Although much stronger evidence is required, possible hints as to Dunama Dibalemi (r. 1210-1248) before his ascent to the throne may be found in a mahram. Translated in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, this "Mahram of the N'Galma Duku" was first issued during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi's father, Salmama (r. 1182-1210). Included within the mahram is a list of witnesses (p. 20. This very list contained a yerima named Dunama ibn Tsilim. Tsilim is actually another variant for Salma, or Salmama, referring to this ruler's dark skin. However, this charter of privilege for the descendants of Abd ul Lahi Dili ibn Bikuru likely dates to the 18th or 19th century. It was allegedly renewed several times by later Sayfawa maiwa, the last one named as the Ali ibn Dunama (r. 1747-1792). Consequently, it is dangerous to make too many assumptions about this document without seeing an original Arabic text and other possible copies, if any survived. Nonetheless, if the list of witnesses to the original act is accurate, it suggests Dunama Dibalemi may have first served as a yerima. Since this position in later centuries always went to a free-born son of a princess and encompassed responsibilities for northern territory or defense, Dunama was likely well-equipped to handle trans-Saharan and northern affairs by the time he became king.
Unfortunately, another problem exists: if Dunama Dibalemi's father was named Salma ibn Bikuru in the mahram, would his name later be given as Tsilim? According to later sources, Salma's name was sometimes rendered Tsilim, leading us to suspect the list of witnesses to the original act may have been based on oral traditions or a later copy used the variant Tsilim instead of Salma. Nachtigal's list, for instance, uses the name Tsilim. Salma is also referred to as Tsilim multiple times in Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs and Bornu Sahara and Sudan. If the mahram really was a 19th century or 18th century copy, perhaps the list of witnesses was adapted to fit their later rendering of Salma (or Salmama) as Tsilim. Alternatively, Salma (or Salmama) may not have originally been linked to the word for a dark-skinned person. Lange, in his study of the Diwan, suggests another etymology linking the name to the Arabic word for peace.
One also worries about the other son of Tsilim listed among the witnesses: Mabarlad ibn Tsilim. Since the position of tegoma appears to have disappeared, we cannot figure out what his responsibilities were. However, it is interesting to note that Mabarlad's name slightly resembles the son of Salma named earlier in the mahram: Mabradu. Is this a possible example of names garbled in later copies of the mahram or a possible error in Palmer's translation? Again, we would love to see copies of the original or any variant manuscripts to check the name. If we are indeed speaking of the same person as a witness, which is not impossible since the benefactor, a learned imam, had taught the Mabradu, then this could be further evidence that Dunama ibn Tsilim was indeed the yerima. Of course, the mystery is why the chiroma, or heir, was named Nigale ibn Sa'ad. If the chiroma was usually a son or brother of the mai, one would expect another ibn Tsilim or perhaps ibn Bukur.
Despite these aforementioned problems, the Diwan does suggest the list of witnesses for the mahram included people significant during the reigns of Dunama Dibalemi and his sons. Thus, Kaday b. Dunama, who reigned likely in the years 1248-1277, was said to be the son of M.t.la, or Matala, in the Diwan. His maternal grandfather was named Yun.s of the M.gh.r.ma tribe (p. 72). Well, this tribe, which Lange saw as the Magumi, were said to have also been the tribe of Dabali, the mother of Dunama Dibalemi. Furthermore, in the list of witnesses, a talba was present whose name was Yunus. The talba was a chief magistrate and important official in the Sayfawa court. Furthermore, he was of the same tribe or clan as Dunama Dibalemi's mother. Dabali, whose father was Batku, may have been the daughter of the Batku who was a brother of Abd Allah Bakaru, who likely reigned from c.1166-1182. If so, then Dunama Dibalemi's father was related to his mother. Then, in the next generation, Kaday b. Dunama's parents may have been related. Since Kaday b. Dunama's mother was the daughter of a talba in the court of Dunama Dibalemi's father, it was likely easier for her to ensure his succession in c.1248. Unfortunately, we know little about Matala, though Muhammad Nur Alkali believed she was essential in preparing him for leadership (p. 74).
Unfortunately for Kaday b. Dunama, a rival son of Dunama Dibalemi likely contested his authority and succeeded in establishing his own descent group. The Diwan does not give the full tale, but Kaday was assassinated by someone named Dunama, likely a dignitary or person in government. Afterwards, the throne went to Bir b. Dunama, a son of Dunama Dibalemi with Zaynab. According to the Lange translation, Bir b. Dunama died at Njimi in c.1296 (p. 73). His successor was a son, Ibrahim, whose mother was a "Kunkuna." He was violently murdered and thrown into a river or stream by a yerima. Then a son of Kaday was able to ascend to the throne. Named Abd Allah b. Kaday, he actually ordered the execution of the people near Diskama who saw the naked corpse of his cousin. Descendants of Abd Allah b. Kaday held the throne until c. 1342, when Idris b. Ibrahim became mai. Several of his predecessors had short reigns and died in conflicts with the Sao (p. 75). Thus, from c.1248 to c. 1342, power was contested between two descent groups originating among Dunama Dibalemi's 2 sons. The last direct descendant of Kaday b. Dunama to reign was Muhammad b. Abd Allah, who only reigned for a year after dying in a war against the Sao.
Although our own speculative reading of the "Mahram of N'Galma Duku" offers possible clues to the origins of Dunama Dibalemi's rise to political power and how his son Kaday was favored for succession, further evidence is required. It nonetheless suggests that a consolidation of the Magumi royal clan took place during this period (late 12th century and early 13th century). Furthermore, the function of yerima held by Dunama Dibalemi before coming to the throne would have prepared him well for governing the northern lands of Kanem. This would have meant contact with traders from the north through secure routes as well as moments of tension or collaboration with Tubu and (Tuareg?) Berbers. The central role of Kawar in Kanem's trans-Saharan trade and ensuring security may have been part of his remit. Furthermore, by ensuring his successor was also a Magumi through his mother and possibly a talba in the court of his father who was a relative, Dunama may have believed he was ensuring power remained in a close-knit descent group. Sadly, it did not last very long as dynastic conflict arose among the descendants of his two sons for nearly a century. It has been suggested that Dunama may have placed his sons or many descendants in posts of authority around the empire, which may have initially worked when a strong, dynamic father could exert some influence. But once he left the scene, squabbles over the throne and wars with the Sao plagued Kaday's descendants.