Les Sultans Dadjo du Sila

Although mostly focused on Sila during the French colonial period, Henri Berre's Sultans Dadjo du Sila (Tchad) is still of use for those interested in the precolonial period. Relying on documents written by court-affiliated persons with a degree of Islamic education, the genealogies and reigns summarized by Berre were supposedly updated by subsequent rulers. To a certain extent, the genealogies are part of the fabricated Arab origin claimed by the Daju sultan, perhaps as part of the standard way to connect the ruling family's lineage back to the Arabian peninsula and important people related to the Prophet. But if one focuses on the key period from c. 1486-1916, the list may be usable. Undoubtedly, it probably omits some rulers, but a few of the kings who reigned since the establishment of the state in Sila were remembered for their relations with Wadai, Darfur, or Dar Runga. For instance, an attack from Wadai during the reign of (Yusuf) Kharifein against Sila may lend some credence to the chronology used by Berre.

Where things become messier is Nachtigal's research in this area during the 19th century. Nachtigal's list appears to have been rather different from what was supplied to the French colonial officers or administrators. For example, there is no one clearly named Gitar in Berre's list. Yet someone of that name was, in one king list, the first Daju ruler in Darfur. As if things were not already confusing, another informant indicated that the earliest Daju king was named Kosber. The apparent absence of these names in the list shared by Berre may be the result of a difference in using Daju or Arabic names for the same people. Alternatively, the list shared in the 20th century colonial era may have wished to omit "pagan" ancestors. After all, Nachtigal's list given to him by a Sila prince indicated 6 of the Daju kings based at Jebel Marra were pagans. Perhaps the rulers in the 19th century were less concerned with claiming ancestry through Yemen and the uncle of Muhammad?

Fortunately, Nachtigal and Berre's lists do provide some context for the enigmatic references to the Daju in medieval Arabic sources. While Berre's list presents the rulers as being of Arab descent and migrating to the north of Darfur, sometime from 892-1212 in the reckoning of Berre, he also places them at "Djebel Morrah" from 1212-1417. This period of the Daju sultans at Jebel Marra fits the medieval Arabic references mentioning the "Taju" or "Tajuwa" in this general area from the 1100s-1400s. If Uri was a Daju royal town or settlement, perhaps that represents the time in the north of Darfur reported by Berre? Keeping in mind that the amount of time Berre assigns to the time spent in the north of Darfur is not exact, one may surmise that the early Daju kings were based at Uri and perhaps the settlement of Samna by the late 12th century. 

For reasons not entirely clear, although perhaps related to a desire to find a more secure base, away from possible interference from Kanem or the medieval Nubian states, the Daju kings moved to Jebel Marra in central Darfur. Evidence for an interest in this region from medieval Kanem is detected in the writing of Ibn Sa'id. According to him, the "Zaghawa" and "Tajuwa" were subjects of Kanem. To Ibn Sa'id, a 'town' or region called Tajuwa represented the capital of the "Zaghawa" where Islam had started to spread. Later on, however, Ibn Sa'id's work seems to acknowledge that another group of "Tajuwa" (Daju?) were pagans residing in mountainous and desert terrains. This "Tajuwa" group was said to be refractory to the sultan of Kanem. Although Ibn Sa'id's description of the region is contradictory and must be used cautiously, there seems to be some overlap with the Daju based in Jebel Marra in the 1200s. Conflating them with the Zaghawa could have been due to the Zaghawa being better known in external Arabic sources, or possibly an alliance between some Zaghawa groups and the Daju against Kanem's expansion. 

Once established in Jebel Marra, presumably by the late 1200s, the other Arabic references are enigmatic on this polity or state. To Ibn Khaldun, the Tajuwa were simply a sort of "Zaghawa." For al-Maqrizi, however, more information is reported on them. They were apparently known for working in stone, which correlates with archaeological ruins of stone constructions in Darfur. Supposedly, their land or territory began at a place called Tukama, perhaps a locality near their base in Jebel Marra. Assuming al-Maqrizi's information was contemporaneous with his times, the Daju polity had also engaged in a number of wars against a people called Wathku. One is tempted to read this as perhaps a rival polity or an area frequently raided by the Daju rulers, perhaps located in Darfur or a neighboring region. If the list provided by one Sila prince is accurate, six pagan Daju kings ruled from Jebel Marra. These kings could easily have reigned from Jebel Marra for much of the period when the Daju kings were based there by the late 1200s. According to Tunjur oral traditions in Kanem, these Daju kings subsisted on the plundering of their neighbors. Yet knowledge of it from as far away as the Mamluk Sultanate suggests it was involved in wider trade networks.

Ultimately, the earlier history of the Daju in Darfur is not remembered in great detail in the Sila of Berre's time. Indeed, one could even question the existence of a continuous dynastic line across time and space from their period in Darfur to the sultans of Dar Sila. But some of Berre's data and regnal years could easily fit the general timeline of the Daju sultans in Darfur. Perhaps Uri became the commercial city or center whilst Jebel Marra became a political capital by the end of the 13th century. By the 16th century, however, Darfur had fallen under the suzerainty of a Tunjur, Ahmed el-Maqur. Apparently, for much of this period, the Daju kings were based in a region south of Geneina, Djebel Kadjano. This was likely the period when the "Dagio" were counted among the subjects of Uri, identified by Anania in the late 1500s. An earlier, smaller Daju presence in Sila to the west is hinted at by Berre, and claimed by Tunjur tradition in Kanem. 

In summation, the data provided by Berre is intriguing and provocative. It raises questions about a tighter chronology through the genealogies provided by the royal court in the colonial era. On the other hand, the names seem difficult to reconcile with what Nachtigal reported. Unfortunately, Nachtigal did not provide complete lists from the data he collected. But from what he reported, it would appear to enumerate different Daju dynasts than the one produced in the 20th century. Further, one Daju prince's list recognized pagan rulers from their Jebel Marra period. When juxtaposed with the medieval Arabic sources, the traditions nonetheless corroborate a possible Daju presence at Uri as well as their base in Jebel Marra. Relations with Kanem in the 13th century, particularly during and after the reign of Dunama Dibalemi, were potentially a source of friction in which the Daju rulers moved further away, building a new political center in Jebel Marra. 

Mbang Burkomanda I: Bagirmi's 17th Century Rise

Lancer of the Sultan of Begharmi.

          Investigating the history of Bagirmi before the 19^th century is an arduous task. Due to the lack of detailed sources on the history of this part of the Chad Basin before the 1800s, Bagirmi receives less attention than its more famous neighboring polities, Kanem and Borno. Moreover, the 19^th and 20^th centuries provide far richer source materials, consisting of travel reports, al-Tunisi’s account of Sabun’s invasion of Bagirmi, and a plethora of colonial-era publications and reports. This material, naturally, makes it far easier to research Bagirmi in the 1800s whilst its earlier period remains somewhat shadowy. In an attempt to explore early Bagirmi history, this brief article will analyze the reign of mbang Burkomanda I of Bagirmi, whose reign has been tentatively dated c. 1635-1665 by Gustav Nachtigal. In spite of the paucity of written sources from this time, one can triangulate various traditions from Bagirmi, Wadai and its neighbors to create a fuller narrative of Burkomanda’s reign. Moreover, Burkomanda I’s reign was part of a much larger trend of dynamic political leadership across much of the Chad Basin and the Central Sudan in the 1600s. Indeed, Burkomanda’s reign overlapped with a period of political change and unrest to the east of Lake Chad, one which Bagirmi endeavored to profit from through far-flung raids and political interventions. Symbolically and materially, this was represented by the erection of brick walls around the palace in Massenya, cementing the ascent of the mbang in the wider region.

A Commentary on the Sources

          Whilst a few important works have been written by Anglophone and Francophone scholars on Bagirmi’s royal genealogy, much remains to be done. Even so, studies of the kingdom’s cosmological symbolism, political structure or its model of predatory accumulation have been produced. Still, little has been done to advance the study of pre-1800 Bagirmi. John Lavers, in a brief essay published in Annals of Borno tentatively sketched this lengthy period of Bagirmi history (c. 1500-1800), but largely repeated Nachtigal. Besides Lavers, of course, many colonial-era writers wrote studies on Bagirmi kingship, history, the Barma language, or the specific Melfi district. But few have been able to advance beyond this due to the contradictions in the oral traditions, which all the sources ultimately rely upon. In other words, unless new textual sources come to light, historians will not progress from Nachtigal’s schematic view of Bagirmi history.[1] Indeed, some scholars, such as Viviana Pâques, have even gone as far as to challenge simple assumptions of linear historical narratives in the oral materials. In a move that recalls the ways in which Zuidema interpreted the Spanish cronistas on the history of the Incas, Pâques seems to believe that much of what is reported in the traditions reported to Nachtigal, Barth, and others is ultimately tied to a mythological and cosmological order of thinking.

            However, close examination of the various 19^th century and colonial-era reports and texts can be triangulated for a deeper understanding of Burkomanda I’s reign. For instance, the various lists of Bagirmi kings produced by Nachtigal, Escayrac de Lauture, Barth, Lanier, and Palmer can be subjected to greater scrutiny. This can unveil commonalities and patterns.[2] Using Henri Carbou’s writings on the Bulala and Wadai, as well as al-Tunisi, highlight some of Wadai’s traditions as relevant for reconstructing Bagirmi history. Abadie, Palmer, Tubiana, Barkindo, and Hagenbucher on the history of Bagirmi’s neighbors and rival polities can shed further light. For example, a number of Bagirmi-oriented sources allude to ephemeral reigns of Wadai kings usually omitted from the Wadai kings lists. By using the general dates for Wadai, the Bulala sultans in Fitri, Mandara, as well as Kanem and Borno, one can better contextualize the events associated with Burkomanda’s reign. In addition, utilizing these sources permits a likely more accurate reading of Bagirmi’s attempts to assert itself in a politically dynamic Chad Basin and Central Sudan during the 1600s.

Mbang Burkomanda I’s Rise to Power

          Although little is known of Burkomanda’s early life, he is intriguingly remembered by the name of his mother, Aisa Bele. Furthermore, he was reportedly the son of Omar, who reigned from c. 1608-1625 in Nachtigal’s chronology. Surprisingly, Burkomanda was tchiroma during the reign of his uncle, Dalai (r. 1625-1635).[3] One can surmise from this that Burkomanda’s mother may have hailed from a powerful faction or family in Bagirmi, if Burkomanda’s maternal kin helped him succeed his uncle.

          Burkomanda also benefited from the political reforms and accomplishments of Abdallah (r. 1568-1608). This powerful mbang promoted Islamic reforms in Bagirmi’s state structure and created several powerful posts held by individuals of slave origin. Indeed, Nachtigal seemingly believed that the powerful military officer, the fatsha, was held by a slave since the time of Abdallah. This may have been done to weaken the influence of brothers, uncles and other relations in Bagirmi’s royal disputes and military leadership. Abdallah was also believed by Nachtigal to have completely reversed the tributary relationship with the Bulala sultans, too. By 1608, this seminal Bagirmi ruler was allegedly responsible for imposing a small tribute on Middogo and receiving annual presents from the Bulala, Logon, and Kousseri.[4]

          In short, Bagirmi had already demonstrated signs of greater political centralization and expansion during the reign of Abdallah. Indeed, this may have triggered a campaign from Borno’s Idris b. Ali (r. 1564-1596) which led to his death.[5] Undoubtedly, Burkomanda benefitted from the reforms of his grandfather and may have sought to surpass his predecessor, Dalai, who was less successful in his military raid against the Musgo (Musgun).[6] Burkomanda later succeeded in expanding the scale of military actions, intervened in Fitri, and even struck Borno territory in Kawar.

Raiding Far and Wide for Three Years

          Believed to have begun a long series of campaigns soon after his reign began, Burkomanda led his troops far and wide. Targeting Burlum, Bayo, and Bolongo districts, Burkomanda threatened the Kenga. Crossing to Middogo and Fitri, Burkomanda went even further afield. His troops crossed Batha and the Bahr el-Ghazal to Kanem, then moved to the Karka region. Then, Bagirmi raiders struck Borku and Kawar, before passing to the south and plundering the Shuwa in the Kotoko principalities. This was followed by another attack, this time against Mandara. Fellata to the south of Mandara were also targeted before Burkomanda camped his troops in Musgo territory. Due to the wishes of his soldiers to return, Burkomanda eventually agreed.[7] Given that tradition remembers this taking place over the course of three years, one must ask why the ruler of Bagirmi was eager to launch several punitive raids and actions against Bagirmi’s neighbors. Given the volatile conditions in Kanem around this time and the formation of Wadai, perhaps in c. 1635 (to use Nachtigal’s chronology), one can best interpret Burkomanda’s actions as an attempt to profit from and exert Bagirmi’s status as a regional power.

Beginning with Kanem, a political vacuum made raids and possible expansion attractive. The Bulala sultans were defeated by the Tunjur and were no longer relevant here. Borno, whose ruler, Umar b. Idris, likely appointed Dala Afuno to oversee Kanem around this time, relied on the alifas to ensure the tribute from Kanem. However, Dala Afuno was remembered in Kanem for having to wage war on various groups to receive any tribute. Indeed, Dala Afuno had to fight the Tubu, Daganas, El-Lassalas, Shuwas and Koukas to the west of Lake Fitri to pay tribute.[8]

Besides trouble receiving tribute, conflict with the recently arrived Tunjur, migrating after Wadai’s foundation in c. 1635, soon arose. Tunjur tradition, according to Gros, remembers conflict between the Tunjur and Bulala occurring at Mao during the time of Dawud’s grandson, Smain. While the Tunjur eventually seized Mao, Tunjur tradition specifically named their leader, Ramadan, as dying in conflict with the Dala Afuno.[9] In other words, Kanem during the 1630s was politically volatile and unstable as the first alifa sent by the Sayfawa was engaged in conflict with various groups refusing to pay tribute. Sensing this insecurity and instability, Burkomanda may have viewed Kanem as relatively easy to raid. This would explain why he was able to reach beyond to Borku and Kawar.

As for the raids on Borku and Kawar, one sees another aspect of Bagirmi’s long-term regional aspirations. Due to its geographic position, the kingdom lacked direct access to towns in the southern Sahara used for profitable trans-Saharan trade. Bagirmi needed access to these to become less dependent on Borno for North African, European, and other goods. Thus, it is likely Burkomanda envisioned long-term acquisitions to the far north.[10] Lavers was correct to note this possible motive for Burkomanda’s actions, perhaps aiming to maintain Kanem’s openness for commerce or to assert Bagirmi control over routes to the north.[11] The ultimate failure of this strategy may be explained by the distance involved and the eventual restoration of Sayfawa authority in Kanem through the consolidation of the alifas. Nonetheless, memories of this Bagirmi raid in Bilma were vivid enough when Maurice Abadie reported it. In Kawar tradition, however, the Bagirmi attack which resulted in a massacre of the town’s population was the result of a Bulala attack.[12] This may have been a result of Burkomanda’s close relationship with the Bulala sultans in Fitri, particularly as his sister, Zara, was married to the Bulala ruler.

Afterwards, Burkomanda’s forces moved south and west. Attacks against the Shuwa certainly included many cattle and horses among the booty. The assault directed against Mandara, which may have been ruled by Abale at the time, was probably inspired by Mandara expansion into the Musgo (Musgun) territories. Burkomanda’s goal was undoubtedly intended to minimize the expansion of rival polities into Bagirmi’s own raiding zones and tributary regions. Mandara, at the time not yet Islamic, was possibly also attacked by Borno during the reign of Ali b. Umar (c. 1639-1677). This suggests that Mandara’s rulers were expansionist at this time or threatening its peer polities. In fact, according to Barkindo, Bagirmi’s attack “appears to have had the purpose of checking Wandala expansion into what was assumed by Bagirmi, to be her own area of influence.”[13]

Lastly, Burkomanda’s whirlwind campaigns included the Fitri region for an important reason. Heading toward that direction was important for the alliance between the Bulala sultans and Bagirmi at this time. Sealed through the marriage of Burkomanda’s sister to the Bulala sultan, this seemingly developed after the Bulala already established the dynasty in the Fitri region, after defeating the Kuka. Bulala oral traditions attribute this to a half-Tubu Bulala prince, Djil Esa Tubo, or Djili Esa Toubo. According to traditions not cited by Carbou, this Djil Esa Tubo actually lived in Bagirmi with his mother for some time. If so, it is no wonder that Djil Esa Toubou was likely the Bulala ruler who married Burkomanda’s sister. He was already raised there and probably connected to Bagirmi elites.[14] Carbou, presumably drawing on oral traditions as well as the earlier work of Nachtigal, provides strong evidence for a Bulala-Bagirmi alliance around the time of Burkomanda, confirmed through the marriage of Burkomanda’s sister to Djil Esa Tubo. This, in turn, explains why Burkomanda may have included the Fitri area in his lengthy military excursions during his reign.

By contextualizing this seemingly random series of attacks within the wider political changes affecting Kanem as well as the foundation of Wadai to the east, one can perceive how Bagirmi’s actions were likely done in response to a politically volatile moment. Burkomanda sought to strengthen his position within the Central Sudan through raids, political expansion, and achieving long-term economic goals through access to Kawar and Borku. Attacking Mandara due to the latter’s expansion into Musgun lands was designed to ensure Bagirmi’s own sphere of influence there and source of captives. Bagirmi interests in Fitri were tied to their relationship with the Bulala and, perhaps, a desire to keep an eye on developments further east in Wadai.

The Later Years of Burkomanda I

Unfortunately, the remainder of Burkomanda I’s reign becomes much harder to contextualize. Besides campaigns against the Sarua and Ndamm about 3 years later, little else is known, except for a war with Wadai. Nonetheless, one can detect Burkomanda’s continued interests in expansion and promoting his own position across the region with brick walls for the palace. A later war with Waday suggests Bagirmi was, at this time, still a stronger power.

 Nachtigal, one of the better sources, wrote of subsequent campaigns led by the mbarma and fatsha. Directed against the Sarua and Ndamm, they were not especially successful.[15] Burkomanda’s later execution of his fatsha and mbarma due to a small offense is not explained by Nachtigal but may be connected to this. Perhaps their failure to achieve success like Burkomanda’s earlier campaigns aroused his anger. Or the two were involved in a plot. Given the vast military authority these figures held, it is difficult to imagine Burkomanda ordering their execution on a simple offense. Lack of success in military ventures or a political conflict may have been part of it.

Developments in architecture or the material expression of royal authority also occurred at this time. Burkomanda appears to have been the first to construct a brick wall for the palace in Massenya. According to Nachtigal, at least.[16] The use of brick for royal or elite structures has a longer history in Kanem and Borno, areas which influenced the development of the Bagirmi state. To see them used here in Burkomanda’s reign must be interpreted as an expression of the state’s political ascent in the Central Sudan. After all, besides Bagirmi, the use of fired-brick had been practiced by the Bulala and Sayfawa, rival dynasties which had once dominated Burkomanda’s polity. By employing them in his own palace, Burkomanda demonstrated Bagirmi’s ascending status as a Sudanic power.[17]

Finally, Bagirmi’s war with Waday during Burkomanda’s reign raises more tantalizing questions. Sparked by Waday’s attacks on the Bulala state in Fitri, which led to the capture of Burkomanda’s sister, they clearly indicate the importance of the Fitri area for Wadai and Bagirmi. Nachtigal wrote that Burkomanda freed his sister after a battle at Rabbana on the west bank of the Fitri.[18] Carbou, on the other hand, saw a possible Kuka role in fostering a Waday attack in Fitri, perhaps to force the Bulala sultans out of the region.[19]

With Lanier, likely drawing from Escayrac de Lauture, one learns more about Wadai’s leader during this war. Apparently, Wadai’s troops were led by a king named Mohamed ez Zaouni, who supposedly attacked twice. In the second attack, at Middogo, Wadai forces captured Burkomanda’s sister. But Burkumanda was able to “refouler les Ouadaiens.”[20] In Escayrac de Lauture’s version of events, Burkomanda’s victory against Wadai took place at a place called Sadao. His version emphasized that after the capture of Wadai’s Mohammed-Zaouni, “qui avait occupé le trône pendant six mois,” Wadai replaced him with a king named Issa. But, tellingly, any war with Bagirmi was finished by an unspecified epidemic.[21] In other words, Bagirmi not only captured the Wadai king, but the conflict continued until an outbreak of disease or pestilence forced an end.[22]

Unfortunately, none of the Wadai king lists mention this Mohammed-Zaouni or Issa, but Lauture’s list of Wadai rulers places them after Abd el-Kerim and a king named Edris (Idris).[23] As it appears quite likely that the standard lists of Wadai kings tend to omit names of rulers who only lasted briefly on the throne, Mohammed-Zaouni and Issa may have been very brief rulers sometime in the 1650s or 1660s. Indeed, Lauture’s list places Issa right before Saleh-Dered, clearly omitting many Wadai kings of the 1700s. Another writer, Carbou, likewise noted at least one king often not included in the Wadai kingslist: El Djezam, who succeeded Kharif.[24] If, as Lauture indicates, Mohamed-Zaouni and Edris ruled for less than a year while Issa reigned for under 2 years, it is possible they briefly occupied the throne after c. 1655, when Abd el-Kerim likely died (according to Nachtigal’s chronology).[25]

Undoubtedly, much of Burkomanda’s relatively long reign of 30 years has not survived in traditions. Nevertheless, the later annals of his reign included the use of brick walls, the victory against Wadai, and Burkomanda’s actions regarding the Surua and Ndamm. Of course, the executions of his fatsha and mbarma raise a number of tantalizing questions, too. The victory against Wadai raises important manners related to the known chronology and list of kings of this state in the 17^th century. Despite the unexplained factors in the rest of his reign, the use of brick attests to a regional aspiration to status and power in the Central Sudan. Likewise, the ruler’s continued interest in Bagirmi’s expansion and influence in neighboring peoples demonstrates an ongoing interest in “predatory accumulation.”

Conclusions on Bagirmi in the Pivotal 17^th Century

Despite the limited written sources for this period in Bagirmi history, deep investigations into the earlier centuries of Bagirmi’s political history are feasible. Endeavors to make sense of the contradictions must keep in mind the importance of looking to traditions from neighboring societies and rival polities, too. Whilst some contradictions and gaps will remain unresolved, one can approach a holistic view of pivotal Bagirmi mbang reigns prior to the 19^th century.

This tentative analysis of Burkomanda I’s reign was an attempt to do so. By contextualizing what is reported about Bagirmi’s neighbors and rival states in the middle decades of the 17^th century, one can make sense of (or at least approach a reasonable interpretation) how Bagirmi, for some time during the dynamic 17^th century, asserted itself as a major state in the Central Sudan. This was accomplished or attempted through military raids and wars, the adoption of brick buildings, interventions in Fitri and Kanem, and Bagirmi success against Wadai. Future scholarship on this period of Bagirmi history must examine more closely the question of religion, particularly in the aftermath of Umar b. Idris of Borno’s termination of the first Kalumbardo. Subsequent research must thoroughly revisit the list of kings for Waday, the Bulala in Fitri, the alifas of Kanem and the Tunjur to better understand how the Bulala sultans losing Kanem led to Bagirmi’s attempt to fill a political void.

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[1] Of course, Nachtigal’s retelling of Bagirmi history was based on what may have been relatively informal conditions in the 1870s. His claim to have spoken with multiple descendants of elite lineages in Bagirmi who could recount specific details of various campaigns their forebears participated in throughout Bagirmi history is undoubtedly useful. However, like Sarmiento de Gamboa, whose interviews with various panaqa Inca descent groups was methodogically sound, descendants of different branches of the royal family and elite groups can disagree on many relevant historical questions. One wonders if, despite Nachtigal’s travels to Bagirmi predating European colonialism, his elite informants told him contradictory narratives about their past or the larger history of the Bagirmi royal dynasty. If so, Nachtigal’s retelling of it is far too “neat” and free of contradictions.

[2] See Alain Vivien, “Essai de concordance de cinq tables généalogiques du Baguirmi (Tchad)” in Journal de la Société des Africanistes, 1967, tome 37, fascicule 1. pp. 25-40.

[3] See Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 3, 405. In other kings lists of Bagirmi, Burkomanda I is not listed, or he is conflated with Burkomanda Tad Lele, who reigned in the 1700s. See H. Lanier, “L’ancien royaume du Bagirmi” in Bulletin du Comité de l'Afrique française 35, 1925 for an example of Burkomanda possibly listed as Osman, succeeding Omar (Oumar) and reigning 1612-1631. Escayrac de Lauture also evinced signs of confusion in his list of Bagirmi kings. For instance, his list of Bagirmi kings places Bourkoumanda, or Osman, after Abdala (Abdallah), and only assigns him a reign of 9 years. Yet his informant, presumably the Shaykh Ibrahim he met in Cairo who was believed to be a relative of the Bagirmi royal line, reported to him that Burkomanda defeated Wadai and captured their king. See Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, géographie naturelle et politique, histoire et ethnographie, moeurs et institutions de l'Empire des Fellatas, du Bornou, du Baguermi, du Waday, du Dar-Four, rédigé, d'après des renseignements entièrement nouveaux et accompagné d'une esquisse du Soudan oriental, 74-75.

[4] Ibid., 328, 403-404. For a different perspective on Bagirmi-Bulala relations, see Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai, Premier Tome, 298. In Carbou’s mind, it was the Kuka who once imposed tribute on the Fulani in what became Bagirmi during the 1400s. However, given the likely Fitri origins of the Bulala sultans ruling Kanem, they too may have exercised a loose suzerainty or influence on the Kuka state in the 1400s and early 1500s.

[5] John Lavers, “An Introduction to the History of Bagirmi,” Annals of Borno 1, 31.

[6] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 3, 404.

[7] Ibid., 405.

[8] See Landeroin, “Notice historique,” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 380.

[9] See Behique Dunama, “Siècles Obscurs: The Alifas of Kanem and the Tunjur in the 17th and 18th Centuries,”  https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/11/siecles-obscurs-alifas-of-kanem-and.html. Tunjur traditions in Kanem suggest conflict with the Dala Afuno and Ramadan occurred in c. 1735, which is likely a century too late. A c. 1635 date is more plausible given the genealogy of the Kanem alifas based in Mao.

[10] See Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries (1890), 86.

[11] John Lavers, “An Introduction to the History of Bagirmi,” 34.

[12] Maurice Abadie, Afrique centrale: la colonie du Niger, 133. This could also be possible evidence of Bagirmi’s forces incorporating additional soldiers from their Bulala allies.

[13] See Bawuro M. Barkindo, The Mandara Sultanate to 1902: History of the Evolution, Development and Collapse of a Central Sudanese Kingdom, 107, 111-112.

[14] Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai, Tome Premier, 307-308, 311. While Hagenbucher’s “Notes sur les Bilala” is essential reading, he dates Djil Esa Tubo to c. 1536 based on a problematic Bulala royal genealogy. Hagenbucher’s dates are too problematic and difficult to reconcile with the wider regional history of Fitri, Kanem, and Bagirmi during the 1530s. Instead, Djil Esa Tubo was more likely to arrive in the Fitri area during the 1630s, which matches the general c. 1630 dating for the arrival of the Tunjur in Kanem. After their defeat at the hands of the incoming Tunjur, the Bulala may have spent some time in Massoa, to the east of the Bahr el-Ghazal, before moving to Fitri. Whether or not the Bulala were asked to intervene there against the Kuka is unclear, but it could very well have involved Bagirmi military assistance. As for the question of Bagirmi interests in Kanem possibly being related to their ties to the Bulala sultans, the question remains ambiguous. Bagirmi sources certainly suggest the Bulala were reduced to vassals or tributaries, so it would seem Bagirmi’s actions in Kanem and Kawar were not motivated by a desire to restore the Bulala sultanate in Kanem. For a reference to Bagirmi’s overt conquest of the Bulala, see H. Lanier, “L’ancien royaume du Baguirmi,” 460. According to Lanier, who confused Burkomanda I with Burkomanda Tad Lele, “Il fit la guerre au sultans des Boulalas, conquit son pays, le soumit et donna à son nouveau vassal une de ses soeurs en mariage.” Either way, Burkomanda exerted some degree of influence over the Bulala in Fitri.

[15] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 3, 405.

[16] Ibid., 406. For a speculative attempt at contextualizing the usage of bricks in Massenya, see Behique Dunama, “Speculating on Massenya and Bricks in Bagirmi,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/speculating-on-massenya-and-bricks-in.html.

[17] Religion may have provided an additional avenue for Bagirmi to assert its position within the Sudan. Umar b. Idris (c. 1619-1639) of Borno’s destruction of the first Kalumbardo forced Shaykh Waldede to flee for his life, returning to Bagirmi where the town of Bidderi had a long history of ties to Islamic scholarship (and the rulers of Bagirmi). See Behique Dunama, “Umar b. Idris (r.1619-1639) and the First Kalumbardo,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/umar-b-idris-r1619-1639-and-first.html. Though Nachtigal and other sources do not mention this in the context of Burkomanda’s reign, it would be interesting to explore how Umar b. Idris’s assault against the first Kalumbardo may have had political repercussions in Bagirmi. After all, if Waldede came from Bagirmi and had long-established ties to Bagirmi, including one associated with designing the palace, would Bagirmi’s rulers continue to look positively upon the Sayfawa? In terms of their own state’s Islamic legitimacy, they may have began to harbor more animosity against Borno’s ruler. Even more intriguing in this context is Wadai tradition linking the founder of the state, Abd el-Kerim, with Kalumbardo’s other leader as well as Bidderi in Bagirmi.

[18] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, Vol 3., 405.

[19] Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai, Tome Premier, 312.

[20] Henri Lanier, “L’ancien royaume du Baguirmi,” 460.

[21] Comte Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, 74-75.

[22] The only reference to anything close to a plague early in Wadai history is a cattle pestilence and drought during the reign of Ya’qub Arus (1681-1707, in Nachtigal’s chronology). See Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 4, 208.

[23] Comte Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, 77.

[24] Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai, Tome Premier, 111.

[25] Comte Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, 77.

Das Reich Bornu

Whilst revisiting various sources on Bagirmi and Wadai, we were reminded of a German article by Ulrich Seetzen. Based on interviews with natives of Waday in 1808 who passed through Cairo, Seetzen's informants provide a glimpse of parts of Sudanic Africa not well known in Europe. One of his informants, Hassan, helped Seetzen "map" out the larger region as he conceived it. Intriguingly, this Waday native seems to place Sennar, Fez (Morocco), and various other places within a larger Borno "empire." Clearly, as late as 1808, the stature and reputation of the Sayfawa across much of the African continent was still recognized, even from tributary or vassal states which were striking against Borno.

Ouara, ville perdue (Tchad)

Jean-Paul Lebeuf and Johannes Hermann Immo Kirsh's Ouara, ville perdue (Tchad) is a study of the elite palatial complex at Wadai's former capital, Wara. Unfortunately, the site does not seem to have received further investigation and one wonders about the current conditions of the palace, mosque, and other structures. As elite architecture made of bricks in the Central Sudan, one cannot help but wonder to what extent the earlier fired-brick building traditions of Kanem and Borno influenced Wadai. Lebeuf and Kirsch did not fully explore this question, but they raised a number of intriguing theories about parallels with Kotoko architecture and African royal architectural traditions. 

Using the few written sources, oral sources, and past and contemporary plans, photographs, and sketches, the authors did endeavor a basic overview of the site. That said, given the paucity of written sources from the period when Wara was occupied by the ruling dynasty of Wadai, one must interpret the sources carefully. Nonetheless, a general overview is possible. The larger site includes an area attributed to the period of the Tunjur, but the site is most associated with Abd al-Karim and his descendants. A royal cemetery, a maison de marabout brick structure, the palace structure, elite residences for upper-echelon dignitaries like the djerma and the counsel hall structure are still impressive ruins. A partially ruined pyramidal structure on Mount Treya and a central tower that may have been an observatory aligned with the Pleiades indicate some intriguing possible motives for the site's design. Unfortunately, precise dating of many of these structures has not been attempted, although a brick from the mosque structure dated to 1796 was found. It would seem that successive kings of Wadai built or sponsored the construction of some brick buildings over the centuries the site served as a royal capital. Furthermore, it was likely not a large city, with its growth circumscribed by the mountainous terrain. 

Despite its small size, the city's astronomical alignments for some structures and the larger cosmological and ritual significance of the space's design are worth exploring. The building remembered traditionally as the maison de marabout included a tower or column structure of brick. The authors speculate that this may also have been a symbol of the kingdom's axis. Indeed, the division of Wadai into 4 quadrants based on the cardinal directions with the center, or axis, at this structure was no coincidence. Furthermore, the Salle de Conseil with 4 sides, square-shape may have been another reference to the 4 provinces of the state: North, South, East, and West. While the authors may need further proof for the larger cosmological points about square and round buildings and towers as references to the land and the sky, possible similarities with the Kotoko states is not impossible. Clearly, part of the capital was designed for ritual reasons. For instance, the platform on Mount Trey was used for accession rituals of the Wadai rulers. The royal cemetery was also ritually significant, even though none of the tombs feature inscriptions. 

Hopefully with the dating of fired-brick structures in Kanem, similar research can be undertaken for Wara. Even if the brick mosque was built in the 1790s, some of the other structures may date from the 17th or early 18th centuries. This late date also raises the question about influences from Kanem, Bagirmi and Wadai. The influence of Kanem-Borno in Wadai can be detected in areas like political titles, such as the djerma. The word birni was also used in Wadai to refer to the palace, perhaps another instance of political vocabulary (and royal architecture?) being influenced by Kanem-Borno. It is not inconceivable that rulers of Wadai also borrowed from the Sayfawa dynasty (and its successors in Kanem, the Bulala) brick structures for elite residences and mosques. A close analysis of brick construction techniques and architectural styles must be launched for Kanem, Wadai and Borno to verify this hypothesis. Massenya, the capital of Bagirmi, should likewise be thoroughly investigated. 

Mahamat ibnou Dirmi and Wadai

Whilst perusing Abd el-Karim ibnou Djamé, propagateur de l'Islam et fondateur du royaume du Ouaddaï by Marie-José Tubiana, Issa Hassan Khayar, and Paule Deville, we noticed yet again the Borno/Kalumbardo connection for Wadai's founder. According to various oral traditions, Abd el-Karim studied theology or religion with a Mahamat ibnou Dirmi. This name appears in Muhammad Bello's account of the first Kalumbardo's destruction at the hands of Umar b. Idris of Borno. It also appears in Borno oral traditions and in Wadai. We have written about this elsewhere in our endeavor to analyze Umar b. Idris's decision. Yet the traditions cited by Tubiana et al. strengthen the Borno identification.  For example, the account of Adam Mahamat el-Amin of Wadai referred to Mahamat ibnou Dirmi in the following manner: "Il fut tué injustement par ses enemies"(27). Wadai tradition is adamant that Mahamat ibnou Dirmi was buried in Dar Bornou (20). 

Interestingly, however, Wadai tradition remembers a shaykh named Dede who was buried at the Bahr El-Ghazal (27). This is possible since Bagirmi (where Bidderi is located) in the late 1500s and early 1600s was not disconnected from this area and Islamic scholars sometimes taught in different locations as they moved. More importantly, if the teacher of Abd el-Karim was indeed the same leader of the first Kalumbardo, is it not unreasonable to postulate a totally political motive for the Borno mai's decision to execute him and exile Waldede? Consequently, does this mean that Wadai's foundations possibly preceded the reign of Umar b. Idris of Borno (r. 1619-1639, in Lange's chronology)? This could mean that Barth's chronology for the kings of Wadai is more accurate than that of Nachtigal's, although further confirmation is necessary. 

Tantalizing clues, however, may be found in the sparse data about one of the predecessors of Umar b. Idris. According to Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, Muhammad b. Idris (1596-1612) died in Kanem. According to Palmer, "He was slain in Holy War, and buried at Dagana Daniski" (244). This could have been related to the rise of Abd el-Karim's rise to power in Wadai. His political ascent led to some of the Tunjur leaving Kanem, although pressure on the Bulala sultans of Kanem may have also been a factor since it is unclear if a Tunjur exodus from Wadai had already begun in c.1610 or 1611. Either way, it does seem rather likely that Mahamat ibnou Dirmi was the very same leader at the first Kalumbardo. If one of his students, Abd el-Karim, later overthrew the Tunjur dynasty, it is no wonder that Umar b. Idris viewed Waldede and al-Jirmi as a political threat. 

Siècles Obscurs: The Alifas of Kanem and the Tunjur in the 17th and 18th Centuries

Zezerti, Alifa of Kanem in  Les coutumes familiales au Kanem by Robert Bouillié

One particularly difficult aspect of Kanem's history is establishing a better chronology for the series of alifas who ruled from Mao. First established by Dala Afuno under the auspices of the Sayfawa rulers of Borno, the alifas have not had their pre-19th century history documented extensively. Indeed, most accounts appear to rely on oral traditions, but a clearer picture only emerges in the 19th century. In that turbulent period, pressure from Wadai and the migration of the Awlad Sulayman and the loss of Borno's claims to any suzerainty in the region are recorded by various sources. In addition, European travelers such as Nachtigal or the early colonial-era administrators and scholars were able to collect traditions from what was then a very recent past. Unfortunately, what Zeltner has referred to as the siècles obscurs of Kanem (17th and 18th centuries) remain a mystery. Revisiting the various traditions from Kanembu, Borno, and Tunjur sources, we shall propose what may be a better chronology for understanding the exodus of the Bulala, the immigration of the Tunjur, and the rise of the Dala Afuno and the alifas of Mao.

First, the reign of Sabun of Wadai provides a relatively decent period for understanding the early 19th century in Kanem. According to Landeroin, the 14th alifa, Mele Koura, was deposed for endeavoring to force a Magumi group, the Yabouribous, to pay tribute. After attacking and pillaging their villages, Mele Koura was recalled to Birni Gazargamo and imprisoned. His brother, Hadji, was then appointed the alifa of Kanem. After occupying the office for ten years, he was overthrown by Mele Koura, who had escaped from Borno. With the aid of Sabun of Wadai, Mele Koura reoccupied his post as alifa of Kanem (Landeroin, 381). Since Sabun likely reigned from c.1804-1815 and Hadji was only alifa for 10 years, Hadji had to have held the post by 1805. This suggests that Mele Koura was deposed by the Sayfawa Sultan Ahmad b. Ali (r. 1792-1808). Keep in mind that Hadji could have occupied his post before 1805, too. For example, if his reign began in 1795 or 1796, and he was deposed by Mele Koura (with Sabun's aid) in 1805 or 1806, then the chronology would require some adjustment. Another event that might be correlated with the late 18th century is the intervention of Wadai in Mondo during the reign of Joda (1747-1795). His agid el-Bahr was said to have conquered Mondo and parts of Kanem near the end of his reign (Sahara and Sudan IV, 212).

What of the 13 preceding alifas of Kanem, who held the post in the 17th and 18th centuries? A clearer understanding of when the Bulala ruling dynasty lost control of Kanem and became centered around Lake Fitri may help. In terms of Bagirmi's history, Nachtigal dated the reign of Burkomanda 1635-1665. This mbang had a sister married to the Bulala sultan at Fitri (Sahara and Sudan III, 405). Nachtigal's dates are not infallible, but suggests that the Bulala sultans were based in the Fitri around by the mid-17th century. Tunjur historical tradition in Mondo sheds further light on the Bulala exit as well. According to Gros, whose study of the Tunjur was published in Les Arabes du Tchad, the Tunjur were led into Kanem by Diab, a son of Daoud, the last Tunjur king before the formal establishment of Wadai by Abd al-Kerim. Supposedly, Daoud reigned 17 years before Darfur fell to Solimon Solong (Gros, 272). It is perhaps best not to take this number too literally, and it could be only used relatively since firm regnal dates for the founder the Darfur sultanate are lacking. But, it was not Daoud who led the Tunjur to Kanem. That occurred under the leadership of his successors. Nonetheless, he was said to have launched raids that had reached Kanem (Gros, 275). The actual migration to Kanem occurred around the year 1630. However, Gros attributes the first attack on the Bulala at Mao to Smain, a grandson of Daoud. Allegedly taking place 3 years after the death of Diab, the Tunjur forces struck and seized Mao, a city which still had brick walls or edifices. Supposedly, Borno did not intervene at this time due to past conflicts with a Bulala sultan named Muhammad al-Fadil. If this tradiion is reliable, then it was only under the second generation of leadership in Kanem that the Bulala were able to take Mao and dislodge the Bulala (Gros, 278).

Of course, this traditional history (as told by Gros) is not always consistent chronologically. But it is plausible for the Tunjur not being strong enough to defeat the Bulala immediately upon arrival in Kanem. Tunjur tradition, however, suggests the first alifa sent by Borno, Dala Afuno, did not arrive until the 18th century. After Smain b. Diab died in c.1720, his son, Ramadan became the next Tunjur leader. It was this Tunjur leader who was attacked and killed by Dala Afuno in c.1735. This late date might have been meant to weaken the prestige of the Dalatoa of Mao. Indeed, Gros's Tunjur informants told him that Dala Afuno was originally a vassal of Ramadan (Gros, 279). Since there is no evidence of this elsewhere, it is very likely that Tunjur traditionists sought to increase their own status and history in Kanem while delegitimizing that of their political rivals, the Dalatoa. Indeed, Landeroin's account of Dala Afuno mentions no conflict with the Tunjur at all. It is possible that Mao was already abandoned or quickly fell to the Dalatoa while the Tunjur were largely limited to Mondo. Unsurprisingly, the next Tunjur head, Brahim, was said to have encouraged the Kanembu and Haddad to rebel against the alifas of Kanem. This is likely true, as Landeroin noted that most of the alifas of the 17th and 18th centuries had to wage various campaigns against multiple ethnic groups in Kanem to ensure the payment of tribute (Landeroin, 380).

Despite giving what is almost certainly an unreasonably late date for the arrival of Dala Afuno, Gros's traditions provide another clue for establishing a timeline. According to Gros, Yusuf, the next Tunjur leader, actually traveled to Borno to receive the kadmoul and become a fougbou. The Sayfawa mai who invested him was remembered in tradition as Tschoulloum Aouami (Gros, 279). This mai is difficult to identify, but Kanuri praise songs for the sultans of Borno might provide essential clues. In this case, a song to Muhammad b. al-hajj Hamdum, who likely reigned from 1729-1744, alludes to the Kurata in Kanem as "slaves" of the mai (Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 254). These "Kurata" slaves of the Borno ruler could be Yusuf, the fougbou of Kanem, and his following. Moreover, the praise song identifies the mother of the mai as Hawa, possibly matching the Aouami in the name remembered by the Tunjur. In addition, Jean-Claude Zeltner has connected the Kurata in Kanem with the Tunjur in his history of the Arabs of the Lake Chad Basin (Zeltner, 51). Thus, in a Kanuri praise song to a Sayfawa mai who reigned in the years 1729-1744, Yusuf of the Tunjur at Mondo could have come to Gazargamo for formal investment. Certainly, by 1744, the rulers of Borno were claiming authority over the Kurata (Tunjur) and Tunjur traditions are compatible with this timeline.

What of other ways for improving the chronology for the origin of Dala Afuno and the Dalatoa in Kanem? Landeroin repeated semi-legendary tales of Dala Afuno and his victory against the last of the Sao giants. This clearly legendary story serves as a pretext for his appointment to rule Kanem, as his popularity in Gazargamo worried the mai (Landeroin 379). Besides identifying his Magumi father, Mallam Madou, and assigning an origin in a village in Hausaland called Afo or Apo, we have little to work with. The traditions as recorded by Landeroin suggest Dala Afuno was taken captive by the Sayfawa when they seized control of Borno, which may be a reference to a Borno raid or attack on part of Hausaland (Landeroin, 379). Well, we do have records of an attack on Kano launched by Idris Alooma (r. 1564-1596). Is it possible that Dala Afuno was taken captive in one of these attacks, then brought to Gazargamo?  The Kano Chronicle seemingly refers to the attack on Kano by Borno during the reign of Abdullahi. Palmer assigns a regnal date of 1509-1565, which is likely incorrect (far too long reign of 58 years, though we have no alternatives). Nonetheless, during his reign 3 mallams from Borno came to Kano, Karsaku, Magumi and Kabi (Kano Chronicle, 79). Is it possible Dala Afuno, whose name might have been a reference to Kano and Hausaland, was the son of Magumi? If so, then he would have had to been rather young when brought to Gazargamo. This may also explain his legendary victory against the last Sao giant, possibly a reference to remnant "Sao" populations in Borno (Tatala and Gafata) after Idris Alooma's campaigns. Alternatively, Dala could be added to Dala Afuno's name in order to mark an achievement related to building a walled town or fortifications, as Lange has suggested (Lange, 119-120).

Nachtigal, on the other hand, believed that Dala Afuno was a Hausa slave. Apparently, he also believed that the Tunjur were initially accepted by Borno as legitimate rulers of Kanem, until they became too independent (Sahara and Sudan III, 9). Furthermore, Nachtigal saw ruins of a castle near Mao which was apparently once a Tunjur garrison until Dala Afuno made it his birni (11). This matches the traditions recorded by Gros on the Tunjur seizing Mao (which had brick structures or walls) from the Bulala. If so, Dala Afuno may have arrived in Kanem during the reign of Ali b. Umar (1639-1677) in Borno. That would best match the timeline of events in Kanem where the Tunjur arrived sometime between 1630 and 1650 and the Bulala sultans were installed in the Fitri region before 1665. 

Of course, one is tempted to consider Umar b. Idris of Borno as the first to install an alifa in Kanem since he appointed the first galadima at Nguru (a son of his by a slave woman). But the chronological details suggested here and the fact that there were only 5 generations of Tunjur sultans by c.1744 (4 only in Kanem and not before) might take the origin back to the 1630s or 1640s. It is unlikely that Dala Afuno arrived in the 18th century. Consequently, Dala Afuno may have arrived sometime in the 1640s after the Tunjur established themselves. The generational account based on the list of Landeroin (9 generations of alifas by the early 1800s) might push the birth of Dala Afuno back to the late 16th century, which is compatible with him arriving in Kanem by the 1640s if not earlier. If Dala Afuno was from a village ruled by Kano, we suspect his father may have been the mallam called "Magumi" in the Kano Chronicle. Of course, this is pure speculation, but could be a plausible explanation for traditions of Dala Afuno as a slave from Hausaland and the son of a Magumi mallam. Ultimately, we are forced to concur with Lavers general date of 1642 as the latest in which the first alifa would have begun the dynasty in Kanem.

Sources

Courtecuisse, L(editor). Les Arabes du Tchad  / par L. Courtecuisse [and others]. Paris: Centre de hautes études administratives sur l’Afrique et l’Asie modernes, 1971.

Lange, Dierk.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

Nachtigal, Gustav, Allan G. B. Fisher, and Humphrey J (trans.). Fisher. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 3. Berkeley and; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

Palmer, H.R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

__________. Palmer, H. R. “The Kano Chronicle.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908): 58–98. https://doi.org/10.2307/2843130.

Zeltner, J. C. Histoire des Arabes sur les rives du lac Tchad. Paris: E. Karthala, 2002.

__________. Pages D'histoire Du Kanem: Pays Tchadien. Paris: Harmattan, 1980.