Traditions on the Origins of Birni Gazargamo

A map by Dierk Lange from A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idris Alauma (1564-1576).

The traditions on the creation of Birni Gazargamo, the capital of the Sayfawa dynasty in Borno established during the reign of Ali b. Dunama (r. 1465-1497), perhaps begun in 1472, provide interesting glimpses of the region at the time of Sayfawa consolidation in Borno. According to oral traditions collected from Borno among the Kanuri and Bade as well as traditions that were recorded in the chronicles of Agadez, the Sao, Bedde, Tuareg and Sayfawa interacted in the choosing of this site for the royal capital. Parsing through the traditions and written sources raises significant questions about the nature of Sayfawa-Sao relations in the 15th century. Furthermore, the possible participation of the Immikitan Tuareg and the Bade in this process is one that becomes increasingly plausible with a thorough examination of the evidence, both textual and oral. 

Let's begin with the local Borno traditions. According to traditions collected by Landeroin during the Tilho Mission, Ali b. Dunama attacked the Sao chief at Gambaru (traditions suggest Ali b. Dunama tried to establish a capital there first), where he was later defeated (Landeroin 355). However, the mai was able to obtain permission to settle in the region and trade with the Sao. This tradition suggests the Sayfawa were not strong enough to dislodge the Sao (Sao Gafata?) from the region of Gazargamo, but were able to establish a presence through trade. Another tradition mentions the use of economic entanglements and debts for securing the land. However, the account stresses the abundant merchandise of the Sayfawa and how they were able to purchase land with it, gradually establishing homes with the permission of the Sao leader, Dala Gomami (Landeroin 356). Unfortunately for the Sao leader, he purchased too many goods from the Sayfawa's followers, and being unable to pay the debt, decided to leave the area to the Sayfawa. This was because the Sayfawa planned to use the outstanding debts as a justification for war. Intriguingly, this plan of selling on credit to the Sao chief was supported by his brother, suggesting that conflicts within the Sao political elites created an opening for Sayfawa domination of the future capital, Birni Gazargamo.

Despite the Sao leader leaving the area to those he was indebted to, many Sao remained in the region. Since the followers of the Sayfawa (or Toubbas, as recorded in the traditions by Landeroin) used henna, they tricked the Sao who wanted to imitate this usage of henna into tying up their hands. This facilitated the Sayfawa attack on the remaining Sao, who were defeated and fled. According to tradition, this alleged attack took place in 1452 (Landeroin 357). This would have been during the reign of Ghadji b. Imata, according to Lange's chronology. Naturally, one could ask if the specific year given in the traditions is really reliable, although it is certainly plausible. If taken at face value, one may surmise that the area around Gambaru was first seized during the reign of Ghadji b. Imata, but Ali b. Dunama was the one who finally established the capital on a more permanent basis at Gazargamo. As for military conflicts, the Diwan records multiple Sayfawa rulers who died in conflict with the "Sao" in the 1300s: 

1. 1335-1339: Reign of Salma b. Abdallah of Kanem, died in war with Sao

2. 1339-1340: Reign of Kuri le jeune in Kanem, died in war with Sao

3. 1340-1341: Reign of Kuri le aine (the elder) of Kanem, died in war with Sao

4. 1341-1342: Reign of Muhammad b. Abdallah of Kanem, died in war with Sao

These conflicts took place over a century before the c.1452 victory of the Sayfawa in Gambaru. Of course, one cannot say these conflicts were with the same group of Sao, but it would be interesting if the tradition recorded by Landeroin might be alluding to the same area. If so, the Sayfawa had already had their eyes on the Gambaru region long before the mid-15th century. Only after a century of consolidation, did the final subjugation of the area took place. In fact, if the Diwan is reliable, conflict among claimants to the throne erupted between Uthman b. Kaday and Ali b. Dunama (Lange 79). This likely would have prevented Ali b. Dunama from finally shifting the capital to Birni Gazargamo or at least stalled it. Just like the Sao of the region, divisions between the Idrisid and Dawudid branches of the Sayfawa were probably exploited by others to protect their autonomy or for plunder.

Lending some credence to the traditions cited by Landeroin are the traditions collected by H.R. Palmer. Palmer, who published traditions and manuscripts found in Borno, repeated a very similar story of a ruse involving henna to defeat the Sao. In the second volume of Sudanese Memoirs, Palmer included a narrative entitled "The So Dala N'Gumami." The name of this Sao leader is clearly the same as the Dala Gomami recorded by Landeroin, but Palmer provides the name of his city: Gagi Dibun. In Palmer's version, however, it is unquestionably clear that it was Ali Gaji Zeinami, or Ali b. Dunama, who orchestrated the trick using henna (Palmer 68). A number of other details emerge in Palmer's variant of the tradition. So Dala N'Gumami lived as a friend or ally of the Sayfawa, whereas the version of Landeroin suggests he fled the region or left since he could not pay his debts. Interestingly, there is a reference to the Sao leader going to Kano and the impatience of the Sayfawa to build a mosque (Palmer 67). This would suggest long-standing ties to Kano and some familiarity with Islam on the part of So Dala N'Gumami. Considering the penetration of Islam in Kano by the 1300s and the presence of Muslims from Kanem in Borno by the 1200s, this is not surprising, even if the Sao leadership had no interest in converting to Islam. After all, according to the Diwan, rulers like Dunama Dibalemi were said to have died at Zamtam, an area not too far from the future site of Gazargamo in c.1248. A 14th century mai, Ibrahim b. Bir, was buried at Diskama, a locality perhaps to be identified as Damasak, a Sao Gafata stronghold in the 16th century (Lange 74).

The other traditions recorded by Palmer are difficult to interpret. One of them, "The Bade Tribes" in Sudanese Memoirs, suggests the Bade had followed the Sayfawa from Njimi to Wudi, an earlier capital in Borno. At the same time, Bade were already living in Arege 4 years before the establishment of Gazargamo as the capital. If true, this would suggest the Bade were living near the future capital of Borno by the 1450s or 1460s. Furthermore, the discovery of the site of Gazargamo allegedly took place when residents of Wudi pursued an escaped cheetah and found the area of Gazargamo to be much more fertile and abundant than Wudi (Palmer 86). But what is somewhat remarkable here is a convergence with the traditions recorded by Landeroin about a chief or leader of servile origin appointed by Ali b. Dunama. According to Palmer, three brothers named Makinta Baro, Makinta Yatku and Kaloma Arge were chiefs of an early town called Gamgar. Palmer wrote, "These men were brothers, they came from Wudi to Borno" (Palmer 86). If by Borno the capital is meant, perhaps one of these three men named Makinta was the individual also named Mankinta who served Ali b. Dunama as a leader of servile origin at Wudi (Landeroin 355). If these traditions are correct, some of the Bedde may have been incorporated into the administration of Borno as administrators of servile origin. The Badi may have already been alluded to as western neighbors of the areas of Borno under Sayfawa rule during the time of Dunama Dibalemi (Hopkins & Levtzion, 187). The "Badi" also lived on or near the northern shores of Lake Chad and would have been in a position to know of the future site of Gazargamo.

The other group said to have played a role in the eventual site of the Sayfawa capital in Borno are the Amakita Tuareg. The tradition of their presence in Kanem and Borno can be found in the Agades Chronicles as well as Muhammad Bello's account of the region. According to Bello, the Sokoto caliph writing in the early 19th century (probably with access to manuscripts or at least oral traditions from Ayar), the ancestors of the Sayfawa found their "Berber" kinsmen ruling over a group called Amakita in Kanem (Bello, 71-72). In his chapter on Ayar, Bello later lists the Amakita as one of the original five clans in that region (Bello 76). As for the more detailed account found in the Agades Chronicles, Yves Urvoy's translation of Manuscript B includes the full tradition of the Amikitane Tuareg guiding the mai to the site of Birni Gazargamo. According to this source, the tribe of the Sandals (or Amakita) refused to accept the nomination of Ilisaouane as king of Ayar. However, in the ensuing war, they were defeated and the grand part of their population left Ayar. However, after driving out black populations to the south and seizing their lands, the lack of a sultan drove them to migrate to Kanem. Perhaps this is a reference to the original need for a sultan of Ayar in the first place, to restore order or act as a mediator between the Tuareg clans and facilitate trade. It was in Kanem where the Saoutantane tribe of the Amakita eventually guided the mai to the site of Birni Gazargamo. In exchange for a gift, a member of this group promised to guide the sultan of Kanem to the site, which his tribe knew of since they passed the cold season in the area of Birni Gazargamo. The same source also mentions that this tribe had been raided by the sultan of Borno, too. One wonders here if the traditions are recalling moments of civil war between the different branches of the Sayfawa dynasty, with perhaps different times they raided the Tuareg, though tradition recalls Ali b. Dunama raiding Ayar (Landeroin 355). Yet, despite guiding the sultan of Kanem to the site of Birni Gazargamo and allegedly contributing to the construction of the wall, this Tuareg group requested permission to return to Ayar, although agreeing to maintain peace with Borno (Urvoy 158).

How does one make sense of this Tuareg tradition of showing the Sayfawa the site for the capital of Borno? According to Djibo Hamani, the Immikitan Tuareg would have started to leave Ayar sometime after 1429/1430 when Alhaji Alisau became sultan of Ayar and reigned approximately 20 years (Hamani 145). This would mean that the Immikitan likely began an exodus to the south/southeast in the 1430s and 1440s, likely leading to more contact (and perhaps, conflict through raiding) with Borno. If the name "Amakita" is a reference to the amenokal of the Immikitan, the Amiki, then what might be recorded in this tradition is the submission of the Immikitan Tuareg to the Sayfawa dynasty in the 1400s. One also wonders if the "Makinta" and Mankita" remembered in the other traditions could be alluding to the same individual. A thorough examination of this word in Bade, Kanuri, and Tamasheq languages might clarify the matter, but it does raise some questions about a possible explanation for the similar-sounding words of Amakita, Makinta, Mankita the Immikitan. Nonetheless, the name Makinkta as a title still exists in Borno for designating the head of a ward. Regardless of this speculative train of thought, there are traditions in both Ayar and in Borno that allude to conflict between the two during this time. The raids experienced by the Saoutantante could have taken place during this same period in the mid-15th century, although their origin likely began in the 14th century and earlier centuries. Indeed, Hamani cites traditions collected from Kutuba of the court at Agadez that alluded to frequent raids from Borno to seize women and frighten the Tuareg (Hamani 133). Other traditions record the galadima of Borno coming to Ayar to receive a tribute (Hamani 134). In addition, the Kano Chronicle records one attack by Borno against Ayar that, in Palmer's chronology, must have taken place between c.1438-1452. Although the attack failed due to the lack of adequate water supplies, it does support the above traditions of Borno attacks and raids in the 15th century, as well as an extension of Borno's influence in lands to its west (Palmer 75). When one recalls that the Immikitan would have likely been in Damergu and Kutus at this time, they could have become vassals or tributaries of Borno as a Tuareg group in closer proximity. In terms of Borno traditions, a Tuareg attack on a Magumi village triggered Ali b. Dunama's attacks against the Tuareg, and perhaps the tale of his construction of an artificial pond at Fachi for additional sources of water and fish to supply his troops to attack them (Landeroin 355).

Unfortunately, reconciling these traditions on the origin of Birni Gazargamo remains incredibly difficult. On the one hand, Palmer and Landeroin recorded traditions that overlap and suggest a long period of coexistence and exchange between the Sayfawa and the Sao (Gafata?) in the period before Ali b. Dunama established the capital. But on the other hand, these same traditions may be compressing events that developed over 2 centuries or more. Both also allude to a ruse or trick, which may be a tradition designed to mask the fact that the Muslims from Kanem lacked enough outright power or numbers to seize the land. To what extent the Bade or Bedde and Tuareg contributed to this is unclear. The Bade traditions and Landeroin mention someone named Mankinta or Makinta, with the latter claiming he was left in charge of Wudi (Garoumele) during one of Ali b. Dunama's expeditions against the Tuareg. Above we speculated that Makinta bears a superficial resemblance to Amakita, a group remembered in Ayar tradition and by Muhammad Bello for once living in Kanem, perhaps broadly conceived to include parts of Borno. It seems unlikely that an Immikitan Tuareg captive would have been left in charge of Wudi during one of Ali b. Dunama's campaigns, but it is possible that this Tuareg group may have seasonally visited the area around Birni Gazargamo for pasturage. We find it unlikely that they would have aided in the construction of the walls of Gazargamo, but it is possible that they contributed to the choosing of the site as capital. As to what happened to the Sao in the region, the closest ones to Gazargamo a century later appear to have been the Gafata, who were very much a threat to Birni Gazargamo. Besides them, the Sao Tatala living further to the east along the southern shores of Lake Chad could have also absorbed some of the Sao groups forced out of the area of Gazargamo in the 15th century.

Sources

Hamani, Djibo. Au Carrefour Du Soudan Et De La Berbérie: Le Sultanat Touareg De L'Ayar. Niamey: Institut de recherches en sciences humaines, 1989.

Hopkins, J. F. P., and Nehemia Levtzion. Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. 1st Markus Weiner Publishers ed. Princeton [N.J.]: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2000.

Lange, Dierk. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

__________.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

Mission Tilho. Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho...Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1910.

Palmer, H. R. “The Kano Chronicle.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908): 58–98. https://doi.org/10.2307/2843130.

____________.Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. London: Cass, 1967.

Urvoy, Yves. "Le Chroniques d'Agadès". Journal de la Société des Africanistes 4 (1934): 145-177. https://doi.org/10.3406/jafr.1934.1573

Late 12th Century Kanem and the Tuareg

Whilst perusing old notes on the Diwan (Lange's translation) as well as other sources, we wanted to revisit the early references to the Kindin of Ahir in Borno mahrams originally composed in the late 12th century. In H.R. Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 2 mahrams dated to 1184 and 1192 are said to have been composed during the reign of Abdallah Bikur (Palmer 17). However, the regnal lengths in Dierk Lange's chronology challenges this. According to Lange's study of the Sayfawa dynasty, Abd Allah Bakuru likely reigned c.1166-c.1182 (Lange 70). However, it is possible that the mahrams translated and published by Palmer were copies which contained errors or mistakes in the dates. Without a closer look at the Arabic originals used by Palmer and researching other mahrams perhaps left in private collections, we cannot confirm or deny this. However, it is likely that Lange's chronology is more accurate and reliable than that proposed by Palmer.

Moving on to the mahrams in question, entitled "Abdallah Bikur" (1184 CE) and "Dirkuma Ibrahim" (1192 CE) by Palmer, one finds reference to conflict between the "Kindin Ahir" and the people of Dirku, in the Kawar oasis. The first one begins by alerting the reader to its purpose of elucidating the origin of the Beni Mukhtar (Palmer 17). Then, the narrative shifts to recounting a kidnapping of two Dirku girls by two sons of Sultan Sule of Ahir. Sule, perhaps a shortened form of Sulayman, is also mentioned in the mahram dated to 1192. However, in the 1184 incident, princes (maina) of Dirku named Bagarma, Fatar and Ali retrieved their daughters. This led to a Tuareg counterattack as the Dirku princes killed the Kindin princes. Unfortunately, Dirku was unable to withstand the Tuareg attack, so the residents fled to the "Birni" of Abdallah Bikur. Whether or not the mai lived in a birni-styled home is unclear, but this was presumably Njimi. Fortunately for Dirku, the powerful Kanem mai was able to intercede by offering the Kindin 3 non-noble subjects in exchange for the deaths of the two princes. This account suggests the rulers of Kanem also oversaw Kawar, or at least were recognized as a powerful intermediary. Furthermore, the offering of 3 non-nobles for the killing of two Kindin princes may also be a hint of the greater power of Kanem.

The next mahram, from 1192, focuses on a conflict over camel theft between the Kindin of Ahir and Dirku. It also begins with a reference to the origin of the Beni Mukhtar, whose original home was among the Tura Beni Habibi, before shifting to a narrative of conflict between Sule of Ahir and Dirku. According to this text, the Kindin of Ahir could not commandeer camels of Bure in war (Palmer 18). The text, at least as translated by Palmer, is rather difficult to interpret. It also alludes to the flight of the Dirku people to king Bikur of Kanem for protection in 1192. If the date is not an error for the conflict alluded to in the previous mahram, then the residents of what may have been Tamalma (Palmer speculates the use of the title Amarma is a reference to this part of Kawar) had also sought protection from Kanem. Moreover, the genealogy of Dirkuma Ibrahim alludes to ancestors whose titles, Zeilama, suggest ties to Zawila in the Fezzan. In other words, the rulers of Dirku in Kawar were closely linked to the Fezzan and may have once ruled there or held titles as representatives of Kanem's interest there in the early 12th century or 11th century.

Djibo Hamani's map of Tuareg migrations toward Ayar in Au carrefour du Soudan et de la Berbérie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar. Note that the Kel Ayar spent time in Jado and then remained in eastern Ayar. While other groups also migrated toward the east of Ayar, the Kel Ayar may have already had closer contacts with Kawar.

So, what do the mahrams tell us? If the years are accurate, perhaps we should be looking more closely at Abd Allah Bakuru's son, the first "black mai" (Lange 71). If, however, we accept that the sultan at the time was indeed Abd Allah Bakuru whose reign fell in between 1166 and 1182, we can find intriguing clues from the Diwan. After all, the Diwan indicates that Abd Allah Bakuru's grandmother, F. Sama, gifted 100 camels to him and 100 camels of another type to his brother. Lange interprets the Diwan as suggesting the F. Sama named here was the grandmother of Abd Allah Bakuru, but it is possible she was the mother of his grandfather, Bir (reigned c. 1140-1166). According to the Diwan, this F. Sama was also the daughter of a man named S.karam of the Kay tribe (Lange 69). If the Kay, or Kayi, were already significant in Kawar, particularly at Dirku, perhaps the great-grandmother of Abd Allah Bakuru linked him genealogically to the local elites of Dirku. In fact, as early as Bulu, the rulers of Kanem appear to have had links to Dirku, since his mother was said to be of the Kay of D.r.q. (Dirku) in the Diwan (Lange 67). Moreover, the Diwan also mentions Dirku as one of the sites where Arku established 300 slaves during his reign (c.1023-1067). Perhaps most important in what the Diwan demonstrates is the great wealth in camels of F.Sama and their essential role in the economic life of Kawar. The second mahram indicates this by referring to the area's protection under Kanem and the long-standing ties between the Sayfawa and local elites in Dirku and other parts of Kawar, including protecting their camel herds.

However, from reading Ibn Said's account of Kanem during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi, which borrows largely from a lost work by Ibn Fatima, we learn that the ruler of Kanem used Berbers he forced to convert to Islam for their camels and as troops for raids (Hopkins & Levtzion 188). If these "Berbers" were the Kindin of Ahir (broadly conceived), then one might be able to surmise that the rulers of Kanem had already vassalized or imposed tribute and camel supplies on some of the Berbers to the west of Kawar before the reign of Dunama Dibalemi. If so, so then the mahram's reference to the Kindin under Sule commandeering camels in war may be alluding to Kindin subjects of Kanem forcibly using camels from another province of Kanem to meet their obligations to the mai. This is a bit of a leap, but would suggest that some of the Kel Ayar Tuareg (or their ancestors) had perhaps been Islamized by Kanem and tributaries of the Sayfawa dynasty by the reign of Abd Allah Bakuru or his son, Salmama. 

But who was this Kindin king, Sule? Revisiting Djibo Hamani's study of the Sultanate of Agades offers some tantalizing possibilities. According to Hamani, the Kel Away have traditions of passing through Kawar before settling in Ayar. Hamani interprets oral traditions as best supporting a timeline of a 12th century migration from the Fezzan by the Kel Away (Hamani 88). If so, the group's time at Jado and in Kawar would have brought them in contact with Kawar's population at centers like Dirku. While the Kel Away later established themselves in Ayar, they often nomadized in the northeastern part of Ayar, where contacts with Kawar could have been maintained even before the Kel Away seized control of Kawar's salt trade in the 18th century. Alternatively, the Kel Away or other future Kel Ayar groups may be descendants of the "Lamta" said to live between Zawila and Kawar, mentioned by al-Ya'qubi in the late 9th century (Hopkins & Levtzion 22). Perhaps some of the Berber Muslims in Kawar at this time were Lamta? Regardless, it is possible the Kel Away may have become subjects of Kanem (however loosely) during the 12th century. Instead of a sultan or king, Sule may have been an ag-gode of the Kel Away or tribal chief of another Kel Ayar group who passed through Djado and neighbored Kawar across the Ténéré Desert. It is difficult to say there was any Ayar "king" of the region at this time, and the traditions of Borno's 'rule' of Ayar seem to date it to the 1300s and 1400s, particularly raids from Borno and the seizure of Tuareg girls from wives and concubines (Hamani 133-135). The Sultan of Ahir described by al-Umari appears to have no connection to the later Sultanate established in the early 1400s, though it was politically independent and may have been a loose confederation (Hopkins & Levtzion 274.

Unfortunately, many of details of the episodes of Kanem's intervention in Ayar and Kawar relations in the late 12th century remain elusive. It it possible the accounts described in the mahrams published by Palmer are indeed referring to Tuareg relations with Kawar and Kanem that suggest Kanem's growing influence over the Kel Ayar in the 1100s. In terms of a specific Tuareg group, the Kel Away appear to be good candidates, if one accepts that they began migrating from the Fezzan into Djado during this century, then migrating into Ayar. They likely would have had some degree of conflict as well as exchange with the people of Kawar during this period, and perhaps their location in Djado and Ayar woud have led to them being one of the groups once subservient to the mais of Kanem. The mahrams suggest that this process was already underway during the reign of Abd Allah Bakuru, whose own ties to Dirku and the Kawar were strong. 

Works Cited

Hamani, Djibo. Au Carrefour Du Soudan Et De La Berbérie: Le Sultanat Touareg De L'Ayar. Niamey: Institut de recherches en sciences humaines, 1989.

Hopkins, J. F. P., and Nehemia Levtzion. Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. 1st Markus Weiner Publishers ed. Princeton [N.J.]: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2000.

Lange, Dierk. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

Palmer, H. R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

The First Mai to take the Sudanic Pilgrim Road?

Whilst perusing old notebooks, we came across a translation of a short rihla copied in 1850/51 describing a Sayfawa sultan's pilgrimage to Mecca in 1727/28, written by a descendant of the Sayfawa. According to Omer El-Nagar, who included a translation of the short text in his thesis, West Africa and the Muslim pilgrimage: An historical study with special reference to the nineteenth century, the text was from the personal library of Abu Bakr al-Miskin. al-Miskin, a descendant of the Sayfawa and specifically, of Muhammad Yanbu, likely possessed several other papers and books that shed further light on the history of Borno. Unfortunately, the text describing the hajj of a sultan in 1728 appears to conflate details of Ali b. Umar with the sultan in question, likely  Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun in Borno. However, we know from the Diwan that Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun in Borno ruled for 16 years, which aligns nicely with this source's allusion to the mai reigning for 15 years after his pilgrimage. In addition, the Diwan included a reference to a famine that lasted for two years during the reign of this mai. 

Where things get interesting is in the details from the source from Abu Bakr al-Miskin's library. According to this source, Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun took the "Sudan" road for his pilgrimage. This is interesting since as late as the 1690s, the Sayfawa sultans traveled through the Fazzan to reach Egypt. According to this account, however, he traveled through Bagirmi, Wadai, and Darfur to reach Egypt, from whence he crossed the Red Sea. It is likely that this occurred right at the beginning of his reign or before he became mai. In addition, he settled slaves in the lands he traveled through, allegedly leaving 5,000 captives in Bagirmi, and apparently over 4000 in Wadai. While this is difficult to interpret, El-Nagar suggests the author may have been alluding to similar practices of medieval Sayfawa rulers, who settled slaves in various parts of their kingdom and abroad. Either way, one wonders if the settlement of large number of captives in Bagirmi and Wadai can be interpreted to signify that Wadai and Bagirmi were still tributary to Borno in some form, as well as a recognition of the establishment of secure pilgrimage routes through Bagirmi, Wadai and Darfur for West African Muslims. After all, if the king established slave settlements there, one may assume they may have also served pilgrims from Borno who passed through the eastern lands, perhaps serving as possible nuclei for later settlements of Borno pilgrims.

Once in the Hijaz, Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun spent all his funds. Miraculously, with the aid of the ulama, pebbles were turned into gold (clearly fictional). The creation of this extra source of money allowed the sultan to purchase slaves. As for his return journey, he passed through Egypt and returned on the Sudan road, again confirming the placement of slaves in Wadai and Bagirmi. Since Bagirmi and Wadai recognized the suzerainty of Borno in some form at this period and the fact that a mai could travel unmolested through their territories, suggests a degree of security for Muslim pilgrims was already established by 1728. Furthermore, Kanuri praise songs seem to commemorate this mai's reassertion of authority over the Kurata Arabs in Kanem, a Tunjur group, since the song refers to the Kurata as slaves of the mai. It is certainly plausible for this mai to have reasserted Sayfawa influence in Kanem and the lands nearby, including Bagirmi and Wadai. Indeed, the praise song to him specifically praises him for creating settlements out of the relocation of captives. For example, the following verses of "The Song of the Ngijima to the Sultan of Bornu" from J.R. Patterson's Kanuri Songs allude to this practice:

You son of Aji, can collect or disperse people at your will

And turn again, and make a town (with those you have dispersed)

You are the scourge of Jillam, Dalla Darge and Dakkinam Dalla Damaram

Some towns are founded during the cold season of the year

But some of yours have been founded as the result of your victories, Aji Gana the Intriguer

Even more intriguing is the cause of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun's death. According to the Diwan, he died in Gazargamo in 1744. The manuscript describing his pilgrimage, however, states, "He raided Krowrowa and died there in Krowrowa where his grave is visited" (El-Nagar, 399). If this is accurate, then the Diwan omitted the cause of his death in a defeat or failed raid of Krowrowa. Unfortunately, it is unclear what Krowrowa is referring to. It may be Kwararafa, a "pagan" polity to the south which was known to have engaged in conflicts with Borno during the reign of Ali b. Umar in the 1600s. Yet, even into the 18th century, reports of Kwararafa as a powerful state which occasionally entered into conflict with Borno reached the French consul in Tripoli, Lemaire. Alternatively, "Krowrowa" could be a reference to another polity or region subjected to raids by the Sayfawa, since the Kanuri appear to have usually referred to Kwararafa by Kwona or Kona. 

To make things even more confusing, the text later mentions Muhammad b al-Hajj Hamdun as a mai who performed the pilgrimage. But, if the year 1727/1728 for the hajj is accurate, and a regnal length of about 15 years followed, then Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun is the best candidate. Lamentably, since the author appears to have confused Ali b. Umar for the mai who performed the hajj in 1727 or 1728, one can only use this source cautiously. Nonetheless, it does suggest that Islamic pilgrims were using the "Sudan" Road to travel from West Africa to Mecca by the early 1700s. This development seems more plausible for the 18th century, since Ali b. Umar and subsequent 17th century sultans appear to have crossed the Sahara and traveled through North Africa rather than taking the "Sudan" road for the pilgrimage.

Des jésuites au royaume du prêtre Jean

Des jésuites au royaume du prêtre Jean (Ethiopie): stratégies, rencontres et tentatives d'implantation, 1495-1633 by Hervé Pennec is another study of the Jesuits and the mission in Ethiopia. Since the scholarly literature and written sources on the topic is vast, Pennec proposes new interpretations and questions about the subject. While revisiting the sources and challenging readers to reconsider the strategies and tactics employed by both the Jesuits and ruler Susenyos, one can see that the topic of the Jesuits in Ethiopia and this transformation of Prester John of myth into the "real" Ethiopia which the Latin West engaged in the Early Modern Period still raises many questions.

The first third of the book begins with Portugal's early relations with the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia, and how Ignatius of Loyola (and others) mistakenly assumed the Abyssinian ruler was ready to submit to Christ. Relying on outdated information from Alvares, plus the issue of Bermudes and his claim to be Roman Catholic patriarch, confusion abounded. Despite being well-informed on some aspects of Ethiopia, the founder of the Jesuit order wrongly believed that Ethiopia was ready for submission to the papacy. Of course, Galadewos had no interest in doing such a thing, and the early wave of Jesuits in Ethiopia found themselves largely on the periphery. Still, despite their small numbers in the second half of the 16th century, Ethiopian religious literature engaged in a Christological written (and oral) debate with the Jesuit missionaries, particularly once Susenyos converted to Catholicism in 1622. Despite their complete lack of success in converting Ethiopian rulers, the early Jesuits did proselytize and preach to Luso-Ethiopians, maintaining Roman Catholicism among descendants of Portuguese in Abyssinia. Moreover, Goa, as the capital of Portuguese India and center of the Jesuit missions in the Orient, was also an early example of a periphery being arguably more important or essential for the survival of the Jesuit mission in Ethiopia than Rome, Portugal and Spain. Goa, much closer to the Jesuit missions and capable of receiving and sending information more quickly, shaped the decisions on personnel who were ultimately sent to Ethiopia. This was no simple matter, since Ottoman control of the Red Sea made the matter more difficult.

Pennec likewise focuses on how the Jesuits, once able to establish a foothold again in 1603, particularly with the arrival of Pero Paes. Whilst it would take several more years before an Ethiopian ruler converted to Catholicism, one can begin to see here the Jesuits establishing stone churches and residences (with Ethiopian workers and at least one Indian). By erecting churches in stone, some beautifully designed, the Jesuits were implanting themselves in the kingdom on a more permanent basis. By doing so, they were also increasingly drawn into what Pennec sees as royally-sponsored churches. Gifts of land (gult), money, supplies, and the involvement of Susenyos in the ceremony culminating the completion of churches was partly a way for Susenyos to assert his power. This meat that Susenyos, and his brother who converted to Catholicism before him, were incorporating the Jesuits into a familiar patter of royal sponsorship and assertions of power, particularly in Gojjam and around Lake Tana. While the Jesuits undoubtedly benefitted from receiving lands, supplies, funds, and elite backers, they were also part of a strategy of Ethiopian rulers to express their power, which even included enlisting the Jesuits (or the masons among them) to construct stone palaces and monumental architecture for him. This complex process was followed by the Jesuit experience in Ethiopia after the conversion of Susenyos. Part of this complex relationship was also due to Susenyos's desire for Spanish troops to be sent to Ethiopia to help him as a prerequisite for converting, while the Jesuits told him he would have to submit to the papacy before any European troops would come to his aid.

With the 1620s, Pero Paes died but Susenyos's conversion gave the Jesuits their legitimacy and renewed the mission by the arrival of more missionaries. Although a failure within ten years, as Susenyos abdicated and his son, Fasiladas, later exiled the Jesuits, one can see this experience as the zenith of the mission. More missionaries on the ground, conversions of more Ethiopians (although the numbers given by the Jesuits are problematic, it seems that Gojjam had more converts), and Susenyos sidelining his Catholic brother as a supporter of the Catholics. Nonetheless, the mission's short-lived success came to an end with Susenyos's abdication. Pennec's study is less focused on this period, highlighting how Paes and d'Almeida's histories of Ethiopia must be analyzed carefully for the ways in which the authors engaged with Ethiopian written sources, especially the royal chronicle on the reign of Susenyos. Paes especially, despite his nearly 20 years spent in Ethiopia and his familiarity with ge'ez and Amharic, must be interpreted for the ways they cite, paraphrase, and refute Ethiopian sources. For instance, the question of the metropolitan accused of fathering children, drinking, and abusing his ecclesiastical authority in Paes's redaction of the chronicle of Susenyos, and being involved in a revolt in 1617 against the king, may not necessarily be an insertion by Paes. It is possible that later versions of the chronicle after Susenyos's reign censored that segment of the chronicle, but Paes, who was of course biased against the metropolitan sent from Egypt, may have been closer to the truth.

Sakara Music

Sakara music recorded in Benin in the 1950s. The singing is quite engaging while the insistent rhythm of the drums and the droning stringed-instrument or violin make this quite the alluring song. According to Wikipedia, this genre of music among the Yoruba has Islamic influences, and the goje instrument used in it has some resemblance to similar instruments among West African cultures of the Sahel.

Kwararafa: A Multi-Ethnic Power in the Central Sudan

In the interest of experimentation with new technology, we have used our notes on Kwararafa to attempt a short overview of the polity. There is much that is poorly understood or unknown in the history of Kwararafa. However, using references to it from its northern neighbors can provide a rough chronology of sorts and insights. Sadly, it is probably an area in dire need of a second look by scholars who understand the relevant local languages for oral traditions or can read sources (in Arabic or Hausa) that refer to Kwararafa and the Jukun. It would also be necessary for those fluent in Kanuri and/or Arabic to check records and traditions from Borno to verify some possible mentions of Kwararafa in H.R. Palmer's work. But I digress. Below, we have attempted to a short overview of Kwararafa based on our notes and a little help from a friend. With the aid of this friend, we have two drafts. We suspect this friend misread our hand-written notes and that caused some of the errors here. 

The Kwararafa polity, active from at least the 16th to the 18th century, occupied a central position in the political and military landscape of the Central Sudan. Far from being a homogenous state, Kwararafa was a multi-ethnic confederacy led by the Jukun but also incorporating Abakwariga, Goemai, Alago, Tiv, and other groups. Its influence extended across the lower Sudanic regions and, at times, into the middle Sudan.

Origins and Structure

Kwararafa's political system reflected its confederal nature. Leadership was shared among four principal officers: the Mai, the Jirahu, a lesser Mai, and the Master of the Horse. Succession could be fluid—any son of a deceased king was eligible, and in some accounts, kings were replaced every two years. Religious leaders played a vital role in rituals, sacrifices, and even in controlling the weather.

The kingdom was deeply embedded in spiritual practices, blending local beliefs with outside influences. Ritual use of palm wine, divination, animal symbolism, and veneration of water spirits were widespread.

Political and Military Power

At its peak, Kwararafa claimed control over as many as 20 states (as recorded by Muhammad Bello in the 19th century). It was a feared military power, repeatedly launching raids on Hausa city-states such as Kano and Katsina, as well as on Borno. One notable tradition recalls the Jukun refusal to submit to Kano’s Queen Amina in the late 16th century. (Our own beliefs favor a 15th century date for Amina of Zaria)

In the early 1700s, the ruler Adi Matswen increased royal revenues by organizing salt-gathering expeditions and founding new towns. Large-scale military expeditions continued during this period: in 1707, Kwararafa attacked Borno, an event recorded by the French consul Lemaire, who also noted the presence of Kwararafa ambassadors in Borno. (AI likely misread our notes)

Religion and European Observations

European sources from the late 17th and early 18th centuries, including French consuls Lemaire and Delande, offer intriguing glimpses into Kwararafa’s religious life. These observers described Kwararafa as “Christian,” though likely in a nominal or syncretic sense. Lemaire estimated that more than 100,000 Christians lived in the kingdom. Crosses were reportedly displayed on horses and weapons, and Kwararafa dancers in Tripoli were seen making the sign of the cross. Such details suggest a complex religious environment, blending local traditions with Christian symbols—possibly transmitted via contact with Borno and the trans-Saharan trade routes.

Economy and Trade

Tribute formed a major part of Kwararafa’s external relations. According to 18th-century claims recorded by Koelle, the kingdom paid annual tribute to Borno, possibly in slaves. Control over salt resources was another pillar of its economy, with expeditions bringing wealth and political leverage. Kwararafa’s location allowed indirect contact with North Africa through Borno and Hausa intermediaries, linking it to the commercial networks of Tripoli and Fezzan.

Decline

By the mid-18th century, Kwararafa faced growing external pressure. Attacks from neighboring states, internal shifts in power, and the rise of the Sokoto Caliphate in the early 19th century eroded the kingdom’s influence. The Fulani jihad from 1806 marked a decisive blow, fragmenting the confederacy and absorbing its territories into new emirates and political formations.

And here is a second version:

The Kwararafa polity, remembered in Hausa, Kanuri, and European sources from the 16th to the 18th centuries, occupied a prominent position in the history of the Benue Valley. Contemporary accounts depict it as a multi-ethnic state dominated by the Jukun, but incorporating Hausa, Tiv, Mumuye, and other groups under a confederated structure. Its rulers exercised influence far beyond their core territories, engaging in warfare and diplomacy with Borno, Kano, and other Hausa states.

Political and Military History

Kwararafa’s military campaigns were a defining feature of its regional role. Abakwariga (and Jukun) oral traditions recall attacks on Kano and Katsina, taking captives from both Hausa cities in the late 17th century.^2^ Muhammad Bello, writing in the early 19th century, described the Kwararafa ruler as commanding “twenty states” and waging war against both Kano and Borno.^3^

European observers in North Africa and the Mediterranean also documented the kingdom. In 1706–1707, the French consul Lemaire in Tripoli described Kwararafa as a powerful, nominally Christian state, whose rulers clashed with Borno on religious and political grounds.^4^ Lemaire claimed that “more than 100,000 Christians” lived in Kwararafa, and even witnessed Kwararafa captives making the sign of the cross.^5^

Religion and Culture

The claim of Christianity within Kwararafa is controversial, but it recurs in early modern sources. Lemaire and other French officials reported Kwararafa ambassadors in Borno and Borno princes visiting Cairo in the early 18th century.^6^ Koelle, writing in the mid-19th century based on African informants in Sierra Leone, described the Jukun (Wukari) as the capital of Kwararafa and recorded tribute relations with Borno in the late 1700s.^7^

Internally, Kwararafa’s political organization featured a king assisted by principal officers, including the the Master of the Horse.^8^ Succession was flexible, allowing any male relative of a deceased king to ascend the throne.^9^ Spiritual beliefs blended political authority with religious rituals; Talbot’s ethnography notes the king’s involvement in weather control and divination, and his role as chief priest of the sun deity.^10^

Economy and Trade

Kwararafa’s economy combined agriculture, tribute, and control of regional trade. Meek records that rulers such as Adi Matswen increased revenues through salt expeditions and the founding of new towns in the 18th century.^11^ Tribute from subordinate towns and trade in goods such as slaves, horses, and salt connected Kwararafa to markets in Borno, Hausaland, and as far as Tripoli.^12^ French archival records from Tripoli in 1669 note captives taken from “the land of Kwararafa” being sold to North African buyers.^13^

Conclusion

The image of Kwararafa that emerges from African oral traditions, Hausa chronicles, Kanuri records, and European reports is that of a resilient, adaptable state. Its influence was felt from the Middle Niger to the Sahara, and its ambiguous religious identity—Islamic neighbors describing it as Christian, European consuls reinforcing the same—reflects both the complexity of its diplomacy and the layered identities of the Central Sudan in the early modern period.

Footnotes

1. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, 126.

2. Ibid., 124.

3. Muhammad Bello, Infaq’l-Maysur, in Hodgkin, ed.,  The Kano Chronicle, 480.

4. Lemaires, “Letter to the French Foreign Ministry, Tripoli, 1706–1707,” Archives Nationales, Paris, Series Afrique, carton 385.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid., carton 386.

7. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 21.

8. Talbot, The Peoples of Northern Nigeria, 408–409.

9. Ibid., 408.

10. Ibid., 410–412.

11. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, 156.

12. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 21.

13. “French Debt Records in Tripoli, 1669,” Archives Nationales, Paris, Series Afrique, carton 390.

What is missing here is our notes on the possible earlier history of Kwararafa, stretching back to the 1300s and 1400s. 

Shuwa Arabs Documentary

After watching this same channel's series on the Kanuri, we decided to check out their other videos. They are short and of course are not anywhere close to a complete history. Nonetheless, it is interesting to see people from the region interviewed and discussing their traditions and history. The Shuwa Arabs appear to have been present in Kanem by the 14th century, where a reference to them seems evident in a letter from the Sayfawa mai to the Mamluk sultan, Barquq, written in 1391/2. According to that letter, Judham Arabs even killed a mai, so nomadic Arabs had become involved in the unstable conditions in Kanem related to civil war and the Sayfawa versus Bulala. This documentary focuses on aspects of Shuwa Arab culture and traditions, like marriages or the former importance of camels.