Borno and the Fazzan

A plan of Murzuk in Jean Despois's Géographie humaine.

Whilst perusing various sources for our speculative thoughts on the Fazzan under Kanem's suzerainty or influence, we came across numerous references to Kanuri influences from the 16th-19th centuries. We shall outline them below, beginning with Kanuri place-names, political titles used by the Awlad Muhammad, and possible political legacies in the region. Again, this is somewhat speculative due to the paucity of detailed sources for much of this era, but we nonetheless believe the oral traditions and textual sources support it. Additional research is necessary, particularly revisiting written sources from the period of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty's period of power. Doing so may illuminate further aspects of the Awlad Muhammad as a "Sudanic" state in the middle of the Sahara. For similar reasons, a close examination of the history of Katsina and the Fazzan's ties to Hausaland should also be conducted, particularly due to Katsina's popularity as an area of refuge for the Awlad Muhammad sultans during moments of conflict with Tripoli. 

Let's begin with Kanuri toponyms in the Fazzan, Henri Duveyrier, traveling through the region in the 19th century, found Kanuri place-names in use in the southern Fazzan. As examples he gives the following: Ngouroutou, Karakoura, Kerekerimi, Kangaroua and various wells with Kanuri names in Traghen (279). Remember that Traghen is considered in Fazzan tradition to have been the capital of Fazzan during the period of Kanem's rule. In addition, Duveyrier mentions Barnawy cotton cultivated in the Fazzan, yet another aspect of cultural influence from the south. The famous tomb of the Idris b. Ali, who died in the Fazzan in 1696, is also well-remembered by residents of Traghen and venerated (Lange 156). Other parts of the southern Fazzan, unsurprisingly, have close ties to the Kanuri and Tubu. For instance, Lyon found Kanuri to be more widely spoken than Arabic in Gatrun (Lyon 224). Tegerry was similar (238). In addition, Murzuk, the capital of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty, had a dendal like Kanuri cities. Duveyrier was also told that the mode of the country was "black" under the Awlad Muhammad. Thus, the sultan had a black guard, Kanuri was spoken, and the city was very much shaped by the south (Duveyrier 280). According to Lethielleux, Murzuk even had a quarter along a street named after Kanem: Zenquet el-Kanmi (Lethielleux 19). 

Besides places with Kanuri-derived names, the Fazzan's Awlad Muhammad dynasty was at least partly influenced by the Sayfawa state in its administrative structure. According to Hornemann, this ruling dynasty used Kanuri-derived political titles like kaigama. Although the actual wielders of power in the state by the late 18th century were mamelukes of European descent and various black slaves, Hornemann's travels in the region reveal the dynasty's upper echelons included officials with names of Kanuri or Kanem-Borno origin (Hornemann 67). Something similar can be found in Agades, the Hausa states, Kotoko states, Bagirmi, and even as far as Darfur, where titles of Kanuri origin were found. Nonetheless, the Awlad Muhammad dynasty of the Fazzan may have adopted and adapted these titles through direct contact with Kanem-Borno, perhaps beginning with the local Banu Nasur dynasty installed by Kanem in the 13th century. In addition, the title of yerima was similarly used by the Awlad Muhammad dynasty according to documents translated by el-Hesnawi. Possible evidence of the creation of titled officials based on the cardinal directions may have also existed in the Fazzan. The main evidence for it, however, is the position of "Sultan of the East" at Traghen, a post held by the brother of the sultan. George Francis Lyon described this post as "Sultan el Shirghi" (Lyon 207). This may be an echo of an old titled official in Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa, the mustrema.

One of the water sources of Traghen (also from Despois).

Besides influencing the administrative structure of the Awlad Muhammad rulers, the Kanuri influence may have even shaped the rise of the dynasty to power. According to problematic traditions collected by Despois in the 1940s, Murzuk rose to prominence from a gasr of the Banu Nasr, who were said to have been in conflict with the Banu Khorman (Despois 108). This suggests that the early rise to power of the Awlad Muhammad may have involved an alliance with pro-Nasur forces against the Khorman and Jahma, the latter an unknown group or faction vying for control of the region. An early alliance with a faction of Kanuri origin could elucidate the laying out of Murzuk with a dendal, adoption/adaptation of titles of Kanuri origin, and the close relationship the Awlad Muhammad had with Borno. In fact, such a notion was supported by oral traditions from Chati collected by Lethieullux, who was told the Awlad Muhammad received support from Borno (18). Local Fazzan forces of southern origins likely played a pivotal role in this process, too. Indeed, families with descent from the era of Kanem's suzerainty may have still been around at Traghen and other sites. The black Oualad Kassoun of Traghen, for example, were considered the most ancient lineage group there when Despois conducted his research (250). Lethiellux, on the other hand, reported a qabila Nessour family in the area of Wadi 'atba (18). Was this a branch of the Banu Nasur dynasty?

Of course, the Awlad Muhammad's own origins in the west as holy figures and sharifs placed them in a good position to be mediators for the restoration of peace in the Fazzan. Indeed, Despois found that many towns or settlements in the region included marabout lineages claiming origins in the west, often the area of Morocco or modern Mauritania. For instance, the Oulad Tameur (or Awlad Tamir) of Traghen, were said to be the descendants of a marabout who settled in the region by the 1400s, according to el-Hesnawi. The coming of prominent lineages of Islamic clerics and descendants of the Prophet attests to the region's importance for both the pilgrimage traffic to Mecca as well as its commercial importance. A close alliance with the Sayfawa to the south made perfect sense for securing the commercial and pilgrim routes. The fact that they were able to maintain stability and security for trade routes passing through this vital trans-Saharan artery, often against nomadic groups (Tubu, Arab, Tuareg) and intervention from Tripoli is a testament to their effectiveness as rulers.

Although later sources allude to Katsina and occasionally Agadez as frequent places of refuge for the Awlad Muhammad dynasty during its conflicts with the Pashalik of Tripoli, the relationship with Borno was undoubtedly maintained. Indeed, Lemaire, the French consul at Tripoli, was told by the Fazzan's sultan that Borno's mai was his cousin (Gray 384). A report by another Frenchman, with commentary by Lange, Petis de la Croix, believed that the Awlad Muhammad sultan paid tribute to both the mai of Borno and Tripoli (Lange 678). Moreover, in the late 16th century, Idris b. Ali of Borno attacked Brak (Burak) and requested the Ottomans cede a Fazzan fortress to him (Martin 24). In other words, the Sayfawa dynasty continued to intervene in the Fazzan and close economic ties necessitated Bornoan communication with the Awlad Muhammad rulers to the north. While those relations were occasionally strained and no marriage alliance or tributary relationship between the Fazzan and Borno has been found for the 1500s and 1600s, the evidence for an ongoing Kanuri influence is undeniable. Particularly strong in Murzuk, Traghen, Gatrun, and Tejeri, Borno continued to influence the Fazzan. A cultural influence may also be found in the use of ostrich eggs to ornament mosques and graves. In the Fazzan, Lyon noted its use for such reasons in cities like Waddan (Lyon 76). In Murzuk, Lyon similarly noticed the use of ostrich eggs to decorate mosques (99). In Borno, ostrich eggs were placed on the top of homes, although the use of it in the Fazzan may have deviated from Borno influences. 

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