One
Sayfawa mai whose reign has not received adequate analysis is Dunama b. Ali (r.
1696-1715). A son of Ali b. Umar (c. 1639-1677), Dunama succeeded his brother,
Idris, who perished in 1696. As Idris died en route to Mecca on the pilgrimage,
it is unclear if Dunama b. Ali was perhaps already acting as a regent or if he
came to the throne through other means.[1] Nonetheless, from the
potentially destabilizing moment of succession, Dunama b. Ali was able to
occupy the throne for approximately 19 years. Despite Muhammad Nur Alkali’s
portrayal of him as inexperienced and unpopular, revisiting the extant sources
on this mai presents a more nuanced
picture.[2] Instead, Borno during the
reign of Dunama b. Ali remained economically vibrant, influential across the
region, and well-poised to respond to external threats or complications. This
essay argues that the reign of Dunama b. Ali was not a period of political
weakness, as suggested by Muhammad Nur Alkali, but rather one in which Borno
maintained regional influence, economic vitality, and the institutional
stability of the Sayfawa state. This tentative analysis shall endeavor to
demonstrate this through a review of the various sources pertinent to Dunama b.
Ali’s reign and conditions in the Central Bilad al-Sudan during the late 17th
century to early 18th century. Dunama b. Ali’s dynamic reign will be
seen as more successful and historically significant for the polity of Borno.
Muhammad Nur Alkali on Dunama b. Ali
First, how did Borno historian Muhammad
Nur Alkali assess the reign of Dunama? According to Alkali, Dunama b. Ali (rendered
as Dunoma ibn Ali) was an inexperienced ruler. The reference to him as Mai
Leram Ngalugalaba implied that he was “the Mai who was care-free and
incapable of keeping official secrets.”[3] It is not always easy to
tell from where Alkali obtained his information. To quote further, “He appears
to have been a very unpopular ruler as the hardship that befell the kingdom was
attributed to his lack of encouragement and support for the ulama.”[4] This portrayal of Dunama
b. Ali’s reign as especially unsuccessful seems to be based on the report in
the Diwan of a famine that allegedly lasted 7 years.[5] Yet Alkali had described
the reign of Idris b. Ali, Dunama’s brother, as one in which he withdrew to Gamboru
(Gambaru). Furthermore, besides his death and the burial in Traghen, extraordinarily
little can be said for the reign of Idris b. Ali.
Despite the analysis of Alkali, a second
look at all the available sources suggests a more complicated narrative.
Palmer, for instance, recalls traditions of Dunama b. Ali’s success in reducing
banditry as “Dunama, the warrior, who suppressed robbery, of renowned fame, the
marvel of marvels, who was buried in the district of Kowwa.”[6] John Lavers has likewise
emphasized a more positive appraisal of his reign through his initiation of
peace talks with Kwararafa by 1706.[7] That Borno exerted some
degree of control over trans-Saharan routes to the Fazzan is implied by French
sources, too. Since the king of Borno was able to command tribute for the
passage of caravans to Borno from the Tripoli-Fazzan-Kawar route, the Sayfawa
state system was still able to maintain secure trade routes.[8]
As for the impact of the lengthy famine,
this undoubtedly fueled unrest and caused suffering in Borno. Yet later
testimony from Ali Eisami suggests the resourcefulness of the people of Borno
in times of duress. Indeed, according to Eisami, the people had access to
tree-leaves, tree-fruits and edible herbs. Thus, “Bornu is pleasant for the
poor: when there is a famine, it never kills many people; there are many fruit-trees
and many eatable herbs; therefore a famine never kills many people.”[9] Obviously, an extended
famine that lasted for up to 7 years would have incurred more suffering and hunger.
It also may have contributed to population movements and conflict over
resources between nomadic pastoralists and sedentary farmers. Unfortunately,
without further data, it is difficult to assess the impact of famine during
Dunama b. Ali’s reign or even when it took place.
Next, the question of support for the
ulama. This is partly complicated by Shaykh Hajrami’s didactic fiqh verses,
Shurb al-zulal. However, the sources from the reign of Dunama b. Ali
suggest another relationship with the ulama of Borno. For example, Dunama b.
Ali may have been the mai who welcomed the Koyam shaykhs, whose
community at Kalumbardo was destroyed in 1677, to settle in Gaskeru. Controversy
exists over whether this deed was done by Dunama b. Ali or his son, Hamdun.[10] Nevertheless, if Dunama b.
Ali had been willing to relocate a Fulani community so the Koyam Shaykhs could
renew their works in Borno, he was doing
so out of both sincere support for Islam as well as political reasons. Similarly,
Dunama b. Ali also ratified a mahram for descendants of a Fulani Islamic
leader, Gabidama, whose community was exempted from taxation.[11] Lastly, he may have been
pivotal in the early Islamization of Mandara if one accepts Barkindo’s
chronology for the kings of Mandara.[12] These actions suggest Dunama
b. Ali did support the ulama to at least some extent. His support for the
Islamization of places like Mandara likewise illustrates a commitment to spreading
the faith beyond the confines of Borno or the Kanuri peoples. Doing so
necessarily involved the ulama, who were required as teachers of the faith in
Mandara, among the Bolewa of Daniski, or in other communities.
In short, there were several problems with
the portrait of Borno during the reign of Dunama b. Ali. Many are perhaps due to
the problematic and sometimes unreliable source material for this era. Others
are based on erroneous assumptions based on the Diwan or presumptions
that Hajrami’s verses were a denunciation of corruption in Borno. In the case
of Muhammad Nur Alkali, the largely negative portrayal of Dunama seems to
pertain to the famine and traditions suggestive of an inexperienced or perhaps
unpopular leader. In the absence of additional evidence speaking directly to
the effects of famine or conflicts with the ulama, one should adopt a tentatively
skeptical approach. At least in comparison with his brother, Dunama b. Ali’s
reign can be seen to have achieved more for Borno’s goals in trans-Saharan commerce,
establishing more peaceful relations with Kwararafa and supporting the spread of
Islam beyond the confines of the state.
The
Origins of Dunama b. Ali and His Family
As indicated by his name, Dunama was the
son of Ali b. Umar. His maternal ancestry, however, linked him to the ruling
line of Marte. Indeed, according to one gargam,
Dunama’s mother, Askara, was the daughter of the Martema.[13] Marte, a town said to
have been founded before Gazargamo, was established by Martema Muhammad Wayumi.
Peopled by Magumi, the city was an early one inhabited by people claiming
shared ancestry with the ruling dynasty of Kanem and Borno.[14] Consequently, Dunama b.
Ali may have been entirely “Kanuri” in his ancestry. To what degree his
maternal ancestry linking him to Marte shaped his own reign is unknown, but it
is possible he was supported by a faction of Magumi descent from that region to
ascend the throne.
Apparently, Dunama b. Ali also had a
sister, Aisha (Ayesha) bint Ali. Although it is not known if she was also a full
sister, she is one of the few elite women affiliated with Dunama b. Ali to
appear in written sources. A mahram dated
by Palmer to 1704 names his sister as the Sokotoma[15]
to whom the Fulani beneficiaries were passed.[16] The mention of a magaram
in the context of a mahram is quite intriguing and suggests elite
women engaged in both religious and secular contexts of land tenure. In fact, when
the mahram was ratified by Dunama b. Ali, the person who approached the
king for the descendants of Gabidama was a princess named Gusa Larabaramma. This
suggests the mairam were also involved in interceding on behalf of
respected Islamic holymen.
Like his brother, Idris, he too may have undertaken
the pilgrimage to Mecca. It is known that Idris Alooma brought his sister with him during his hajj.[17] It is possible that
Dunama b. Ali had accompanied his father during one of his voyages to Mecca,
too. The evidence is ambiguous as some sources present Dunama as one of the
many Sayfawa maiwa who performed the
hajj. For instance, a list in verse of the Sayfawa maiwa describes the mai,
“His brother, Dunama, son of Ali, was surnamed “the unfortunate.” Dunama
completed his pilgrimage to the House of God and visited the wonderful garden
of the Prophet.”[18]
Through the correspondence of the French consul in Cairo, notice of two sons of
Dunama b. Ali’s voyage to Mecca was recorded in 1707.[19] It is possible one of
these Sayfawa maiwa in Cairo was Hamdun b. Dunama (r. 1715-1729).
The question remains when Dunama b. Ali
went on the hajj and to what extent the cited list of Sayfawa maiwa in
verse is accurate. Many questions remain on the nature of Dunama b. Ali’s rise
to the throne and how his connections to Marte may have influenced that
outcome. This mai appears to have
been of Magumi descent on both sides of his family and had at least one sister,
Aisha, who participated in the state’s relationship with ulama.
Borno
and Foreign Relations: Kwararafa, Mandara and Beyond
One area in which Dunama b. Ali’s
reign was successful is the maintenance of order and security. This can be
glimpsed in the available sources on Borno’s relations with Hausaland,
Kwararafa, and Mandara. Relations with other states in the region need far more
attention. For similar reasons, lamentably, not enough sources exist. But from
reports of Borno that reached French consuls in Tripoli, one can glimpse
aspects of a relatively successful system of foreign relations. Through these
consular reports, a partial view of Borno and its reputation as a great power are
discernible. In this case, the reports of French consul Claude Lemaire are
especially significant. Quoted in Zeltner’s Tripoli,
carrefour de l'Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795, Lemaire’s letters
refer to events in Borno and Tripoli during the reigns of Idris b. Ali and
Dunama b. Ali. They are especially useful for the enigmatic references to
Kwararafa, a non-Muslim state which threatened Kano and Borno during this time.
Other sources, like Pétis de la Croix’s report on Tripoli, provide much data on
trans-Saharan trade during this period as well as what may be the earliest Kanuri
wordlist.[20]
Additional sources such as oral traditions from the vassal states of Borno like
Muniyo or the Kano Chronicle provide
insights into historical developments on the margins of Borno or in Hausaland.
Though hardly an abundant body of sources, they provide a usable framework for
contextualizing Borno’s relations with other states during this time.
Naturally, the largest threat to
Borno appears to have been Kwararafa. Already documented for its attacks that
reached Birni Gazargamo during the reign of Ali b. Umar, reports of further
conflict reached Europeans in Tripoli.[21] Despite Lemaire reporting
in 1686 that Borno could muster 300,000 troops, undoubtedly an exaggerated
figure, Kwararafa remained an unsubdued foe.[22] Indeed, as late as 1707,
Fr. Damiano reported, “Par toutes les informations que j’ay pris, il me parait
que le Sultan de Gourourfa est le plus puissant des roys naigres puisqu’il a rédhuit
celluy de Bornoux à luy demander la paix, après l’avoir vaincu en plusiers
batailles.”[23]
Evidence from Kano demonstrates the military successes of Kwararafa since this
state was able to overrun the capital, defeating Dadi (r. 1670-1703).[24] The motivation for
Kwararafa’s actions against Borno and Kano in this time are not known, but it
has been speculated that an attempt by the pagan state to ensure its access to
trans-Saharan trade and northern markets could have been a factor.[25]
By the reign of Dunama b. Ali,
however, relations with Kwararafa appear to have changed. From wars or military
conflict, Borno seems to have sought peaceful relations with its southern
neighbor. By 1706, Lemaire was informed of peace between the two powers and
that a Kwararafa ambassador was in Borno (presumably Birni Gazargamo).[26] Unfortunately, the
sources are silent on this process, but it is perhaps around this moment when
Borno sent a zannuwa to Wukari. In addition, 19th century
sources suggest the Jukun became tributaries of Borno. According to Ali Eisami,
the Dsuku (Jukun) were reported to have paid annual tribute of 1000 slaves to
Borno.[27] Undoubtedly, this figure
is an exaggeration, but it may speak to a shift towards profitable trade
between Kwararafa and Borno during the 1700s. Achieving peace on this front was
thus of great importance for Borno’s security on its southern frontiers.
Besides shifting toward peaceful
relations with Kwararafa, Dunama b. Ali was likely the Sayfawa ruler who
initiated the Islamization of Mandara. Mandara’s first Muslim ruler, Bukar Aji,
who became king in c. 1715, was said to have received scholars from Borno. Indeed,
Dunama b. Ali likewise sponsored the sending of scholars to the Bolewa to
encourage Islamic conversion.[28] An Arabic chronicle from
Mandara similarly emphasizes the role of Borno in Mandara’s Islamization. Its
first Muslim king, Bukar Aji, was said to have been from Birni Gazargamo and
had a Kanuri mother. Furthermore, “Pour l’aider dans sa grande tâche de
conversion, il emmena avec lui plusiers marabouts Kanouri, dont Maloum Mar
Makkama qui fut le fondateur de la famille des Moufallama ou Moufalla.[29] If one accepts Barkindo’s
date for 1715, it would seem that Dunama b. Ali was instrumental in the coming
to power of Mandara’s first Islamic ruler.
With Kanuri mallams and immigrants already
settled in parts of Mandara, this ensured Mandara would, for a time at least, remain
culturally tied to Borno. Indeed, according to Barkindo, some Bornoan communities
had been settled in Mandara for at least 2 generations by the reign of Bukar
Aji. Despite later maiwa encountering difficulties with Mandara,
traditions suggest Bukar Aji and his successor regularly sent gifts or tribute
to Borno.[30]
Consequently, Dunama b. Ali and Hamdun b. Dunama’s actions here can be
conceived of as a success in extending Borno’s influence to a deeper level in
Mandara whilst ensuring Bornoan communities there would retain their
connections to the Sayfawa state.
Beyond Kwararafa and Mandara, Bornoan
influence extended as far east as Darfur and west into Zazzau and other lands
such as Nupeland. In Zazzau, the eminent position of Limaman Kona was
established by the early 1700s.[31] In distant Darfur, Bornoan
pilgrims and scholars were settling in Darfur during the reigns of Sulayman
Solong and Ahmad Bukr. Of the Keira sultans of Darfur, Nachtigal specifically alluded
to Ahmad Bukr for his role in inviting people from Borno, Bagirmi and the Nile
regions to settle in the kingdom.[32] It is likely that the
pilgrims who traversed the eastern Sudanic roads from Borno to Sinnar included
mystics or Sufis from Borno and the Fazzan. Krump’s observations of them in a
caravan, particularly their manner of jumping and singing, suggest a form of
Islamic mysticism in which Borno at this time was clearly part of.[33] The presence of traders
and mystics along this route suggests Borno was an active participant in the
exchange of both goods as well as ideas of religion and spirituality across the
Sudanic belt and the Sahara. Since Dunama b. Ali’s reign coincided with these
developments, one cannot say this mai neglected the ulama or failed to
uphold the power (and allure) of Borno across much of the Central Bilad
al-Sudan. No small part of this authority of the Sayfawa was symbolic,
generated by the long-lasting dynasty’s reputation for piety, support for
Islamic scholarship, and frequent pilgrimages.[34]
Sufis from Borno may have also traveled to
Morocco where, a Sidi ‘Abd al- ‘Aziz b. Mas’ud al-Dabbagh wrote of receiving
lessons from a shaykh named Abd Allah al-Barnawi. The Bornoan shaykh was said
to have died in Borno in 1714/15, but ambiguity remains on the historicity of
this figure.[35] Assuming this figure is not a mystical vision
of the Kalumbardo leader who perished in the 1670s, there was a prominent Sufi
teacher active in Morocco and Borno during the reign of Dunama b. Ali.
In summation, a cursory examination of
Borno’s foreign relations during the reign of Dunama b. Ali reveals a powerful
state which held enormous sway and influence. From wars to peace with Kwararafa,
Borno found peace on this part of its southern frontier. Through the
Islamization of Mandara’s ruling dynasty, Borno extended its influence through
Bornoan migration and the conversion to Islam of Mandara’s elite. Other states
like Zaria were within Borno’s sphere of influence, too. To the east, Bornoans
were active in Darfur and even on the early east-west pilgrim traffic and trade
from the Nile to Lake Chad. Dunama b. Ali’s reign appears to have been mostly
successful in the assertion of Sayfawa authority.
Domestic Affairs
Naturally, one must consider domestic or
internal affairs when assessing the reign of a king. In this case, our sources
emphasize the famine of 7 years. Yet famine was not the only event which
entered the annals. Sources suggest a state of general security in the kingdom
with trans-Saharan trade routes reliably under Bornoan control. Likewise, the domestic
conditions regarding state-ulama relations or the state’s support for Islam have
also raised questions. Yet closer inspection demonstrates the state’s overall
success in managing internal affairs and supporting the religious establishment
in this period.
First, the question of famine. As
previously mentioned, later accounts suggest periods of famine were not
necessarily an insurmountable challenge. The people of Borno had access to
plants, herbs, and fruits from the woods or forested regions which became a
major source of sustenance in times of famine. Of course, if famine conditions persisted
for 7 years, much hardship would have developed. Unsurprisingly, migration from
areas without food could have sparked conflict over scarce resources as
pastoralist nomads migrated south. It may be that in this context, Dunama b.
Ali’s suppression of robbery was in part an attempt by the government to
maintain order during the extended period of famine. Moreover, there is evidence
to suggest that, in theory, the state controlled a bayt al-mal which,
ideally, would support the poor during moments of duress. Ethnographic research
in Kanem has revealed the existence of this institution during the period of the
alifate of Mao. According to Robert Bouille, this caisse publique not
only provided support for mallams and the maintenance of mosques but also fed
the poor.[36]
Not enough is known about this institution in Borno, but it may have provided
some support for at least the urban poor in Gazargamo and surrounding regions. Further
evidence is necessary before one can speak of any widespread state distribution
of food or grain, but the Sayfawa administration probably included a bayt
al-mal. It may be through this institution that Ahmad b. Ali (r. 1791-1808)
supported the scholars and worried about the plight of the poor.[37]
Through the galadima posted at Nguru,
Borno also appears to have been largely successful on its western frontier with
regards to vassal provinces and neighbors. A galadima at Nguru named Dunama Aisatami overlapped with Dunama
b. Ali’s reign. In his time as galadima, a praise song in his honor attributes
the Islamization of the “pagans” of Garmangal to him. Furthermore, this galadima
was the son of a princess of Hadija, or Mangu, another indication of
effective creation of alliances by the galadimas responsible for Borno’s
west.[38] A relatively successful galadima
in western Borno who also oversaw the spread of Islam is consistent with
Dunama b. Ali’s policies in Mandara and among the Bolewa of Daniski.
Furthermore, internal developments regarding
Islam were far more nuanced than a simple “lack of support” for the ulama. The Koyam
shaykhs of Gaskeru, for instance, were given that land with other benefits from
Dunama b. Ali or his son, Hamdun. By supporting the return of this community,
Dunama b. Ali was not only sponsoring the return of a Sufi ascetic community
but strengthening Borno’s northern frontier. As the leaders of a theocratic mini
state themselves, the Koyam built successful communities whilst defending Borno
from Tuareg raiders or bandits. Their reputation for piety and asceticism attested
to the lingering popularity of Sufi circles in Borno, including residents in
Birni Gazargamo.
Dunama b. Ali’s Borno was also a center of
Islamic scholarship. Shaykh Hajrami, who was active during this period, may
have been an imam of one of Gazargamo’s Friday mosques. Several prominent Borno
ulama are said to have studied in the circle of Shaykh Hajrami, such as Shaykh
Tahir, Shaykh Umar Mama, and Shaykh al-Yamani. Hajrami was remembered for his
lessons on the Mukhtasar of Sidi Khalil.[39] Another renowned scholar,
Muhammad al-Kashnawi, studied in Borno during the early 1700s. In Borno, he
studied with Muhammad K.R.’K. in Kaghu and Muhammad Bindu, learning
calculation, math, logic, and the esoteric sciences. The learning of
al-Kashnawi strongly implies an interest in esoteric sciences and mathematics
among the ulama of Borno.[40] Indeed, this interest in
topics like geomancy or astrology appears to have sparked the disapproval of Shaykh
Hajrami and Muhammad al-Wali.[41] Borno’s continued
function as a pole of attraction for Islamic scholars from areas as far as
Bagirmi or Katsina in the late 1600s and early 1700s demonstrate a lively
environment which was certainly supported by the state. As imam of one of the
capital’s main mosques, Shaykh Hajrami, to take one example, would have been familiar
with Dunama b. Ali and the Sayfawa administration.
Moving on to the elephant in the room,
Shaykh Hajrami’s Shurb al-zulal. Interpreted by some scholars as a condemnation
of corruption in Borno, the reality is certainly more complex. As previously
mentioned, Shaykh Hajrami was active during the reign of Dunama b. Ali and
possibly an imam of one of the main mosques of the capital. For Abubakar
Mustapha, Hajrami’s poem was mainly an advanced lesson on fiqh for
teaching the sources of halal and haram.[42] This view stresses the
didactic purposes of the text rather than any attempt on social or political
commentary. Nur Alkali, on the other hand, acknowledged the didactic purpose of
the text while simultaneously leaving room for political commentary. Thus,
Hajrami’s condemnation of the bribery of judges and gifts to governors, or ngaji
and kabelo, could be read as a direct critique of Sayfawa
administration. Basically, forms of taxation not in accordance with Islamic law
and the corruption of judges or provincial government officials were at least
implied.[43]
Bobboyi also adopted a similar
perspective, with the Shurb al-zulal being insufficient itself to prove
Hajrami was writing in response to real conditions in Borno. Nevertheless, the
ulama were unlikely to have been writing a theoretical work completely removed
from the local conditions or political arrangement of Borno. Shaykh Hajrami was
also remembered in Borno tradition as an advisor who wrote an additional work
on bidding good and forbidding evil, implying that he saw his works as didactic
ones intended to teach proper actions in alignment with sharia and Islamic
morality.[44]
A close analysis of the text is
revelatory. In the translation of Bivar and Hiskett, which proposed a 1707 date
for the composition, multiple intriguing questions manifest. Hajrami writes, “The
root of legality is earning by husbandry and trade and industry, with piety and
honesty in dealing and knowledge in seeking, and courteous behavior.”[45] This is hardly
controversial, yet the work also condemns the eating of non-halal meat or food
acquired through illegal or haram means. The condemnation of corruption by
judges or the giving of gifts to governors refer to real-world practices, too. And
to make his point even more forcefully, Hajrami writes, “And likewise your
taking of dinars which have been seized unjustly, and dirhams taken forcibly.”[46] This importance attached
to the illegal taxation and forcible seizure of goods may refer to conditions
in Borno during the famine. If Hajrami wrote this after the famine, he may have
witnessed or heard of many people in Borno suffering illegal taxation or expropriation
of their surplus. After all, it is hard to imagine the chima gana or chima
kura easily accepting to survive on herbs or plants and nuts from forests.
It is possible that they sought to overtax and exploit the labor of the
peasantry whenever possible, during the famine. This, undoubtedly, would have caused
complaints by the rural population and discontent, which eventually reached
Gazargamo. Consequently, Hajrami may have written Shurb al-zulal in
response to those specific conditions of unrest and conflict engendered by the
lengthy famine which struck the region.
On the other hand, the system of chima or
“fief” administration always contained the seeds of corruption and
exploitation. After all, the peasants in the chimas could be conscripted
to provide communal labor, or surwa.[47] With the holders of the chima
residing in the capital, their representatives appointed to oversee their “fiefs”
could also seek ways to exploit or overtax the peasantry. The buying and
selling of local positions through bribes or gifts to the representatives of
the chima gana also includes many opportunities for corruption or
illegal measures taken against the population.
In short, the system of Sayfawa
administration as known for the last several centuries could easily lead to
corruption or abuses of authority. To what extent was this the case during the
reign of Dunama b. Ali remains an unanswerable question. If Hajrami was writing
after or during the famine, that unquestionably shaped his view of the Sayfawa
administration. Yet his own presence in Gazargamo and ties with ulama affiliated
with the Sayfawa clearly establish him as an insider rather than a charismatic
figure condemning the state from the exterior. Shurb al-zulal should be
contextualized in this moment of duress and strain on the political economy of
Borno during an extended famine. To speculate further on its condemnation of
the Sayfawa administration is hasty without additional evidence.
Overall, Borno’s internal affairs during
the reign of Dunama b. Ali were not an utter disaster. Instead of viewing his
reign as one of unpopularity or lack of support for the ulama, a more nuanced perspective
emerges. There were successes in terms of providing security, reducing
banditry, and protecting (and taxing) trade routes for trans-Saharan trade.
Furthermore, the relations with the ulama and the nurturing of Islam (including
more ascetic forms) at this time point to a state inclined toward Islamic scholarship,
governance, and legitimacy. The question of Hajrami’s Shurb al-zulal may
be a critique of state practices during the lengthy famine period. It could
also be intended to support the Islamic legal education of students in Borno
Conclusion
In conclusion, Dunama b. Ali’s reign
marked one not marred by inexperience or failure. Borno was still a major power
in the Central Bilad al-Sudan by 1715. Furthermore, its role in fomenting the
spread of Islam and Islamic scholarship cannot be underestimated. Despite
Muhammad Nur Alkali’s portrayal of him as an ineffective leader who was
unpopular and failed to support the ulama, reconsidering the available evidence
contradicts an overly negative assessment. Reappraising Dunama b. Ali requires
one to consider all evidence, both oral traditions and written sources from
Borno, North Africa, and Europe. When one does so, it is incredibly arduous to
portray his reign as negatively as Alkali did. Besides the famine and
ecological changes which the government could not control, Borno retained its
position as a hegemonic power in this part of the world. It was only after 1715
where the failures of the Sayfawa maiwa to respond to the changing
conditions in the Central Sudan threatened the dynasty’s survival. But it is difficult
to imagine blaming Dunama b. Ali for these events. What emerges from the
sources is the mai who dynamically created and responded to the problems
and challenges that faced the state. This was a period in which the gains of
the last few generations of Borno rulers were consolidated.
[1] The question of how Dunama b. Ali
became mai is not clear. His brother
died during his pilgrimage and was buried in Traghen, in the Fazzan. The report
of Pétis de la Croix suggests that Idris b. Ali’s son returned to Borno when
his father died. But, since this son did not succeed Idris, one must wonder if
it was due to age or perhaps Dunama b. Ali was already poised to take the
throne whilst his brother was expected to be away for several months. In
addition, there was historical precedent for regents to seize the throne or
rebel when the mai was on hajj for an
extended period. A rebellion in 1667 against Ali b. Umar took place during this
ruler’s pilgrimage. See Rémi Dewière, Du
Lac Tchad à la Mecque. Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie-xviie siècle)
for more on this fascinating period in Borno’s history.
[2] See Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of
the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891– 1846). For different
interpretations of this mai, see H.R.
Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan.
[3] Ibid., 298-299.
[4] Ibid.
[5] See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du
(Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe
siècle jusqu'à 1808),
81.
[6] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and
Sudan, 252.
[7] John Lavers, “Kanem and Borno to
1808,” 203 in Obaro Ikime (ed.), Groundwork of Nigerian History . Whilst
this may be interpreted as a sign of weakness by some, beginning cordial
relations with Kwararafa was perhaps the more sensible approach. Since
southward expansionism in that direction would have entailed lengthy and
difficult campaigns and Borno’s rulers at this period wished to consolidate
their gains and protect trade routes, Kwararafa as an ally or peaceful neighbor
implied more secure trade routes.
[8] Dierk Lange, “Un document de la
fin du XVIIe siècle sur le commerce transsaharien” in 2000 ans d’histoire
africaine. Le sol, la parole et l'écrit. Mélanges en hommage à Raymond Mauny.
Tome II, 678.
[9] S.W. Koelle, African Native
Literature, Or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the
Kanuri Or Bornu Language: To which are Added a Translation of the Above and a
Kanuri-English Vocabulary, 208.
[10] Maikorema Zakari, Contribution
à l'histoire des populations de Sud-Est nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe
s.), 56. On the relocation of a previous Fulani community at Gaskeru, see
Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mission
Tilho.
[11] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and
Sudan, 36.
[12] Bawuro M. Barkindo, The
Sultanate of Mandara to 1902: History
of the Evolution, Development and Collapse of a Central Sudanese Kingdom, 132.
[13] H.R. Palmer, Gazetteer of Bornu Province, 97.
[14] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs, Vol. 3, 28.
[15] To our knowledge, this title has
not yet been analyzed or elucidated. That an elite woman occupied the position is
significant, perhaps suggestive of an important post available to mairam women in the Sayfawa Period.
[16] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 37.
[17] For references to a sister of
Idris Alooma’s sister accompanying him on his hajj, See Hadrien, Collet. “Royal
Pilgrims from Takrūr According to ʿAbd Al-Qādir al-Jazīrī (12th–16th Century).”
Islamic Africa 10, no. 1–2 (2019): 181–203. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26670347.
[18] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 53.
[19] “Consul de Maillet ad p. Ioannem
Verzeau, S.I.” in Rerum aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales inedita a
saeculo XVI ad XIX curante C. Beccari, S.I. vol. 14, 384. These Sayfawa maina
brothers apparently told the French that the tomb of their grandfather was
a celebrated and visited place. In addition, homes in Cairo, Medina and Mecca
with boutiques to support pilgrims from Borno were also still operating. This implies
that the maintenance of pilgrimage networks and Sayfawa funding for it were regularly
active during the reign of Dunama b. Ali.
[20] See Dierk Lange, “Un vocabulaire
kanuri de la fin du XVIIe siècle.” Cahiers
d'études africaines, vol. 12, n°46, 1972. pp. 277-290. Among the terms
included here are a number of ethnonyms referring to the Hausa, Katsina,
Mandara, Ngizim, and Kwararafa (Kona) or other peoples with whom Bornoans were
quite familiar.
[21] For an tentative look at the c.
1667 conflict between Borno and Kwararafa, see Behique Dunama, “Attacking Birni
Gazargamo (c.1667),” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/07/attacking-birni-gazargamo-c1667.html.
[22] J.C. Zeltner, Tripoli, carrefour de l'Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795,
214.
[23] Ibid., 223.
[24] Palmer, H. R. “The Kano
Chronicle.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great
Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 88.
[25] Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa
Factor in the History of Kano” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Kano and Some of
Her Neighbours, 176.
[26] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces
and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711.” The Journal of
African History 8, no. 3 (1967), 385.
[27] S.W. Koelle, Polyglotta
Africana or Comparative Vocabulary of Nearly Three Hundred Words and Phrases in
more than One Hundred Distinct African Languages, 21.
[28] Barkindo, The Sultanate of
Mandara to 1902, 132.
[29] Eldridge Mohammadou, Le Royaume
du Wandala ou Mandara au XIXe siècle, 26.
[30] Barkindo, The Sultanate of
Mandara to 1902, 145.
[31] Yusufu Bala Usman, “A
Reconsideration of the History of Relations of Borno and Hausaland Before 1804”
in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur
Alkali (eds.), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 200.
[32] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and
Sudan Vol. 4, 280. Nachtigal’s chronology dates this sultan’s reign
1682-1722, but O’Fahey has suggested c. 1700-1720 in The Darfur Sultanate: A
History.
[33] Theodor Krump, J. Spaulding (ed), The
Sudanese Travels of Theodoro Krump.
[34] See Rémi Dewière, Du lac Tchad
à la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie - xviie siècle) for a
detailed study of the Borno in the Early Modern World. Included in his analysis
is the significance of hajj for the Sayfawa, which connected them not only with
the wider Muslim world but brought great prestige for the dynasty within the
Central Sudan.
[35] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of
Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa,
1470-1808, 152.
[36] Robert Bouillé, Les coutumes
familiales au Kanem, 196.
[37] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des
sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la
fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808, 82.
[38] J.R. Patterson, Kanuri Songs,
21-22.
[39] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of
Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa,
1470-1808, 20, 51.
[40] Louis Brenner, “Three Fulbe
Scholars from Borno.” The Maghreb Review 10 no. 4-6 (1985), 107-109.
[41] Ibid., 110.
[42] Abubakar Mustapha, “The
Contribution of Sayfawa Ulama to the Study and Administration of Jurisprudence,”
paper presented in a conference on the Impact of Ulama' in Central Bilad
al-Sudan (6-8 May 1991), 18.
[43] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno
Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty
(891– 1846), 306-307.
[44] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of
Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa,
1470-1808, 73-74, 94.
[45] A.D.H. Bivar and M. Hiskett, “The
Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 1804: A Provisional Account.” Bulletin of
the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 25, no.
1/3 (1962), 125.
[46] Ibid., 124.
[47] Hauwa Mahdi, “A Tentative Reconsideration of the Political Economy of Metropolitan Borno in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries.” Departmental Seminar, Saturday 29th Nov. 1980, Ahmadu Bello University Department of History, 6.
