Nago (Yoruba) Legacy in Haiti

Milo Rigaud's La tradition voudoo et le voudoo haitien includes this beautiful veve for Ogou Batala.

The Yoruba legacy in Haiti survives in some rather influential ways. For instance, Haitian Rara music appears to be at least partly influenced by the Yoruba. According to J.B. Romain's Africanismes haïtiens, the word rara is likely derived from Yoruba. Although it is culturally a fusion of different elements, the use of a name derived from the Yoruba language attests to the presence of Yoruba speakers among the enslaved. In addition, the "Nago" are remembered and some of their orishas are honored in Haitian Vodou tradition. In fact, some Haitians still used the name Nago as a family name well into the 19th century. This important legacy suggests the Nago were remembered in Haitian tradition for far more than facial scarification on their cheeks or a penchant for stealing, as Malenfant described them in the 18th century. 

Milo Marcelin's Mythologie Vodou includes many examples of songs alluding to the Nago spirits. 

In Milo Marcelin's Mythologie Vodou (Rite Arada), numerous allusions to the Nago and Nago-derived lwa can be found. The Nago orishas are often subsumed in the category of Ogou (Ogun to the Yoruba), in various manifestations or forms. Thus, some, like Ogou Chango, are clearly a reference to Shango. Others, like Ogou Olicha, appears to be an allusion to a lwa whose name includes the word orisha. Considering the military leadership and skill needed for Haitian independence to materialize, one can imagine Ogou was a major lwa for many in Haiti.

Hector Hyppolite's Ogoun Chango.

Additional Ogous whose names refer to the Nago are Ogou Feraille, Batala (Obatala), Ogou Badagri, Olisha, and Ossange. Badagri, whose very name refers to the slave trade port of Badagry, is hardly a surprise as a Nago divinity. Batala is undoubtedly derived from Obatala of Yoruba tradition, while Ossange, a healer, is Osanyin. Unsurprisingly, the Nago appear to be associated with war, military prowess, and iron in Haitian tradition. Such a reputation can be seen in the role of Nago war leaders during the Haitian Revolution, such as Halaou and Gracia Lafortune. Yet Marcelin also reported that the Nago lwa Ogou Badagri was the father of the Haitian "mulatto." We are not sure if this association with "mulattoes" may be an allusion to mixed-race generals and military leaders during the Haitian Revolution. 

Thoughts on the Nago (Yoruba) in Saint Domingue

We have been revisiting the few sources on the Nago, or "Yoruba" captives in Saint Domingue. Runaway ads or notices in the colonial newspaper have severe limitations as sources, but they nonetheless provide some details about Africans of Yoruba extraction in the colony. For instance, Adidon, mentioned in the runaway ad above, appears to have a Yoruba name. Adidon could be the Yoruba term for sweatmeats and confectionery. 

Another interesting example from the corpus of runaway slave ads in Saint-Domingue is the case of the Bambara above who spoke Nago. Considering the distance between Yorubaland and the "Bambara" lands of Upper Guinea, one assumes this unnamed "Bambara" captive learned the "Nago" tongue in Saint Domingue. 

Also intriguing is the case of a Nago runaway in 1783 named Sola, also called Ambroise. Sola is likely the Yoruba name Ṣọlá. Although it has long been known that the Nago were from Yoruba-speaking backgrounds, it is still fascinating to see examples of names from that language among Africans in Saint Domingue.

We similarly found the case of a Nago runaway from 1777, Aboky, intriguing. The name Aboky could actually be related to the Hausa word, aboki, meaning friend. If so, one wonders if Aboky actually was Hausa or from the lands north of the Yoruba-speaking peoples. It also appears that most Hausa captives trafficked to Saint Domingue in the 18th century arrived via Slave Coast ports and likely passed through Oyo and other Yoruba-speaking communities before reaching the coast. Perhaps not unrelated, modern Nigerians in the south sometimes use the word aboki in a derogatory fashion when referring to northerners.

Yet another ambiguous case of a "Nago" is the Nago-Taqua, Hector. Taqua appears to have been one of the terms used for Nupe peoples in Saint-Domingue. Was Hector of mixed ethnicity, both Nupe and Yoruba? Or was he a Nupe person who had spent time in Yorubaland before being sold on the coast to Europeans?

Yet another runaway ad alluding to a Nago with what sounds like an African name is the case of Labidan. No obvious Yoruba name comes to mind with Labidan. In fact, there was a kingdom called Labidan on the Gold Coast, an area French slave traders sometimes extended to the Slave Coast.

Our final case of one of the interesting African maroons who was said to speak Nago despite hailing from another "nation" is Medor. Supposedly Ibo, he appears to have been owned by a Rossignol of the Gonaives area. Did he learn Nago in Saint Domingue?

Last, but certainly not least, visiting ANOM's digitized parish registries for Saint-Domingue reminded us of Julien Raimond. His African grandmother, who died in 1761, was of the Nago nation. It is somewhat unclear if her name was actually Marie or Catherine (or perhaps Marie Catherine?), but she married Raimond's grandfather, Francois Begasse, in 1706. To what extent, if any, she shaped the upbringing of her grandchildren is unknown, but her status and the growing wealth of her family in Bainet and Aquin may have made her one of the wealthiest African-born women in this part of Saint Domingue.

Daouada of the Fazzan

Daouada peoples of the Fazzan included in J. Despois's Géographie humaine. III in  Mémoires de la Mission scientifique du Fezzân.

One of the intriguing groups of the Fezzan region of Libya, said to be endogamous, are the Daouada. Described briefly in J. Despois's "human geography" of the region for the Mission scientifique du Fezzan project in the 1940s, they were said to live along the small lakes near the sandy dunes north of the Wadi al-Ajal. The group was also said to have worked the natron deposits. One of the specific areas said to have included Daouada residents, Brak ez Zaouiya, is in the Chati section of the Fazzan. Other settlements that included some Daouada were Tmessan, Edris, El Bouanis, Mandara, Gabr Oun,  and Trouna. Despois was careful to distinguish them from the descendants of slaves, suggesting this group was of distinct origin in the Fazzan and probably not of any "recent" slave origin. If so, one cannot help but wonder if they are the descendants of the "town" of Dawud mentioned by al-Idrisi in the 12th century. To al-Idrisi, who mistakenly wrote of Dawud as a "town" or city rather than an ethnic group spread out over a larger region, Dawud was south of Zawila. Clearly, al-Idrisi made some mistakes or misinterpreted his sources when writing about the Fezzan. Nonetheless, he contextualizes the people of Dawud with the pre-Islamic past of the region. According to him, the Dawud were the remnants of the pre-Islamic Fazzan population who did not flee when the Islamic conquests began. Is this possibly the origin of the contempt for the Daouada, their pagan ancestry? 

If the connection between the "Dawud" of al-Idrisi and the Daouada endogamous group of the colonial-era Fazzan is legitimate, then the Daouada may represent the autochthonous peoples who resisted the Islamic invasions and stayed in the land. Perhaps their ancestors were the Qazan, Fazzan, and Qaramatiyyun of early Islamic sources. Indeed, if the Daouada were actively involved in natron production and trade in medieval times, they may be the Qaramatiyyun mentioned by al-Muqaddasi who transacted with salt. Was their specialization in natron production part of the origin for the contempt in which they were held by later groups of the Fazzan? The problem with this narrative, however, is al-Idrisi's summary of the history of the region suggests Waddan was the political center rather than Garama. The earlier, 9th century description of the region by al-Ya'qubi, on the other hand, pointed to conflict between Waddan and the old Garamantian heartland. His sources indicated frequent conflict between the Mazata Berbers in Waddan against the people of the Fazzan, probably referring to the area around the Wadi al-Ajal. Perhaps this was another area in which al-Idrisi erred. 

Borno and the Fazzan

A plan of Murzuk in Jean Despois's Géographie humaine.

Whilst perusing various sources for our speculative thoughts on the Fazzan under Kanem's suzerainty or influence, we came across numerous references to Kanuri influences from the 16th-19th centuries. We shall outline them below, beginning with Kanuri place-names, political titles used by the Awlad Muhammad, and possible political legacies in the region. Again, this is somewhat speculative due to the paucity of detailed sources for much of this era, but we nonetheless believe the oral traditions and textual sources support it. Additional research is necessary, particularly revisiting written sources from the period of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty's period of power. Doing so may illuminate further aspects of the Awlad Muhammad as a "Sudanic" state in the middle of the Sahara. For similar reasons, a close examination of the history of Katsina and the Fazzan's ties to Hausaland should also be conducted, particularly due to Katsina's popularity as an area of refuge for the Awlad Muhammad sultans during moments of conflict with Tripoli. 

Let's begin with Kanuri toponyms in the Fazzan, Henri Duveyrier, traveling through the region in the 19th century, found Kanuri place-names in use in the southern Fazzan. As examples he gives the following: Ngouroutou, Karakoura, Kerekerimi, Kangaroua and various wells with Kanuri names in Traghen (279). Remember that Traghen is considered in Fazzan tradition to have been the capital of Fazzan during the period of Kanem's rule. In addition, Duveyrier mentions Barnawy cotton cultivated in the Fazzan, yet another aspect of cultural influence from the south. The famous tomb of the Idris b. Ali, who died in the Fazzan in 1696, is also well-remembered by residents of Traghen and venerated (Lange 156). Other parts of the southern Fazzan, unsurprisingly, have close ties to the Kanuri and Tubu. For instance, Lyon found Kanuri to be more widely spoken than Arabic in Gatrun (Lyon 224). Tegerry was similar (238). In addition, Murzuk, the capital of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty, had a dendal like Kanuri cities. Duveyrier was also told that the mode of the country was "black" under the Awlad Muhammad. Thus, the sultan had a black guard, Kanuri was spoken, and the city was very much shaped by the south (Duveyrier 280). According to Lethielleux, Murzuk even had a quarter along a street named after Kanem: Zenquet el-Kanmi (Lethielleux 19). 

Besides places with Kanuri-derived names, the Fazzan's Awlad Muhammad dynasty was at least partly influenced by the Sayfawa state in its administrative structure. According to Hornemann, this ruling dynasty used Kanuri-derived political titles like kaigama. Although the actual wielders of power in the state by the late 18th century were mamelukes of European descent and various black slaves, Hornemann's travels in the region reveal the dynasty's upper echelons included officials with names of Kanuri or Kanem-Borno origin (Hornemann 67). Something similar can be found in Agades, the Hausa states, Kotoko states, Bagirmi, and even as far as Darfur, where titles of Kanuri origin were found. Nonetheless, the Awlad Muhammad dynasty of the Fazzan may have adopted and adapted these titles through direct contact with Kanem-Borno, perhaps beginning with the local Banu Nasur dynasty installed by Kanem in the 13th century. In addition, the title of yerima was similarly used by the Awlad Muhammad dynasty according to documents translated by el-Hesnawi. Possible evidence of the creation of titled officials based on the cardinal directions may have also existed in the Fazzan. The main evidence for it, however, is the position of "Sultan of the East" at Traghen, a post held by the brother of the sultan. George Francis Lyon described this post as "Sultan el Shirghi" (Lyon 207). This may be an echo of an old titled official in Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa, the mustrema.

One of the water sources of Traghen (also from Despois).

Besides influencing the administrative structure of the Awlad Muhammad rulers, the Kanuri influence may have even shaped the rise of the dynasty to power. According to problematic traditions collected by Despois in the 1940s, Murzuk rose to prominence from a gasr of the Banu Nasr, who were said to have been in conflict with the Banu Khorman (Despois 108). This suggests that the early rise to power of the Awlad Muhammad may have involved an alliance with pro-Nasur forces against the Khorman and Jahma, the latter an unknown group or faction vying for control of the region. An early alliance with a faction of Kanuri origin could elucidate the laying out of Murzuk with a dendal, adoption/adaptation of titles of Kanuri origin, and the close relationship the Awlad Muhammad had with Borno. In fact, such a notion was supported by oral traditions from Chati collected by Lethieullux, who was told the Awlad Muhammad received support from Borno (18). Local Fazzan forces of southern origins likely played a pivotal role in this process, too. Indeed, families with descent from the era of Kanem's suzerainty may have still been around at Traghen and other sites. The black Oualad Kassoun of Traghen, for example, were considered the most ancient lineage group there when Despois conducted his research (250). Lethiellux, on the other hand, reported a qabila Nessour family in the area of Wadi 'atba (18). Was this a branch of the Banu Nasur dynasty?

Of course, the Awlad Muhammad's own origins in the west as holy figures and sharifs placed them in a good position to be mediators for the restoration of peace in the Fazzan. Indeed, Despois found that many towns or settlements in the region included marabout lineages claiming origins in the west, often the area of Morocco or modern Mauritania. For instance, the Oulad Tameur (or Awlad Tamir) of Traghen, were said to be the descendants of a marabout who settled in the region by the 1400s, according to el-Hesnawi. The coming of prominent lineages of Islamic clerics and descendants of the Prophet attests to the region's importance for both the pilgrimage traffic to Mecca as well as its commercial importance. A close alliance with the Sayfawa to the south made perfect sense for securing the commercial and pilgrim routes. The fact that they were able to maintain stability and security for trade routes passing through this vital trans-Saharan artery, often against nomadic groups (Tubu, Arab, Tuareg) and intervention from Tripoli is a testament to their effectiveness as rulers.

Although later sources allude to Katsina and occasionally Agadez as frequent places of refuge for the Awlad Muhammad dynasty during its conflicts with the Pashalik of Tripoli, the relationship with Borno was undoubtedly maintained. Indeed, Lemaire, the French consul at Tripoli, was told by the Fazzan's sultan that Borno's mai was his cousin (Gray 384). A report by another Frenchman, with commentary by Lange, Petis de la Croix, believed that the Awlad Muhammad sultan paid tribute to both the mai of Borno and Tripoli (Lange 678). Moreover, in the late 16th century, Idris b. Ali of Borno attacked Brak (Burak) and requested the Ottomans cede a Fazzan fortress to him (Martin 24). In other words, the Sayfawa dynasty continued to intervene in the Fazzan and close economic ties necessitated Bornoan communication with the Awlad Muhammad rulers to the north. While those relations were occasionally strained and no marriage alliance or tributary relationship between the Fazzan and Borno has been found for the 1500s and 1600s, the evidence for an ongoing Kanuri influence is undeniable. Particularly strong in Murzuk, Traghen, Gatrun, and Tejeri, Borno continued to influence the Fazzan. A cultural influence may also be found in the use of ostrich eggs to ornament mosques and graves. In the Fazzan, Lyon noted its use for such reasons in cities like Waddan (Lyon 76). In Murzuk, Lyon similarly noticed the use of ostrich eggs to decorate mosques (99). In Borno, ostrich eggs were placed on the top of homes, although the use of it in the Fazzan may have deviated from Borno influences. 

Bibliography

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Despois, Jean. Géographie humaine. III in  Mémoires de la Mission scientifique du Fezzân, Vol. 3. Alger: Imbert, 1946.

Dewière, Rémi. Du Lac Tchad À La Mecque: Le Sultanat Du Borno Et Son Monde (XVIe - XVIIe Siècle). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2017.

Duveyrier, Henri. Les Touareg du Nord. Paris: Challamel Ainé, 1864.

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Lange, Dierk.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

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Estimating the Nago Presence in Saint-Domingue

One very rough method of estimating the possible Yoruba imports in Saint-Domingue is to combine estimates and data from Manning, Geggus, and other sources. Manning, whose study of the slave trade in Dahomey was a major source used by us for another group, has provided us some rough estimates for the ethnic origin of Slave Coast exports in the period from 1641-1870. Using his estimates for the period 1641-1800, we calculated that about 10.35% of the total exports were of Yoruba captives. If one applies this estimate of 10.35% to David Geggus's data on Bight of Benin imports in Saint-Domingue, one reaches the figure of around 16327 "Nago" captives. Intriguingly, Geggus's own dataset of 13,334 slaves from 1721-1797 included 1580 Nago captives. That makes them about 11.85% of the slave population in that particular dataset. But applying that percentage to the total estimated slave imports would wield an unreasonably high number,  about 71,077. 

When checking the Slave Voyages site on the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, one finds different numbers. For the period from 1709-1792, the data gives us a total of 185,248 captives brought to Saint Domingue from the Bight of Benin. If one uses Manning's data for a general estimate of 10.35%, then perhaps 19173 Yoruba were brought to the colony of Saint Domingue in the 18th century. This is higher than our earlier estimate of 16327 but still plausible. It also seems likely that in the later decades of the 18th century, the Nago presence among the African-born population was proportionally greater or more conspicuous. Nonetheless, it is likely that the numbers of Nago captives brought to the colony were perhaps anywhere from 16327 to 19173. Using the latter high, one might suggest the "Nago" were nearly 3.2% of the total imported into the island on French ships. The number was likely higher since smuggled captives were not considered and the data isn't as reliable as it should be. 

Chess in Borno (Tsatsarandi)

 

A diagram of a Kanuri chessboard from Meek's "Chess in Bornu, Nigeria."

The game of chess has a long but poorly known history in Borno. According to a report on Borno based on information from North Africans who visited the region in the late 18th century, chess was a game played by elites. This brief report supports the few facts known about chess when Meek was in Borno. While he thought the rules of the game were the same as Western chess, a correction by P.G. Harris in 1930s indicated that this chess variant was played somewhat differently. In fact, the rules resemble North African/Middle Eastern forms of chess, which is no surprise since the game likely arrived from those regions. What's interesting to us is the use of Kanuri terms for various pieces, like the mai for king or the chiroma for the queen. And apparently castling was not allowed, nor were pawns allowed to promote to another piece. Players hissed when they put the opponent's king in check, too. One can surmise the game was also played in Hausaland, where Hausa names for the pieces of the game were known.

Borno's Musketeers

Whilst perusing John Hunwick's Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa'dī's Ta'rīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613 and Other Contemporary Documents we came across some intriguing allusions to Borno. In a translated source written by an unnamed Spaniard in 1591, some information pertinent to Borno reached the writer. According to his unclear sources, the ruler of Borno possessed 500 musketeers. The story about the conflict with the Turks is somewhat garbled and if relevant, might have been a reference to past disagreement over a fortress in the Fazzan. Intriguingly, the source does match other sources that speak of a Turkish presence in Borno (Anania, Ahmad b. Furtu) in the last few decades of the 16th century.