state remains the most compelling theory, though a mixture of factors were probably relevant.

What were the changes in Kano’s administrative structure during the lengthy reign of Muhammad Rumfa? Why did they potentially lead to an attempted revolt by the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud? According to the Kano Chronicle, Rumfa (c. 1463-1499) was responsible for a number of reforms. These included the appointment of eunuchs to political office.[31] Besides constructing the palace used by subsequent Kano kings, Rumfa remodelled kingship based on Borno (at least in the eyes of M.G. Smith). This included the creation of a Council of Nine supposedly inspired by Borno’s royal court.[32] The nine principal officials around the sarki in subsequent centuries included the Galadima, Madaiki, Wombai, Makama, Sar. Dawaki, Sar. Bai (a slave), Ciroma, Dan Iya, and the Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda, also of slave origin.[33] The exact composition during the reign of Rumfa was probably slightly different, but one can note the influence of Borno through titles such as ciroma. At the same time, one also notes the influence of slave officials. By creating a new palace and redesigning the administrative system with more enslaved officials loyal to himself, Rumfa was able to centralize authority more successfully than his successors. Also important was Rumfa’s establishment of the Kurmi Market and initiated the use of ostrich-feather sandals, kakaki instruments, and other signs of royal authority.[34]

Consequently, one no longer reads of overwhelmingly powerful galadimas who effectively ruled Kano during the reign of Bugaya (c. 1385-1390) and the galadima entrusted with the affairs of Kano after Umaru (c. 1410-1421) abdicated.[35] The position retained its significance in future centuries of Kano history, even manifesting in Hauwa and Guli’s attempts to shape Kano politics long after Rumfa’s demise in the 1500s.[36] In short, the reforms of Rumfa increased the presentation and authority of the rulers of Kano through a new Borno-inspired court. With the enhancement of royal authority both visually and politically, the Dagachi may have felt threatened, or perceived a threat to Borno’s influence in this part of Hausaland.

But, the question of Rumfa hardly explains it all. After a lengthy reign terminating in c. 1499, the Dagachi may have represented another faction in Kano politics opposed to Hauwa. The wife of Rumfa, this remarkable woman shaped the next several decades of Kano politics through her influence on her son, Abdullahi (c. 1499-1509), and her grandson. In the context of Abdullahi’s reign, however, Hauwa sought to consolidate power for her descendants by sidelining other contenders supported by the Dagachi’s faction. Additionally, the Dagachi may have initially perceived Abdullahi as a much weaker ruler than his father who instituted several reforms and held the throne for a lengthy period. Hauwa, however, may have come from a powerful chiefly lineage within the Kano kingdom that was seeking to increase their influence in the royal court. Hence, her brother, Guli, was also a key ally in this process. Barkindo, citing a local Kano chronicler, has suggested Hauwa could have been the daughter of the Gaya king.[37] Hauwa’s strong role in the reign of Abdullahi can be seen in her suppression of the alleged revolt of the Dagachi whilst her son was away on campaign. Meanwhile, she promoted the interests of Gaya in court. This may have been a factor in the Dagachi’s plan to revolt, an ill-fated attempt to weaken Hauwa’s influence while also intervening to either supplant or replace Abdullahi.

Regrettably, we are indebted to the Kano Chronicle as the sole source on the Dagachi’s revolt. This imposes severe limitations on any attempt to reconstruct what transpired. Reading between the lines, however, one can generate a rough outline of what occurred. It is known that the Dagachi plot was scheduled for a time when Abdullahi was away, so the Dagachi must have planned and waited for an opportune time to strike. But Hauwa outmaneuvered him, preventing serious trouble from the Dagachi. One is apt to suspect the ruler of Borno was already aware of the Dagachi’s plot. But, by humbling himself with mallams by his side, Abdullahi convinced Idris b. Ali to return to Borno. Then, and only after the mai was no longer an immediate military threat, did Abdullahi trick the Dagachi into submitting to his authority. Afterwards, by replacing him with a slave, Abdullahi removed a powerful noble lineage as a threat to the state.[38] This revolt, which represented the final attempt by the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud to preserve their power and privilege, concluded with their demise in the face of Kano political centralization and a powerful queen-mother.

Elite Political Exiles and Sayfawa Influence Beyond Kanem and Borno

As the above endeavor to analyze the influence and legacy of a deposed Sayfawa mai in Kano illustrates, elite political exiles exerted tremendous authority and power in their new homes. In the case of Uthman b. Dawud and his descendants, they represent a product of the descendants of Dawud who were deposed by overly powerful officials of noble origin. Ironically, the descendants of Uthman b. Dawud were later deposed and replaced by slave officials, just as the Sayfawa accomplished against the kaigama during the reign of Ali b. Dunama and his successors. Much more remains to be said on this episode and the larger question of Kano-Borno relations, but it shows how even a branch of the Sayfawa could shape political culture and economics in areas on the periphery of Borno. Elites, bringing with them the Sayfawa state structure, a retinue, and Islamic scholars, nonetheless profoundly shaped their new locations. The example of the Dagachi serves as one example of this.

Looking beyond, to Darfur, for example, descendants of Dawud and other Bornoans claiming Magumi origin were able to achieve similar levels of influence. This promoted an image of Borno and the Sayfawa as ideal Islamic rulers across a vast expanse of the Sudanic belt, from the Niger to the Nile. Their cultural influence was compounded by an increase in trade, religious ties, pilgrimage routes, commerce, and official relations with Borno. In the case of Dagachi, this overwhelming power was considered a threat by a centralized Kano court with a possibly close tie to a Gaya-backed faction eager to consolidate their influence with Rumfa’s son. And while conflict erupted between Borno and Kano after Abdullahi’s reign, one can conclude that Borno’s cultural influence did not exclude military clashes or raids. Yet the type of regional politico-cultural hegemony achieved by the Sayfawa was undoubtedly aided by Sayfawa elite exiles and envoys. Perhaps more importantly, the Dagachi of Kano also serves as an example of how elite migrants and exiles affected state formation in the Central Sudan.

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[1] As always, we prefer Dierk Lange’s chronology for the annals of the Sayfawa. It has not yet been superseded, despite its occasional contradictions. See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808).

[2] Although he has not presented sufficient evidence to support his interpretation, Murray Last has suggested the Dagachi was actually a prince from Mandara. This seems highly unlikely, however. Last’s reasoning is based on the name of the mother of Kano king Dauda, Mandara. Apparently, this was implausibly linked to the kingdom of Mandara on the basis of the name of Dauda’s mother. On the other hand, Abubakar Dokaji’s chronicle of Kano’s history presents the Dagachi as a warrior. See discussion in Bawuro M. Barkindo, “Kano Relations with Borno, Early Times to C. 1800” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (editor), Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 151. Of course, when one consults the translation of a kings list for Kano by John Hunwick, the name of Dawud’s (Dauda’s) mother is Manduna. See John Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” 106. As for Dokaji’s theory, one must wonder why a warrior had a large number of mallams in his party. The large number of dependents, mallams, and possibly slaves who accompanied the Dagachi to Kano suggest someone of great wealth and status, not a mere warrior.

[3] Ibn Battuta in J. F. P. Hopkins and N. Levtzion (editors). Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 281, 302. Ibn Battuta’s reference to Gobir, whose ruler was not Muslim (if the sons of the ruler were killed and buried with their father, this would imply the people of Kubar (Gobir?) were still non-Muslim. Overall, Ibn Battuta’s brief report, recorded from a Masufa interlocutor, is indicative of an early Hausa state engaged in trans-Saharan trade.

[4] For one speculative look at Sayfawa intervention in the affairs of Aïr in the late 1100s or early 1200s, see Behique Dunama, “Kanem, Kawar and the Tuareg in the 12th Century,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/kanem-kawar-and-tuareg-in-12th-century.html. For another speculative interpretation of early Gobir, see Behique Dunama, “Gobir and the Copts,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2024/06/gobir-and-copts.html. Also worth considering is the possible connection between the Kanawa and the people of the Sosebaki states. According to Landeroin, the subjects of the Sosebaki rulers were Kanawas of Kutumbawas like the people of Kano. Oral traditions from the early 1900s indicated that about 800-900 years ago, a prince named  Mohammed Nafarko arrived in the region from Borno (Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 425-427). Additional oral traditions on the foundation of Birni Gazargamo also link the Sao leader, Dala N’Gumami, with Kano. See Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Vol 2, 67. Interpretation of these disparate traditions require much closer analysis but imply connections between peoples in Kano and Borno specifically long before the 1400s. Also worth noting is the name Dala, used by Ahmad b. Furtu during Idris Alooma’s reign to refer to Kano (the city). See Lange, A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564–1576 according to the account of Ahmad b. Furtū. Arabic text, English translation, commentary and geographical gazetteer. Also, note the genealogy of the alifas of Kanem as reported by Landeroin in “Notice historique.” The founder of their dynasty, Dalatoa Afuno, was allegedly of Magumi descent and from a village in the Kano kingdom. The name Dalatu may be a reference to Kano.

[5] See Sonja Magnavita and Juan-Marco Puerta Schardt, “Tracing connections: Exploring links between Marandet (Central Niger) and the Chad Basin through pottery provenance analysis using pXRF,” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 67 (2025).

[6] John Lavers, “A Note on the Terms “Hausa” and “Afuno,”’ Kano Studies 2 (1) 1980, 116.

[7] Intriguingly, there may have been a kaigama named Dalatu in the 1300s. According to the Diwan, Bir b. Idris, whose reign stretched from c. 1389-1421, engaged in war with a kaigama named Muhammad b. D.l.t. See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77. The title of kaigama was perhaps not inherited through direct succession but Muhammad’s father may have held the title sometime during the reign of Idris b. Ibrahim. For evidence of the title of kaigama once being the domain of elites whose children were considered princes, see Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries Vol. II, and Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846), 93. For an opposing view, see Lange, “Preliminaires pour une histoire des Sao,” Journal of African History 30, no. 2 (1989), 209. Lange’s perspective, however, is contradicted by Palmer, Barth and Nur Alkali.

[8] P.A. Benton, The Languages and Peoples of Bornu, Vol 1., 25. Benton’s report also indicates that the chima of Kano was the mulima of the kaigama. This connection with the kaigama may stem from the earlier territorial domains of the kaigama, which, according to Nachtigal, encompassed the lands stretching from what was the Sokoto Caliphate to Logon, including Daia, Gujeba, Mabani and Bulgoa (Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. II, 249). The title may also have some connection with Kagha, possibly an earlier capital of Borno under the administration of the kaigama. See Djibo Hamani, Quatorze siecles d'histoire du Soudan Central: Niger du VIIè au XXè siècle, 110.

[9] Oral tradition conflating the reigns of different maiwa with the same name is likely.

[10] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 29. One is also tempted to consider later maiwa such as Idris Alooma as a possible candidate for the ruler of Borno recounted in Benton’s tale. However, based on the chronicle of Ahmad b. Furtu, we know that the kaigama was named Muhammad Kaday (at least for the Sau-Gafata campaign). See Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 49.

[11] John Lavers, “A Note on the Terms “Hausa” and “Afuno,”’ 115.

[12] Although it is possible the Wangarawa traders whose arrival in Kano during the late 1300s is probable supported one local group whilst Borno lent its aid to the other?

[13] Paul E. Lovejoy, Abdullahi Mahadi, and Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar, “C.L. Temple’s Notes on the History of Kano: A Lost Chronicle of Political Office (1909),” Sudanic Africa 4 (1993), 76.

[14] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77. Lamentably, the Diwan does not provide many details on the political turbulence within the Sayfawa state during the 1300s and 1400s. Besides allusions to conflict with the Bulala and Sao or civil wars with kaigama officials, it is difficult to reconstruct in greater detail the possible alliances of elite officials or competing branches of the Sayfawa which made this an unstable era, politically.

[15] See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 72.

[16] Ibid., 74.

[17] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 77.

[18] To properly understand the period stretching from c. 1389-1459, recall that there were 12 Sayfawa rulers, 6 each from among the descendants of Dawud and Idris. Frequent contestations of succession or civil wars may have given the kaigama officials tremendous power to shape events to their favor. See Jean-Claude Zeltner, Pages d'histoire du Kanem, pays tchadien, 82.

[19] Mervyn Hiskett, “The ‘Song of Bagauda’: A Hausa King List and Homily in Verse—II,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 28, no. 1 (1965), 116.

[20] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 74.

[21] Roxana Ma Newman, An English-Hausa Dictionary, 296.

[22] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350–1950, 73.

[23] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 75. This suggests that despite his humble title, the Dagachi was actually one of the most powerful or important titleholders in Kano. Before the Dagachi’s regency, only the galadima appears similarly influential and powerful, including acting as regent or deposing kings.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Ibid., 76.

[26] Kofar Dagachi, for instance, was an important gate that opened on the road to Kazaure, Hadejia and beyond. Is there any chance this was linked to trade with Borno from Kano? More investigation is needed into the possible role of branches of the Sayfawa from the Dawudid branch in other lands despite ongoing hostilities between Dawud’s descendants and those of Idris. For more on the gate of the Dagachi, see Bawuro M. Barkindo, “Gates of Kano” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (editor), Studies in the History of Kano, 18.

[27] Yusufu Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland Before 1804” in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (editors), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 182.

[28] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78.

[29] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Vol 1, 17.

[30] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78.

[31] Ibid.

[32] M.G. Smith, “Historical and Cultural Conditions of Political Corruption among the Hausa,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 6, no. 2 (1964), 168.

[33] Paul E. Lovejoy, Abdullahi Mahadi, and Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar, “C.L. Temple’s Notes on the History of Kano: A Lost Chronicle of Political Office (1909),” 50.

[34] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78. The state-sponsored establishment of a market, perhaps several years after the Dagachi had sponsored one, is a sign of state support for commerce and likely a greater role for the government in taxation and long-distance trade.

[35] Ibid., 73-74.

[36] Ibid., 80.

[37] Bawuro Barkindo, “Kano Relations with Borno, Early Times to c. 1800” in Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 156. The unlikely theory of Murray Last on a royal Songhay origin for Hauwa is derived from Leo Africanus, a questionable source on the details of Kano during this era. As for Hauwa’s Gaya origins, the ruling lineage there were noted in the Kano Chronicle to have come to the capital during the reign of Yakubu (1452-1463). Was Hauwa a daughter of Agalfati? If so, she was a descendant of the ruling line of Machina, whose local dynasty were close with the Sayfawa. See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 76.

[38] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 78. 

Idris b. Ibrahim and Afnu

 

Whilst revisiting various sources on Dagachi and the question of Sayfawa relations with Kano and Hausaland in the 1300s and 1400s, we were naturally drawn to a speculative essay by John Lavers. Entitled "A Note on the Terms "Hausa" and "Afuno"" and published in Kano Studies, Lavers endeavored to trace the period of Kanem-Borno involvement in Kano to the 1300s. Our evidence for this is, understandably, limited and problematic. But, Lavers raised a legitimate question of an earlier Sayfawa interest in Kano based on how Ibn Battuta and al-Maqrizi refer to Kanem-Borno as well as the sending of tsare from Kano during the 1400s. If the rulers of Kano were sending gifts to Borno's ruler in the 1400s, particularly in an era before Ali b. Dunama successfully stabilized the Sayfawa state in that region, this could possibly be based on earlier moments when the Sayfawa were active in Kano or the west. This could very well explain why Ibn Battuta, for instance, referred to Idris b. Ibrahim (c. 1342-1366) as ruler of Borno, even before the Sayfawa permanently relocated to Borno from Kanem. It would also explain why there was a Sayfawa ruler called Kaday Afnu in c. 1388. Perhaps he had been raised there or possibly had a mother from the western lands. Of course, it would further elucidate why Uthman b. Dawud (c. 1421-1422) later moved to Kano after his deposition. 

If close relations between Kanem-Borno and the area of Kasar Kano were apparent by the 1300s, it also explains the tradition heard by Benton for the origin of the word afuno. Although oral tradition by the time of P.A. Benton associated the ruler who initiated the use of this word for the Hausa with Idris b. Ali, it is likely that another Sayfawa mai named Idris is intended. For example, from the chronicle of Ahmad b. Furtu translated by Lange, we know that Idris b. Ali, who ruled from c. 1564-1596, had a kaigama named Muhammad Kaday during the campaign against the Sau-Gafata. During the reign of an earlier Idris b. Ali, 1497-1519, Palmer included a mahram in Bornu Sahara and Sudan naming the kaigama as Muhmmad ibn Sugu while another witness was named Dallatu Abd ul Lahi. This Idris could be the one recalled in tradition for attacking Kano, an event recorded in the Kano Chronicle in the context of Muhammad Rumfa's successor's reign. 

Yet Lavers could be correct about Idris b. Ibrahim (c. 1342-1366) as the Sayfawa ruler recalled in the tradition for another reason. When one consults the Diwan, one can see that Bir b. Idris, whose rule extended from c. 1389-1421, engaged in a civil war with kaigama named Muhammad b. D.l.t. Since Muhammad b. D.l.t. was certainly the son of a man named Dalatu, and the position of kaigama was held by princes or those of royal blood, it is actually conceivable for there to have been a kaigama named Dalatu during the reign of Idris b. Ibrahim (c. 1342-1366). Based on the Diwan, however, the position of kaigama was not clearly inherited in a hereditary fashion. Nonetheless, Barth's history of the reign of Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497) indicates that the title of kaigama was held by powerful elites whose children were seen as princes or princesses. They may not have inherited the position of kaigama directly from their fathers, but may have been able to claim the title after other relatives from other branches occupied the post (perhaps collaterally?). This suggests that there likely was a kaigama named Dalatu sometime in the mid-14th century. This official may have been the one recalled in tradition as attacking Afnu, or the arse-clothed people, to the west of Borno. 

Ultimately, Lavers was writing based more on speculation than anything, but his reasoning is not without merit. The notion of Sayfawa campaigning in the area of Kasar Kano in the mid-1300s is certainly plausible. It also has some support for the existence of a kaigama named Dalatu in the Diwan. Of course, the tradition reported by Benton could also be alluding to Idris b. Ali (1497-1519), although the reference to a kaigama named Dalatu seems to be a figure who lived in the 1300s.

A Tentative Reassement of the Reign of Dunama b. Ali (1696-1715)

Pages of the Shurb al-Zulal by Shaykh Hajrami in Bivar and Hiskett, "The Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 1804: A Provisional Account."

                One Sayfawa mai whose reign has not received adequate analysis is Dunama b. Ali (r. 1696-1715). A son of Ali b. Umar (c. 1639-1677), Dunama succeeded his brother, Idris, who perished in 1696. As Idris died en route to Mecca on the pilgrimage, it is unclear if Dunama b. Ali was perhaps already acting as a regent or if he came to the throne through other means.[1] Nonetheless, from the potentially destabilizing moment of succession, Dunama b. Ali was able to occupy the throne for approximately 19 years. Despite Muhammad Nur Alkali’s portrayal of him as inexperienced and unpopular, revisiting the extant sources on this mai presents a more nuanced picture.[2] Instead, Borno during the reign of Dunama b. Ali remained economically vibrant, influential across the region, and well-poised to respond to external threats or complications. This essay argues that the reign of Dunama b. Ali was not a period of political weakness, as suggested by Muhammad Nur Alkali, but rather one in which Borno maintained regional influence, economic vitality, and the institutional stability of the Sayfawa state. This tentative analysis shall endeavor to demonstrate this through a review of the various sources pertinent to Dunama b. Ali’s reign and conditions in the Central Bilad al-Sudan during the late 17^th century to early 18^th century. Dunama b. Ali’s dynamic reign will be seen as more successful and historically significant for the polity of Borno.

Muhammad Nur Alkali on Dunama b. Ali

            First, how did Borno historian Muhammad Nur Alkali assess the reign of Dunama? According to Alkali, Dunama b. Ali (rendered as Dunoma ibn Ali) was an inexperienced ruler. The reference to him as Mai Leram Ngalugalaba implied that he was “the Mai who was care-free and incapable of keeping official secrets.”[3] It is not always easy to tell from where Alkali obtained his information. To quote further, “He appears to have been a very unpopular ruler as the hardship that befell the kingdom was attributed to his lack of encouragement and support for the ulama.”[4] This portrayal of Dunama b. Ali’s reign as especially unsuccessful seems to be based on the report in the Diwan of a famine that allegedly lasted 7 years.[5] Yet Alkali had described the reign of Idris b. Ali, Dunama’s brother, as one in which he withdrew to Gamboru (Gambaru). Furthermore, besides his death and the burial in Traghen, extraordinarily little can be said for the reign of Idris b. Ali.

            Despite the analysis of Alkali, a second look at all the available sources suggests a more complicated narrative. Palmer, for instance, recalls traditions of Dunama b. Ali’s success in reducing banditry as “Dunama, the warrior, who suppressed robbery, of renowned fame, the marvel of marvels, who was buried in the district of Kowwa.”[6] John Lavers has likewise emphasized a more positive appraisal of his reign through his initiation of peace talks with Kwararafa by 1706.[7] That Borno exerted some degree of control over trans-Saharan routes to the Fazzan is implied by French sources, too. Since the king of Borno was able to command tribute for the passage of caravans to Borno from the Tripoli-Fazzan-Kawar route, the Sayfawa state system was still able to maintain secure trade routes.[8]

As for the impact of the lengthy famine, this undoubtedly fueled unrest and caused suffering in Borno. Yet later testimony from Ali Eisami suggests the resourcefulness of the people of Borno in times of duress. Indeed, according to Eisami, the people had access to tree-leaves, tree-fruits and edible herbs. Thus, “Bornu is pleasant for the poor: when there is a famine, it never kills many people; there are many fruit-trees and many eatable herbs; therefore a famine never kills many people.”[9] Obviously, an extended famine that lasted for up to 7 years would have incurred more suffering and hunger. It also may have contributed to population movements and conflict over resources between nomadic pastoralists and sedentary farmers. Unfortunately, without further data, it is difficult to assess the impact of famine during Dunama b. Ali’s reign or even when it took place.

Next, the question of support for the ulama. This is partly complicated by Shaykh Hajrami’s didactic fiqh verses, Shurb al-zulal. However, the sources from the reign of Dunama b. Ali suggest another relationship with the ulama of Borno. For example, Dunama b. Ali may have been the mai who welcomed the Koyam shaykhs, whose community at Kalumbardo was destroyed in 1677, to settle in Gaskeru. Controversy exists over whether this deed was done by Dunama b. Ali or his son, Hamdun.[10] Nevertheless, if Dunama b. Ali had been willing to relocate a Fulani community so the Koyam Shaykhs could renew their works in Borno, he was  doing so out of both sincere support for Islam as well as political reasons. Similarly, Dunama b. Ali also ratified a mahram for descendants of a Fulani Islamic leader, Gabidama, whose community was exempted from taxation.[11] Lastly, he may have been pivotal in the early Islamization of Mandara if one accepts Barkindo’s chronology for the kings of Mandara.[12] These actions suggest Dunama b. Ali did support the ulama to at least some extent. His support for the Islamization of places like Mandara likewise illustrates a commitment to spreading the faith beyond the confines of Borno or the Kanuri peoples. Doing so necessarily involved the ulama, who were required as teachers of the faith in Mandara, among the Bolewa of Daniski, or in other communities.

In short, there were several problems with the portrait of Borno during the reign of Dunama b. Ali. Many are perhaps due to the problematic and sometimes unreliable source material for this era. Others are based on erroneous assumptions based on the Diwan or presumptions that Hajrami’s verses were a denunciation of corruption in Borno. In the case of Muhammad Nur Alkali, the largely negative portrayal of Dunama seems to pertain to the famine and traditions suggestive of an inexperienced or perhaps unpopular leader. In the absence of additional evidence speaking directly to the effects of famine or conflicts with the ulama, one should adopt a tentatively skeptical approach. At least in comparison with his brother, Dunama b. Ali’s reign can be seen to have achieved more for Borno’s goals in trans-Saharan commerce, establishing more peaceful relations with Kwararafa and supporting the spread of Islam beyond the confines of the state.

The Origins of Dunama b. Ali and His Family

As indicated by his name, Dunama was the son of Ali b. Umar. His maternal ancestry, however, linked him to the ruling line of Marte. Indeed, according to one gargam, Dunama’s mother, Askara, was the daughter of the Martema.[13] Marte, a town said to have been founded before Gazargamo, was established by Martema Muhammad Wayumi. Peopled by Magumi, the city was an early one inhabited by people claiming shared ancestry with the ruling dynasty of Kanem and Borno.[14] Consequently, Dunama b. Ali may have been entirely “Kanuri” in his ancestry. To what degree his maternal ancestry linking him to Marte shaped his own reign is unknown, but it is possible he was supported by a faction of Magumi descent from that region to ascend the throne.

Apparently, Dunama b. Ali also had a sister, Aisha (Ayesha) bint Ali. Although it is not known if she was also a full sister, she is one of the few elite women affiliated with Dunama b. Ali to appear in written sources. A mahram dated by Palmer to 1704 names his sister as the Sokotoma[15] to whom the Fulani beneficiaries were passed.[16] The mention of a magaram in the context of a mahram is quite intriguing and suggests elite women engaged in both religious and secular contexts of land tenure. In fact, when the mahram was ratified by Dunama b. Ali, the person who approached the king for the descendants of Gabidama was a princess named Gusa Larabaramma. This suggests the mairam were also involved in interceding on behalf of respected Islamic holymen.

Like his brother, Idris, he too may have undertaken the pilgrimage to Mecca. It is known that Idris Alooma brought  his sister with him during his hajj.[17] It is possible that Dunama b. Ali had accompanied his father during one of his voyages to Mecca, too. The evidence is ambiguous as some sources present Dunama as one of the many Sayfawa maiwa who performed the hajj. For instance, a list in verse of the Sayfawa maiwa describes the mai, “His brother, Dunama, son of Ali, was surnamed “the unfortunate.” Dunama completed his pilgrimage to the House of God and visited the wonderful garden of the Prophet.”[18] Through the correspondence of the French consul in Cairo, notice of two sons of Dunama b. Ali’s voyage to Mecca was recorded in 1707.[19] It is possible one of these Sayfawa maiwa in Cairo was Hamdun b. Dunama (r. 1715-1729).

The question remains when Dunama b. Ali went on the hajj and to what extent the cited list of Sayfawa maiwa in verse is accurate. Many questions remain on the nature of Dunama b. Ali’s rise to the throne and how his connections to Marte may have influenced that outcome. This mai appears to have been of Magumi descent on both sides of his family and had at least one sister, Aisha, who participated in the state’s relationship with ulama.

Borno and Foreign Relations: Kwararafa, Mandara and Beyond

            One area in which Dunama b. Ali’s reign was successful is the maintenance of order and security. This can be glimpsed in the available sources on Borno’s relations with Hausaland, Kwararafa, and Mandara. Relations with other states in the region need far more attention. For similar reasons, lamentably, not enough sources exist. But from reports of Borno that reached French consuls in Tripoli, one can glimpse aspects of a relatively successful system of foreign relations. Through these consular reports, a partial view of Borno and its reputation as a great power are discernible. In this case, the reports of French consul Claude Lemaire are especially significant. Quoted in Zeltner’s Tripoli, carrefour de l'Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795, Lemaire’s letters refer to events in Borno and Tripoli during the reigns of Idris b. Ali and Dunama b. Ali. They are especially useful for the enigmatic references to Kwararafa, a non-Muslim state which threatened Kano and Borno during this time. Other sources, like Pétis de la Croix’s report on Tripoli, provide much data on trans-Saharan trade during this period as well as what may be the earliest Kanuri wordlist.[20] Additional sources such as oral traditions from the vassal states of Borno like Muniyo or the Kano Chronicle provide insights into historical developments on the margins of Borno or in Hausaland. Though hardly an abundant body of sources, they provide a usable framework for contextualizing Borno’s relations with other states during this time.

            Naturally, the largest threat to Borno appears to have been Kwararafa. Already documented for its attacks that reached Birni Gazargamo during the reign of Ali b. Umar, reports of further conflict reached Europeans in Tripoli.[21] Despite Lemaire reporting in 1686 that Borno could muster 300,000 troops, undoubtedly an exaggerated figure, Kwararafa remained an unsubdued foe.[22] Indeed, as late as 1707, Fr. Damiano reported, “Par toutes les informations que j’ay pris, il me parait que le Sultan de Gourourfa est le plus puissant des roys naigres puisqu’il a rédhuit celluy de Bornoux à luy demander la paix, après l’avoir vaincu en plusiers batailles.”[23] Evidence from Kano demonstrates the military successes of Kwararafa since this state was able to overrun the capital, defeating Dadi (r. 1670-1703).[24] The motivation for Kwararafa’s actions against Borno and Kano in this time are not known, but it has been speculated that an attempt by the pagan state to ensure its access to trans-Saharan trade and northern markets could have been a factor.[25]

            By the reign of Dunama b. Ali, however, relations with Kwararafa appear to have changed. From wars or military conflict, Borno seems to have sought peaceful relations with its southern neighbor. By 1706, Lemaire was informed of peace between the two powers and that a Kwararafa ambassador was in Borno (presumably Birni Gazargamo).[26] Unfortunately, the sources are silent on this process, but it is perhaps around this moment when Borno sent a zannuwa to Wukari. In addition, 19^th century sources suggest the Jukun became tributaries of Borno. According to Ali Eisami, the Dsuku (Jukun) were reported to have paid annual tribute of 1000 slaves to Borno.[27] Undoubtedly, this figure is an exaggeration, but it may speak to a shift towards profitable trade between Kwararafa and Borno during the 1700s. Achieving peace on this front was thus of great importance for Borno’s security on its southern frontiers.

            Besides shifting toward peaceful relations with Kwararafa, Dunama b. Ali was likely the Sayfawa ruler who initiated the Islamization of Mandara. Mandara’s first Muslim ruler, Bukar Aji, who became king in c. 1715, was said to have received scholars from Borno. Indeed, Dunama b. Ali likewise sponsored the sending of scholars to the Bolewa to encourage Islamic conversion.[28] An Arabic chronicle from Mandara similarly emphasizes the role of Borno in Mandara’s Islamization. Its first Muslim king, Bukar Aji, was said to have been from Birni Gazargamo and had a Kanuri mother. Furthermore, “Pour l’aider dans sa grande tâche de conversion, il emmena avec lui plusiers marabouts Kanouri, dont Maloum Mar Makkama qui fut le fondateur de la famille des Moufallama ou Moufalla.[29] If one accepts Barkindo’s date for 1715, it would seem that Dunama b. Ali was instrumental in the coming to power of Mandara’s first Islamic ruler.

With Kanuri mallams and immigrants already settled in parts of Mandara, this ensured Mandara would, for a time at least, remain culturally tied to Borno. Indeed, according to Barkindo, some Bornoan communities had been settled in Mandara for at least 2 generations by the reign of Bukar Aji. Despite later maiwa encountering difficulties with Mandara, traditions suggest Bukar Aji and his successor regularly sent gifts or tribute to Borno.[30] Consequently, Dunama b. Ali and Hamdun b. Dunama’s actions here can be conceived of as a success in extending Borno’s influence to a deeper level in Mandara whilst ensuring Bornoan communities there would retain their connections to the Sayfawa state.

Beyond Kwararafa and Mandara, Bornoan influence extended as far east as Darfur and west into Zazzau and other lands such as Nupeland. In Zazzau, the eminent position of Limaman Kona was established by the early 1700s.[31] In distant Darfur, Bornoan pilgrims and scholars were settling in Darfur during the reigns of Sulayman Solong and Ahmad Bukr. Of the Keira sultans of Darfur, Nachtigal specifically alluded to Ahmad Bukr for his role in inviting people from Borno, Bagirmi and the Nile regions to settle in the kingdom.[32] It is likely that the pilgrims who traversed the eastern Sudanic roads from Borno to Sinnar included mystics or Sufis from Borno and the Fazzan. Krump’s observations of them in a caravan, particularly their manner of jumping and singing, suggest a form of Islamic mysticism in which Borno at this time was clearly part of.[33] The presence of traders and mystics along this route suggests Borno was an active participant in the exchange of both goods as well as ideas of religion and spirituality across the Sudanic belt and the Sahara. Since Dunama b. Ali’s reign coincided with these developments, one cannot say this mai neglected the ulama or failed to uphold the power (and allure) of Borno across much of the Central Bilad al-Sudan. No small part of this authority of the Sayfawa was symbolic, generated by the long-lasting dynasty’s reputation for piety, support for Islamic scholarship, and frequent pilgrimages.[34]

Sufis from Borno may have also traveled to Morocco where, a Sidi ‘Abd al- ‘Aziz b. Mas’ud al-Dabbagh wrote of receiving lessons from a shaykh named Abd Allah al-Barnawi. The Bornoan shaykh was said to have died in Borno in 1714/15, but ambiguity remains on the historicity of this figure.[35]  Assuming this figure is not a mystical vision of the Kalumbardo leader who perished in the 1670s, there was a prominent Sufi teacher active in Morocco and Borno during the reign of Dunama b. Ali.

In summation, a cursory examination of Borno’s foreign relations during the reign of Dunama b. Ali reveals a powerful state which held enormous sway and influence. From wars to peace with Kwararafa, Borno found peace on this part of its southern frontier. Through the Islamization of Mandara’s ruling dynasty, Borno extended its influence through Bornoan migration and the conversion to Islam of Mandara’s elite. Other states like Zaria were within Borno’s sphere of influence, too. To the east, Bornoans were active in Darfur and even on the early east-west pilgrim traffic and trade from the Nile to Lake Chad. Dunama b. Ali’s reign appears to have been mostly successful in the assertion of Sayfawa authority.

Domestic Affairs

Naturally, one must consider domestic or internal affairs when assessing the reign of a king. In this case, our sources emphasize the famine of 7 years. Yet famine was not the only event which entered the annals. Sources suggest a state of general security in the kingdom with trans-Saharan trade routes reliably under Bornoan control. Likewise, the domestic conditions regarding state-ulama relations or the state’s support for Islam have also raised questions. Yet closer inspection demonstrates the state’s overall success in managing internal affairs and supporting the religious establishment in this period.

First, the question of famine. As previously mentioned, later accounts suggest periods of famine were not necessarily an insurmountable challenge. The people of Borno had access to plants, herbs, and fruits from the woods or forested regions which became a major source of sustenance in times of famine. Of course, if famine conditions persisted for 7 years, much hardship would have developed. Unsurprisingly, migration from areas without food could have sparked conflict over scarce resources as pastoralist nomads migrated south. It may be that in this context, Dunama b. Ali’s suppression of robbery was in part an attempt by the government to maintain order during the extended period of famine. Moreover, there is evidence to suggest that, in theory, the state controlled a bayt al-mal which, ideally, would support the poor during moments of duress. Ethnographic research in Kanem has revealed the existence of this institution during the period of the alifate of Mao. According to Robert Bouille, this caisse publique not only provided support for mallams and the maintenance of mosques but also fed the poor.[36] Not enough is known about this institution in Borno, but it may have provided some support for at least the urban poor in Gazargamo and surrounding regions. Further evidence is necessary before one can speak of any widespread state distribution of food or grain, but the Sayfawa administration probably included a bayt al-mal. It may be through this institution that Ahmad b. Ali (r. 1791-1808) supported the scholars and worried about the plight of the poor.[37]

Through the galadima posted at Nguru, Borno also appears to have been largely successful on its western frontier with regards to vassal provinces and neighbors. A galadima at Nguru  named Dunama Aisatami overlapped with Dunama b. Ali’s reign. In his time as galadima, a praise song in his honor attributes the Islamization of the “pagans” of Garmangal to him. Furthermore, this galadima was the son of a princess of Hadija, or Mangu, another indication of effective creation of alliances by the galadimas responsible for Borno’s west.[38] A relatively successful galadima in western Borno who also oversaw the spread of Islam is consistent with Dunama b. Ali’s policies in Mandara and among the Bolewa of Daniski.

Furthermore, internal developments regarding Islam were far more nuanced than a simple “lack of support” for the ulama. The Koyam shaykhs of Gaskeru, for instance, were given that land with other benefits from Dunama b. Ali or his son, Hamdun. By supporting the return of this community, Dunama b. Ali was not only sponsoring the return of a Sufi ascetic community but strengthening Borno’s northern frontier. As the leaders of a theocratic mini state themselves, the Koyam built successful communities whilst defending Borno from Tuareg raiders or bandits. Their reputation for piety and asceticism attested to the lingering popularity of Sufi circles in Borno, including residents in Birni Gazargamo.

Dunama b. Ali’s Borno was also a center of Islamic scholarship. Shaykh Hajrami, who was active during this period, may have been an imam of one of Gazargamo’s Friday mosques. Several prominent Borno ulama are said to have studied in the circle of Shaykh Hajrami, such as Shaykh Tahir, Shaykh Umar Mama, and Shaykh al-Yamani. Hajrami was remembered for his lessons on the Mukhtasar of Sidi Khalil.[39] Another renowned scholar, Muhammad al-Kashnawi, studied in Borno during the early 1700s. In Borno, he studied with Muhammad K.R.’K. in Kaghu and Muhammad Bindu, learning calculation, math, logic, and the esoteric sciences. The learning of al-Kashnawi strongly implies an interest in esoteric sciences and mathematics among the ulama of Borno.[40] Indeed, this interest in topics like geomancy or astrology appears to have sparked the disapproval of Shaykh Hajrami and Muhammad al-Wali.[41] Borno’s continued function as a pole of attraction for Islamic scholars from areas as far as Bagirmi or Katsina in the late 1600s and early 1700s demonstrate a lively environment which was certainly supported by the state. As imam of one of the capital’s main mosques, Shaykh Hajrami, to take one example, would have been familiar with Dunama b. Ali and the Sayfawa administration.

Moving on to the elephant in the room, Shaykh Hajrami’s Shurb al-zulal. Interpreted by some scholars as a condemnation of corruption in Borno, the reality is certainly more complex. As previously mentioned, Shaykh Hajrami was active during the reign of Dunama b. Ali and possibly an imam of one of the main mosques of the capital. For Abubakar Mustapha, Hajrami’s poem was mainly an advanced lesson on fiqh for teaching the sources of halal and haram.[42] This view stresses the didactic purposes of the text rather than any attempt on social or political commentary. Nur Alkali, on the other hand, acknowledged the didactic purpose of the text while simultaneously leaving room for political commentary. Thus, Hajrami’s condemnation of the bribery of judges and gifts to governors, or ngaji and kabelo, could be read as a direct critique of Sayfawa administration. Basically, forms of taxation not in accordance with Islamic law and the corruption of judges or provincial government officials were at least implied.[43]

Bobboyi also adopted a similar perspective, with the Shurb al-zulal being insufficient itself to prove Hajrami was writing in response to real conditions in Borno. Nevertheless, the ulama were unlikely to have been writing a theoretical work completely removed from the local conditions or political arrangement of Borno. Shaykh Hajrami was also remembered in Borno tradition as an advisor who wrote an additional work on bidding good and forbidding evil, implying that he saw his works as didactic ones intended to teach proper actions in alignment with sharia and Islamic morality.[44]

A close analysis of the text is revelatory. In the translation of Bivar and Hiskett, which proposed a 1707 date for the composition, multiple intriguing questions manifest. Hajrami writes, “The root of legality is earning by husbandry and trade and industry, with piety and honesty in dealing and knowledge in seeking, and courteous behavior.”[45] This is hardly controversial, yet the work also condemns the eating of non-halal meat or food acquired through illegal or haram means. The condemnation of corruption by judges or the giving of gifts to governors refer to real-world practices, too. And to make his point even more forcefully, Hajrami writes, “And likewise your taking of dinars which have been seized unjustly, and dirhams taken forcibly.”[46] This importance attached to the illegal taxation and forcible seizure of goods may refer to conditions in Borno during the famine. If Hajrami wrote this after the famine, he may have witnessed or heard of many people in Borno suffering illegal taxation or expropriation of their surplus. After all, it is hard to imagine the chima gana or chima kura easily accepting to survive on herbs or plants and nuts from forests. It is possible that they sought to overtax and exploit the labor of the peasantry whenever possible, during the famine. This, undoubtedly, would have caused complaints by the rural population and discontent, which eventually reached Gazargamo. Consequently, Hajrami may have written Shurb al-zulal in response to those specific conditions of unrest and conflict engendered by the lengthy famine which struck the region.

On the other hand, the system of chima or “fief” administration always contained the seeds of corruption and exploitation. After all, the peasants in the chimas could be conscripted to provide communal labor, or surwa.[47] With the holders of the chima residing in the capital, their representatives appointed to oversee their “fiefs” could also seek ways to exploit or overtax the peasantry. The buying and selling of local positions through bribes or gifts to the representatives of the chima gana also includes many opportunities for corruption or illegal measures taken against the population.

In short, the system of Sayfawa administration as known for the last several centuries could easily lead to corruption or abuses of authority. To what extent was this the case during the reign of Dunama b. Ali remains an unanswerable question. If Hajrami was writing after or during the famine, that unquestionably shaped his view of the Sayfawa administration. Yet his own presence in Gazargamo and ties with ulama affiliated with the Sayfawa clearly establish him as an insider rather than a charismatic figure condemning the state from the exterior. Shurb al-zulal should be contextualized in this moment of duress and strain on the political economy of Borno during an extended famine. To speculate further on its condemnation of the Sayfawa administration is hasty without additional evidence.

Overall, Borno’s internal affairs during the reign of Dunama b. Ali were not an utter disaster. Instead of viewing his reign as one of unpopularity or lack of support for the ulama, a more nuanced perspective emerges. There were successes in terms of providing security, reducing banditry, and protecting (and taxing) trade routes for trans-Saharan trade. Furthermore, the relations with the ulama and the nurturing of Islam (including more ascetic forms) at this time point to a state inclined toward Islamic scholarship, governance, and legitimacy. The question of Hajrami’s Shurb al-zulal may be a critique of state practices during the lengthy famine period. It could also be intended to support the Islamic legal education of students in Borno

Conclusion

In conclusion, Dunama b. Ali’s reign marked one not marred by inexperience or failure. Borno was still a major power in the Central Bilad al-Sudan by 1715. Furthermore, its role in fomenting the spread of Islam and Islamic scholarship cannot be underestimated. Despite Muhammad Nur Alkali’s portrayal of him as an ineffective leader who was unpopular and failed to support the ulama, reconsidering the available evidence contradicts an overly negative assessment. Reappraising Dunama b. Ali requires one to consider all evidence, both oral traditions and written sources from Borno, North Africa, and Europe. When one does so, it is incredibly arduous to portray his reign as negatively as Alkali did. Besides the famine and ecological changes which the government could not control, Borno retained its position as a hegemonic power in this part of the world. It was only after 1715 where the failures of the Sayfawa maiwa to respond to the changing conditions in the Central Sudan threatened the dynasty’s survival. But it is difficult to imagine blaming Dunama b. Ali for these events. What emerges from the sources is the mai who dynamically created and responded to the problems and challenges that faced the state. This was a period in which the gains of the last few generations of Borno rulers were consolidated.

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[1] The question of how Dunama b. Ali became mai is not clear. His brother died during his pilgrimage and was buried in Traghen, in the Fazzan. The report of Pétis de la Croix suggests that Idris b. Ali’s son returned to Borno when his father died. But, since this son did not succeed Idris, one must wonder if it was due to age or perhaps Dunama b. Ali was already poised to take the throne whilst his brother was expected to be away for several months. In addition, there was historical precedent for regents to seize the throne or rebel when the mai was on hajj for an extended period. A rebellion in 1667 against Ali b. Umar took place during this ruler’s pilgrimage. See Rémi Dewière, Du Lac Tchad à la Mecque. Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie-xviie siècle) for more on this fascinating period in Borno’s history.

[2] See Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891– 1846). For different interpretations of this mai, see H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan.

[3] Ibid., 298-299.

[4] Ibid.

[5] See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 81.

[6] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 252.

[7] John Lavers, “Kanem and Borno to 1808,” 203 in Obaro Ikime (ed.), Groundwork of Nigerian History . Whilst this may be interpreted as a sign of weakness by some, beginning cordial relations with Kwararafa was perhaps the more sensible approach. Since southward expansionism in that direction would have entailed lengthy and difficult campaigns and Borno’s rulers at this period wished to consolidate their gains and protect trade routes, Kwararafa as an ally or peaceful neighbor implied more secure trade routes.

[8] Dierk Lange, “Un document de la fin du XVIIe siècle sur le commerce transsaharien” in 2000 ans d’histoire africaine. Le sol, la parole et l'écrit. Mélanges en hommage à Raymond Mauny. Tome II, 678.

[9] S.W. Koelle, African Native Literature, Or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the Kanuri Or Bornu Language: To which are Added a Translation of the Above and a Kanuri-English Vocabulary, 208.

[10] Maikorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des populations de Sud-Est nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe s.), 56. On the relocation of a previous Fulani community at Gaskeru, see Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho.

[11] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 36.

[12] Bawuro M. Barkindo, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902: History of the Evolution, Development and Collapse of a Central Sudanese Kingdom, 132.

[13] H.R. Palmer, Gazetteer of Bornu Province, 97.

[14] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs, Vol. 3, 28.

[15] To our knowledge, this title has not yet been analyzed or elucidated. That an elite woman occupied the position is significant, perhaps suggestive of an important post available to mairam women in the Sayfawa Period.

[16] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 37.

[17] For references to a sister of Idris Alooma’s sister accompanying him on his hajj, See Hadrien, Collet. “Royal Pilgrims from Takrūr According to ʿAbd Al-Qādir al-Jazīrī (12th–16th Century).” Islamic Africa 10, no. 1–2 (2019): 181–203. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26670347.

[18] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 53.

[19] “Consul de Maillet ad p. Ioannem Verzeau, S.I.” in Rerum aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales inedita a saeculo XVI ad XIX curante C. Beccari, S.I. vol. 14, 384. These Sayfawa maina brothers apparently told the French that the tomb of their grandfather was a celebrated and visited place. In addition, homes in Cairo, Medina and Mecca with boutiques to support pilgrims from Borno were also still operating. This implies that the maintenance of pilgrimage networks and Sayfawa funding for it were regularly active during the reign of Dunama b. Ali.

[20] See Dierk Lange, “Un vocabulaire kanuri de la fin du XVIIe siècle.” Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 12, n°46, 1972. pp. 277-290. Among the terms included here are a number of ethnonyms referring to the Hausa, Katsina, Mandara, Ngizim, and Kwararafa (Kona) or other peoples with whom Bornoans were quite familiar.

[21] For an tentative look at the c. 1667 conflict between Borno and Kwararafa, see Behique Dunama, “Attacking Birni Gazargamo (c.1667),” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/07/attacking-birni-gazargamo-c1667.html.

[22] J.C. Zeltner, Tripoli, carrefour de l'Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795, 214.

[23] Ibid., 223.

[24] Palmer, H. R. “The Kano Chronicle.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 88.

[25] Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa Factor in the History of Kano” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 176.

[26] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711.” The Journal of African History 8, no. 3 (1967), 385.

[27] S.W. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana or Comparative Vocabulary of Nearly Three Hundred Words and Phrases in more than One Hundred Distinct African Languages, 21.

[28] Barkindo, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902, 132.

[29] Eldridge Mohammadou, Le Royaume du Wandala ou Mandara au XIXe siècle, 26.

[30] Barkindo, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902, 145.

[31] Yusufu Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations of Borno and Hausaland Before 1804”  in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (eds.), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 200.

[32] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 4, 280. Nachtigal’s chronology dates this sultan’s reign 1682-1722, but O’Fahey has suggested c. 1700-1720 in The Darfur Sultanate: A History.

[33] Theodor Krump, J. Spaulding (ed), The Sudanese Travels of Theodoro Krump.

[34] See Rémi Dewière, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie - xviie siècle) for a detailed study of the Borno in the Early Modern World. Included in his analysis is the significance of hajj for the Sayfawa, which connected them not only with the wider Muslim world but brought great prestige for the dynasty within the Central Sudan.

[35] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808, 152.

[36] Robert Bouillé, Les coutumes familiales au Kanem, 196.

[37] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808, 82.

[38] J.R. Patterson, Kanuri Songs, 21-22.

[39] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808, 20, 51.

[40] Louis Brenner, “Three Fulbe Scholars from Borno.” The Maghreb Review 10 no. 4-6 (1985), 107-109.

[41] Ibid., 110.

[42] Abubakar Mustapha, “The Contribution of Sayfawa Ulama to the Study and Administration of Jurisprudence,” paper presented in a conference on the Impact of Ulama' in Central Bilad al-Sudan (6-8 May 1991), 18.

[43] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891– 1846), 306-307.

[44] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808, 73-74, 94.

[45] A.D.H. Bivar and M. Hiskett, “The Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 1804: A Provisional Account.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 25, no. 1/3 (1962), 125.

[46] Ibid., 124.

[47] Hauwa Mahdi, “A Tentative Reconsideration of the Political Economy of Metropolitan Borno in the 18^th and Early 19^th Centuries.” Departmental Seminar, Saturday 29^th Nov. 1980, Ahmadu Bello University Department of History, 6.