These conflicts took place over a century before the c.1452 victory of the Sayfawa in Gambaru. Of course, one cannot say these conflicts were with the same group of Sao, but it would be interesting if the tradition recorded by Landeroin might be alluding to the same area. If so, the Sayfawa had already had their eyes on the Gambaru region long before the mid-15th century. Only after a century of consolidation, did the final subjugation of the area took place. In fact, if the Diwan is reliable, conflict among claimants to the throne erupted between Uthman b. Kaday and Ali b. Dunama (Lange 79). This likely would have prevented Ali b. Dunama from finally shifting the capital to Birni Gazargamo or at least stalled it. Just like the Sao of the region, divisions between the Idrisid and Dawudid branches of the Sayfawa were probably exploited by others to protect their autonomy or for plunder.
Lending some credence to the traditions cited by Landeroin are the traditions collected by H.R. Palmer. Palmer, who published traditions and manuscripts found in Borno, repeated a very similar story of a ruse involving henna to defeat the Sao. In the second volume of Sudanese Memoirs, Palmer included a narrative entitled "The So Dala N'Gumami." The name of this Sao leader is clearly the same as the Dala Gomami recorded by Landeroin, but Palmer provides the name of his city: Gagi Dibun. In Palmer's version, however, it is unquestionably clear that it was Ali Gaji Zeinami, or Ali b. Dunama, who orchestrated the trick using henna (Palmer 68). A number of other details emerge in Palmer's variant of the tradition. So Dala N'Gumami lived as a friend or ally of the Sayfawa, whereas the version of Landeroin suggests he fled the region or left since he could not pay his debts. Interestingly, there is a reference to the Sao leader going to Kano and the impatience of the Sayfawa to build a mosque (Palmer 67). This would suggest long-standing ties to Kano and some familiarity with Islam on the part of So Dala N'Gumami. Considering the penetration of Islam in Kano by the 1300s and the presence of Muslims from Kanem in Borno by the 1200s, this is not surprising, even if the Sao leadership had no interest in converting to Islam. After all, according to the Diwan, rulers like Dunama Dibalemi were said to have died at Zamtam, an area not too far from the future site of Gazargamo in c.1248. A 14th century mai, Ibrahim b. Bir, was buried at Diskama, a locality perhaps to be identified as Damasak, a Sao Gafata stronghold in the 16th century (Lange 74).
The other traditions recorded by Palmer are difficult to interpret. One of them, "The Bade Tribes" in Sudanese Memoirs, suggests the Bade had followed the Sayfawa from Njimi to Wudi, an earlier capital in Borno. At the same time, Bade were already living in Arege 4 years before the establishment of Gazargamo as the capital. If true, this would suggest the Bade were living near the future capital of Borno by the 1450s or 1460s. Furthermore, the discovery of the site of Gazargamo allegedly took place when residents of Wudi pursued an escaped cheetah and found the area of Gazargamo to be much more fertile and abundant than Wudi (Palmer 86). But what is somewhat remarkable here is a convergence with the traditions recorded by Landeroin about a chief or leader of servile origin appointed by Ali b. Dunama. According to Palmer, three brothers named Makinta Baro, Makinta Yatku and Kaloma Arge were chiefs of an early town called Gamgar. Palmer wrote, "These men were brothers, they came from Wudi to Borno" (Palmer 86). If by Borno the capital is meant, perhaps one of these three men named Makinta was the individual also named Mankinta who served Ali b. Dunama as a leader of servile origin at Wudi (Landeroin 355). If these traditions are correct, some of the Bedde may have been incorporated into the administration of Borno as administrators of servile origin. The Badi may have already been alluded to as western neighbors of the areas of Borno under Sayfawa rule during the time of Dunama Dibalemi (Hopkins & Levtzion, 187). The "Badi" also lived on or near the northern shores of Lake Chad and would have been in a position to know of the future site of Gazargamo.
The other group said to have played a role in the eventual site of the Sayfawa capital in Borno are the Amakita Tuareg. The tradition of their presence in Kanem and Borno can be found in the Agades Chronicles as well as Muhammad Bello's account of the region. According to Bello, the Sokoto caliph writing in the early 19th century (probably with access to manuscripts or at least oral traditions from Ayar), the ancestors of the Sayfawa found their "Berber" kinsmen ruling over a group called Amakita in Kanem (Bello, 71-72). In his chapter on Ayar, Bello later lists the Amakita as one of the original five clans in that region (Bello 76). As for the more detailed account found in the Agades Chronicles, Yves Urvoy's translation of Manuscript B includes the full tradition of the Amikitane Tuareg guiding the mai to the site of Birni Gazargamo. According to this source, the tribe of the Sandals (or Amakita) refused to accept the nomination of Ilisaouane as king of Ayar. However, in the ensuing war, they were defeated and the grand part of their population left Ayar. However, after driving out black populations to the south and seizing their lands, the lack of a sultan drove them to migrate to Kanem. Perhaps this is a reference to the original need for a sultan of Ayar in the first place, to restore order or act as a mediator between the Tuareg clans and facilitate trade. It was in Kanem where the Saoutantane tribe of the Amakita eventually guided the mai to the site of Birni Gazargamo. In exchange for a gift, a member of this group promised to guide the sultan of Kanem to the site, which his tribe knew of since they passed the cold season in the area of Birni Gazargamo. The same source also mentions that this tribe had been raided by the sultan of Borno, too. One wonders here if the traditions are recalling moments of civil war between the different branches of the Sayfawa dynasty, with perhaps different times they raided the Tuareg, though tradition recalls Ali b. Dunama raiding Ayar (Landeroin 355). Yet, despite guiding the sultan of Kanem to the site of Birni Gazargamo and allegedly contributing to the construction of the wall, this Tuareg group requested permission to return to Ayar, although agreeing to maintain peace with Borno (Urvoy 158).
How does one make sense of this Tuareg tradition of showing the Sayfawa the site for the capital of Borno? According to Djibo Hamani, the Immikitan Tuareg would have started to leave Ayar sometime after 1429/1430 when Alhaji Alisau became sultan of Ayar and reigned approximately 20 years (Hamani 145). This would mean that the Immikitan likely began an exodus to the south/southeast in the 1430s and 1440s, likely leading to more contact (and perhaps, conflict through raiding) with Borno. If the name "Amakita" is a reference to the amenokal of the Immikitan, the Amiki, then what might be recorded in this tradition is the submission of the Immikitan Tuareg to the Sayfawa dynasty in the 1400s. One also wonders if the "Makinta" and Mankita" remembered in the other traditions could be alluding to the same individual. A thorough examination of this word in Bade, Kanuri, and Tamasheq languages might clarify the matter, but it does raise some questions about a possible explanation for the similar-sounding words of Amakita, Makinta, Mankita the Immikitan. Nonetheless, the name Makinkta as a title still exists in Borno for designating the head of a ward. Regardless of this speculative train of thought, there are traditions in both Ayar and in Borno that allude to conflict between the two during this time. The raids experienced by the Saoutantante could have taken place during this same period in the mid-15th century, although their origin likely began in the 14th century and earlier centuries. Indeed, Hamani cites traditions collected from Kutuba of the court at Agadez that alluded to frequent raids from Borno to seize women and frighten the Tuareg (Hamani 133). Other traditions record the galadima of Borno coming to Ayar to receive a tribute (Hamani 134). In addition, the Kano Chronicle records one attack by Borno against Ayar that, in Palmer's chronology, must have taken place between c.1438-1452. Although the attack failed due to the lack of adequate water supplies, it does support the above traditions of Borno attacks and raids in the 15th century, as well as an extension of Borno's influence in lands to its west (Palmer 75). When one recalls that the Immikitan would have likely been in Damergu and Kutus at this time, they could have become vassals or tributaries of Borno as a Tuareg group in closer proximity. In terms of Borno traditions, a Tuareg attack on a Magumi village triggered Ali b. Dunama's attacks against the Tuareg, and perhaps the tale of his construction of an artificial pond at Fachi for additional sources of water and fish to supply his troops to attack them (Landeroin 355).
Unfortunately, reconciling these traditions on the origin of Birni Gazargamo remains incredibly difficult. On the one hand, Palmer and Landeroin recorded traditions that overlap and suggest a long period of coexistence and exchange between the Sayfawa and the Sao (Gafata?) in the period before Ali b. Dunama established the capital. But on the other hand, these same traditions may be compressing events that developed over 2 centuries or more. Both also allude to a ruse or trick, which may be a tradition designed to mask the fact that the Muslims from Kanem lacked enough outright power or numbers to seize the land. To what extent the Bade or Bedde and Tuareg contributed to this is unclear. The Bade traditions and Landeroin mention someone named Mankinta or Makinta, with the latter claiming he was left in charge of Wudi (Garoumele) during one of Ali b. Dunama's expeditions against the Tuareg. Above we speculated that Makinta bears a superficial resemblance to Amakita, a group remembered in Ayar tradition and by Muhammad Bello for once living in Kanem, perhaps broadly conceived to include parts of Borno. It seems unlikely that an Immikitan Tuareg captive would have been left in charge of Wudi during one of Ali b. Dunama's campaigns, but it is possible that this Tuareg group may have seasonally visited the area around Birni Gazargamo for pasturage. We find it unlikely that they would have aided in the construction of the walls of Gazargamo, but it is possible that they contributed to the choosing of the site as capital. As to what happened to the Sao in the region, the closest ones to Gazargamo a century later appear to have been the Gafata, who were very much a threat to Birni Gazargamo. Besides them, the Sao Tatala living further to the east along the southern shores of Lake Chad could have also absorbed some of the Sao groups forced out of the area of Gazargamo in the 15th century.
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