Although the history of
Kebbi’s meteoric rise to major power in 16th century West Africa is
well-known, its conflicts with Borno remain little studied. Despite
oral tradition and textual sources referring to at least one major campaign
launched by Borno against the rising power of Kebbi, the exact details of this
episode remain contradictory. On the one hand, Muhammad Bello and Shaykh Dan
Tafa, writing in the 19th century and presumably drawing on oral
tradition, wrote of a large-scale conflict between the Kanta of Kebbi and Borno’s
Mai Ali (r. 1538-1539). On the other hand, other sources either do not specify
the Sayfawa mai who launched the
invasion and failed siege of Surame, or they attribute it to Muhammad (r.
1519-1538) or Dunama b. Muhammad (r. 1539-1557), other Sayfawa monarchs. We
shall endeavor to explore this campaign through a fusion of primary and
secondary sources, hoping to use the more accurate chronology of Lange for piecing
together this illustrious campaign in the annals of 16th century
Borno and Kebbi. This brief article shall argue that the epic war with Kebbi recalled by
tradition may have been launched by Abd Allah (r. 1557-1564), but the conflict was tied to larger questions or regional hegemony, commerce and geopolitics in 16th century West Africa.
Review of the Textual Sources
Beginning with
the written sources will provide an overview of the conflicts between Kebbi and Borno. The earliest written source to directly allude to military
conflict between Borno and Kebbi is the brief account of West Africa written by
Anania. Not merely reproducing the description of Leo Africanus, Anania drew
from more updated sources. For instance, informants who had traveled to Kano or
those who had been to Tripoli and heard of Borno were possible sources of information
on Kebbi’s conflict with Borno. According to Anania, the ruler of Kebbi was
also so powerful that he was called an “emperor”. Indeed, “Puis vient Aquà et
Cabi, don’t les noirs appellant le prince empereur à cause de sa puissance.”[1] Since the editions of
Anania’s work were published in the 1570s and 1580s, this suggests that Kebbi’s
military hegemony in much of Hausaland was still effective well into the second
half of the 16th century. Later, in his brief account of Borno,
Anania wrote that, “Ce prince est si puissant que plusiers fois il a mis sur
pied de guerre cent mille hommes contre le roi de Cabi.[2] While he unfortunately did
not name the mai in this war, this
large-scale campaign is a good candidate for the war that preceded the death of
the Kanta of Kebbi. Indeed, even when one considers the figure of 100,000 as an
exaggeration or overstatement, there was clearly a sense of a major conflict
between Borno and Kebbi in this era. Since Mai Ali only reigned for about a
year in the 1530s, it is difficult to imagine him having been capable of
launching more than one expedition against Kebbi with vast numbers of troops.
In terms of the most detailed 16th century Borno source, the
chronicles of Ahmad b. Furtu, no reference to Kebbi is made. This strongly
supports the notion that Borno’s conflicts with Kebbi occurred during a reign
previous to that of Idris b. Ali (r. 1564-1596). Interestingly, Idris b. Ali did
campaign against Kano, however.
The subsequent written
sources from the 17th century shed little additional light on the
matter. Ahmad Baba, writing in the early 17th century, referred to
Kebbi’s people as among the Muslims. In fact, they had been Muslims for over 60
years.[3] This information is in
general accordance with the rise of a Muslim power at Kebbi earlier in the 16th
century. Later in the same century, the Tarikh
al-Sudan of al-Sa’di, provides a much more extensive background for the
ascent of Kebbi political and military might. According to this chronicle,
Askiya Muhammad I campaigned against Agades in 1516, defeating the sultan,
al-Adala. However, Kuta, who bore the title of Kanta, rebelled against the
Askiya afterwards over displeasure over the division of booty. Kuta allegedly
asked the Dendi-fari for his share of the booty from the Agades campaign and was
refused, leading to his revolt with the support of his own troops. Naturally,
Songhay endeavored to end Kuta Kanta’s revolt in 1517-1518, but the Askiya
failed. According to al-Sa’di, the Kanta already had a base or city at Leka,
too.[4] Even subsequent Songhay
rulers failed to defeat Kebbi. Askiya Muhammad Bonkana, for instance, was
defeated by Kebbi at Wantaramasa. Even Dawud failed to gain the upper-hand in his
conflict with the Kanta in 1551/2-1552/3. Overall, Songhay hegemony over Kebbi
was brief, beginning sometime during the reign of Sunni Ali and effectively
ending by 1517.[5]
In terms of Kebbi’s conflict with Borno, however, al-Sa’di provides us a date
for the death of Muhammad Kanta, Sultan of Leka, 24 May 1561.[6] This date of 1561 for
Muhammad Kanta’s death has been the basis for a c.1561 date for the unsuccessful
Borno campaign remembered in tradition. Moreover, it identifies the Kanta who
perished in 1561 as a different person from Kuta Kanta, who rebelled against
Songhay in 1517. If one works backwards from 1561 with the assumption of the
regnal length of 38 years for this Kanta, Muhammad Kanta must have occupied the
throne of Kebbi from 1523-1561. If, alternatively, Muhammad Kanta and Kuta Kanta were the same individual, the Tarikh al-Sudan demonstrates that the Kanta who defeated Borno was the very same individual who bested the Songhay earlier in the century.
Besides these West
African sources, Girard, the enslaved Frenchman living in Tripoli, also wrote
briefly of Kebbi and Borno. According to him, it was during the reign of
Mahi-Mahomet (Mai Muhammad) that the famous war against Kebbi was waged.
Clearly borrowing from Anania, Girard sought to identify a specific Sayfawa mai in the war. His years, however, are
not reliable unless one considers this Muhammad, who was said to have also made
an alliance with Dragut in Tripoli in 1555, as Dunama b. Muhammad.[7] The overall picture from
these 17th century sources suggest that the illustrious war between Borno and Kebbi occurred
before the reign of Idris b. Ali (1564-1596) and that the Kanta of Kebbi who
died in 1561 might have been the second king to bear that title. They also attest to Kebbi's regional paramount status in Hausaland for part of the 16th century.
Moving into the 19th
century, one finds very similar accounts of Kebbi’s war with Borno in the works
of Muhammad Bello and Dan Tafa. For Bello, the people of Kebbi had a Katsina
mother and Songhay father. This notion appears to be based on Kebbi’s oral
traditions, since “cousinship” with the people of Katsina was believed in the
20th century, too. Furthermore, on the first Kanta, he wrote, “And
it is said that he conquered Katsina, Kano, Gobir, Zaria and the contry of Ahir
and some parts of Songhai land. He also waged war on Borno.”[8] This Kanta, named Muhammad
in Bello’s account, died at Jiriwa from an arrow wound received at Dugul near
Katsina.[9] Again, Bello's history emphasizes Kebbi's status as a major power in Hausaland during this period.
Dan Tafa's account is unsurprisingly quite similar to that of Muhammad Bello. In his chronicle, the Kanta had rebelled against his Fulani overlords and conquered Zamfara, Zaberma, Ahir and engaged in conflict with Borno more than once. This Kanta also built Gungu, Leka, and Surame. He was even said to have made his Tuareg subjects responsible for transporting water from a lake called Tanshama to Surame and forced them to transport horses of the Kanta’s military garrison. Given these exactions, the ruler of Ahir, or Agades, sought the aid of Mai Ali of Borno against the Kanta. The Kanta was defeated outside Surame but Borno’s forces were unable to take the Kebbi capital. Whilst returning to Borno, Ali’s forces were attacked at Nguru and defeated 7 times by the pursuing Kebbi forces.[10] Of course, no sources closer to the period in question reference the Fulani as overlords or masters of Kebbi. It is perhaps a garbled allusion to Kebbi oral traditions of the Kanta spending time amongst the Fulani before his rise to power. Nonetheless, Dan Tafa's account reiterates the notion of the Kanta's exploitation of the Tuareg (among other groups) and the interests of Kebbi in the north. With Agades a major nexus point for Hausaland's trans-Saharan trade, the Kanta's interests in the north undeniably attracted the interest of Borno and its sphere of influence in the north.
Besides Bello
and Dan Tafa, Heinrich Barth also wrote of Kebbi’s wars with Borno. For Barth,
the famous battle with Kebbi was led by Mai Muhammad of Borno, and Kebbi was
ruled by Tomo at the time. This is contradicted by other sources, however.[11] Barth was likely drawing
from Girard in naming the mai as
Muhammad, but his identification of Tomo as the Kebbi king is certainly
erroneous. This suggests that by the 1850s, when Barth was visiting the region, he was unable to access historical traditions from the descendants of the Kanta at Argungu. Nonetheless, his account follows the trend of identifying Kebbi as a major power in the region historically.
Reviewing Oral Tradition
After reviewing the major
written sources on this particular bellicose episode in the annals of Borno’s
history, let’s shift to oral traditions and 20th century accounts.
E.J. Arnett, author of the Sokoto
Gazetteer, drew on the same aforementioned sources plus oral traditions to
write about Kanta’s war with Borno. In his account, Mai Ali of Borno came to attack
Kebbi via the Sosebaki region and besieged the city of Surame. He generally
followed Bello and Dan Tafa, but added that Muhammad Kanta, the first of the
sultans, reigned for 38 years.[12] H.R. Palmer, another
colonial-era scholar, believed that Borno’s famous conflict with Kebbi must
have took place during the reign of Muhammad b. Idris, not Ali b. Idris. In
addition, traditions of Borno origin north and west of Kebbi held by various
tribes referencing Mai Ali of Borno suggested to Palmer that Borno’s
interventions in this part of the Central Sudan were of a long-lasting nature. As
for Surame, the walls of the Kebbi capital were briefly described as being of
10 miles in circumference and demonstrated the use of stones. Lastly, Palmer
dated the famous war to c. 1527/8, a date which undoubtedly too early.[13] H.A.S. Johnston also
alluded to the Sayfawa-Kanta war. According to tradition, the Kanta punished
the Tuareg by forcing them to aid in the construction of Surame. They were additionally
forced to bring water for their camels from their own region. When Borno
attacked Surame, tradition also remembered the defenders using corpses that
were placed at defensive positions on its walls to trick the Bornoan army into
believing that they had more troops. This has led to the famous phrase “dariya ba loto,” or laughter without end,
in remembrance of this moment.[14] Thus, a ruse as well as military skill were the sources of the Kanta's victory against Borno. The cause of the war was clearly linkd to Kebbi's northward expansion and influence in Asben, too.
But the best attempt at
using tradition and written sources was attempted by Kirk-Greene and Hogben.
They reported the “tribal cousinship” of the Kebbawa and Katsina, for instance.
Further, the story of Muhammad Kanta’s skill at boxing and links to the Fulani
appear in traditions. They even share a praise song for Muhammad Kanta which
contains numerous kirari. For
example, descriptions of Muhammad Kanta saying “I am the club with which to
beat an elephant” strongly emphasize his military strength. Tradition even
remembers a wife of Muhammad Kanta, Makulo, or Ayeshe. The daughter of the
ruler of Agades, Makulo’s jealousy of Kanta’s first wife is associated with the
creation of the town of Gungu in one legend. As for the famous war with Borno,
the siege of Surame’s failure is attributed to the placement of corpses with
slit mouths along the defensive positions of the town walls. This rich oral
tradition of the Kanta naturally emphasizes his military attributes but adds an
additional layer with the Tuareg wife. She was allegedly jealous of the Kanta’s first
wife being favored over her in spite of her dark skin and commoner origin.[15] Consequently, the Kanta's strength, tradition of leadership and influence in Asben are suggestive of a possible area of contention or concern for Borno in Hausaland at this period.
Synthesizing the Sources
Upon revisiting Palmer,
Arnett, Kirk-Greene and Hogben and other 20th century colonial
sources, questions linger on the details of the Borno war. Kirk-Greene and Hogben
believed the Kanta who fought the famous war with Borno was the founder of the
Kebbi sultanate (at least as a major power). If, however, one follows the
chronicle of al-Sa’di, written in the 17th century, the first Kanta
who rebelled against Songhay authority was named Kuta. This may have been the
father of Muhammad Kanta, although it is possible that Kuta was another name of
the same figure. Nonetheless, postcolonial scholars have sought to address the
contradictions and problems of this period with inclusion of other sources.
Djibo Hamani, for instance, used historical traditions from Agades to support
the 1561 date for the Borno-Kebbi war. After all, the sultan of Agades was
remembered for returning from an expedition in Adar around this period,
although Hamani mistakenly believed the mai
was likely Dunama b. Muhammad. This is problematic since the most accurate chronology
of the Sayfawa would make Abd Allah the probable ruler at the time of the c.
1561 war. However, Hamani’s theory that the sultan of Agades may have
accompanied the mai in the Kebbi
campaign is plausible, particularly since he had requested aid of Borno against
Kebbi.[16] Indeed, Borno later
backed a competing royal faction in Agades against the faction supported by
Kebbi in the early 1600s.[17] Moreover, the chronicles
of Agades indicate that the sultan of Agades who would have reigned in c. 1561,
Muhammad el-Adel, seized power in 1556 and reigned 39 years.[18] This sultan, who held
power for a relatively long time and was said to have returned from Adar (an
area once under the influence of Kebbi), is a good contender for the Agades
ruler who may have asked for Borno’s help against Kebbi. Moreover, the route
followed by the Bornoan troops, which crossed the Sosebaki states and stayed in
areas north of Katsina and Kano, may have passed through Adar before reaching
Kebbi. This route would have also favored a path through which troops from
Asben may have met with Borno’s army en route to Kebbi.
In light of all the
available evidence, the major war with Borno remembered in tradition probably
is the one that took place in c. 1561. However, due to the sources referring to
intermittent conflict between Kebbi and Borno in the 16th century,
it is likely that war or raids occurred the reigns of earlier Sayfawa monarchs.
Thus, a war may have took place during the brief reign of Ali b. Idris. Another
conflict may have emerged during the reign of Dunama b. Muhammad, although he
had a war with the Bulala sultans of Kanem that may have been far more
pressing.[19]
Likewise, Abd Allah b. Dunama, whose reign included a lengthy famine remembered
in the Diwan, may have had more
pressing concerns from the Bulala, Sao groups and others in Borno noted to have
engaged in rebellion or banditry at the beginning of Idris b. Ali’s reign. The
sources suggest that a major conflagration developed during the reign of Abd
Allah b. Dunama, but this may have actually overlapped with the regency of Aisa
Kili bint Dunama. Is this why the Borno sources are largely silent on the c.
1561 war with Kebbi? Could the gender of the Bornoan ruler at the time have possibly
complicated how the war was remembered by later generations, even if Aisa Kili
was known for her military prowess?
Conclusion
In summation, the tale of
Borno’s conflicts with Kebbi in the 16th century is an important
element of Borno’s geopolitical relations within West Africa. This article has argued that the Kebbi–Borno war should be understood as the product of buffer-state politics and Sayfawa geopolitics rather than a single act of aggression by Muhammad Kanta. With Kebbi as a
major power in the area between Songhay and Borno, direct conflict between
these two imperial powers was largely avoided. However, Kebbi’s expansion
likely impinged upon Borno’s influence in Hausaland and Asben. This, in turn,
led to conflicts as the Sayfawa likely sought to regain lost influence in
Asben, the major commercial artery to the north for Hausaland. Similarly, Borno’s
political leadership during the 16th century, before Idris b. Ali
(r. 1564-1596) included the reestablishment of relations with Tripoli, famine, and
conflicts with the Bulala. Kebbi’s ascent may have paradoxically aided Borno by
limiting Songhay eastward expansion and creating a more regionally united
Hausaland. Nonetheless, interest from the part of Borno in preserving its
influence in Asben and parts of Hausland made conflict inevitable. This is why numerous
wars (and likely raiding expeditions) were probably launched throughout the
reign of Muhammad Kanta. It is very likely that Muhammad Bello and Dan Tafa
remembered Ali b. Idris as the ruler at the time of the significant 1561
campaign due to there actually having been some sort of war or conflict in c.
1538-1539. Likewise, Mai Dunama b. Muhammad’s interests in an alliance with
Draghut may very well have included increased trade to ensure a larger share of
trans-Saharan commerce with Tripoli remained with Borno. Idris b. Ali, whose
reign included a successful termination of the conflict with the Bulala sultans
of Kanem as well as consolidation of Sayfawa rule in Borno, was probably able
to ensure Borno’s quick recovery from the devastating loss to Kebbi. In truth,
dynastic squabbling upon the death of Muhammad Kanta may have been another
factor as Kebbi’s power and influence in Hausaland withered away within a
century or so after Muhammad Kanta.
[1]
Anania, “L’interieur de l’Afrique occidentale d’après Giovanni Lorenzo Anania,” 343.
[2]
Ibid., 347.
[3] Ahmad
Baba, Mi'raj al-su'ud: Ahmad Baba's
Replies on Slavery, 45.
[4] Al-Sa’di,
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire:
Al-Sadi's Tarikh al-Sudan down to 1613 and other contemporary documents,
113-114.
[5]
Ibid., 92, 127, 147.
[6]
Ibid., 150.
[7] Rémi
Dewière, L'esclave, le savant et le
sultan: représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe
siècles), 612.
[8]
Muhammad Bello, A history of Islam,
scholarship and revivalism in Western Sudan : being an annotated translation
with introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad
Bello bin Fodio, 81.
[9]
Ibid., 82.
[10]
Shaykh Dan Tafa, Rawdat al-Afkaar,
9-10.
[11]
Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries
in North and Central Africa Vol. 3 (1896), 671-672.
[12]
E.J. Arnett, in Nigerian Northern
Provinces, 3-6, Sokoto Gazetteer, 113.
[13]
H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan,
229.
[14]
H.A.S. Johnston, A Selection of Hausa
Stories, 117-118.
[15]
Kirk-Greene & Hogben, The Emirates of
Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of their Historical Traditions, 239-246.
[16]
Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du Soudan et
de la Berbérie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 211.
[17] Muhammad
Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the
Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846),
253-254.
[18]
Yves Urvoy, “Chroniques d'Agadès,” 152.
[19]
Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du
(Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe
siècle jusqu'à 1808), 80.