Whilst revisiting multiple sources
on 17th century Agadez and its relations with Borno, we realized how
the conquest of Adar was an episode in the expansion of the sultanate to the
South that is worthy of a second look. Although known from various sources
compiled as the Chroniques d'Agadès and translated by Urvoy, the episode
is vividly recalled in oral tradition. Subsequent chroniclers and writers, such
as Muhammad Bello and his nephew, Shaykh Dan Tafa, also referred to this affair
in their 19th century writings. More recently, scholars such as
Djibo Hamani have examined the history of Adar in detail, supplementing the
written sources with oral traditions. Nonetheless, closer scrutiny of the
various sources available on the 1673 campaign of the Kel Aïr against Kebbi reveals
often unexplored dynamics. When one considers these factors, such as the role
of Gobir and Zamfara in the weakening of Kebbi or the possibility of dynastic
intrigue within Kebbi’s royal house, it becomes clear how a teenage Muhammad
Agabba, prince of Agadez and son of Muhammad al-Mubarak (r. 1654-1687), was able
to defeat the Kanta of Kebbi. Indeed, inter-state alliances, dynastic
intrigue, and the realignment of powers in the Central Sudan during the second
half of the 17th century reveal a historically dynamic region.
Fortunately, a contemporary source
written by a man who lived at the time of the 1674 campaign survives. A part of
a diary of a Tuareg man of Agadez, who certainly came from the upper echelons
of society, has been published as part of the Agadez Chronicles. In addition to
Urvoy’s French translation of this important text, H.T. Norris translated into
English a slightly different copy of the manuscript in his The Tuaregs: Their
Islamic Legacy and Its Diffusion in the Sahel. The author of this brief
diary (it appears to be incomplete, as it abruptly terminates with the end of
the 17th century), Abu Bakr b. al-Tahir Tashi, knew Salih, a brother
of Muhammad Agabba, and was likely acquainted with other members of the royal
family.[1] That means his references
to the 1673 campaign and subsequent military ventures in Adar or the lands to
the south are likely based on direct testimony from those who participated in
them. The authenticity of the journal is unquestionable because it contains details
corroborated by other 17th century sources. For example, Girard’s Histoire
chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie refers to the pilgrimage of
another brother of Muhammad Agabba, al-Hajj Aknafaya, in 1675.[2] In the 19th
century, Muhammad Bello of the Sokoto Caliphate, who may have possessed access
to earlier written sources from Aïr and Hausaland, also referred to Agabba’s victory
against Kebbi. Bello’s account, which was closely followed by that of his nephew,
Dan Tafa, mentions Gobir and Zamfara as allies of Asben in the conflict with
Kebbi.[3] Another text, the Y
Tarichi, also alluded to Agabba’s role in the war with Kebbi that preceded
the 1673 campaign.[4]
Additional corroboration of events mentioned
by Abu Bakr b. al-Tahir Tashi can be found in oral traditions in Adar, other
parts of Hausaland and likely Borno. For instance, Kanuri praise songs
translated by J.R. Patterson include a “Song to Yerima Mohammadu” which was
said to date to the reign of Ali b. Umar (or possibly in the reign of his son,
Idris b. Ali, who reigned 1677-1696).[5] In this praise song, a
reference to a raid on Borno from the Kel Aïr Tuareg could possibly be the raid
of 1679 mentioned by Tashi.[6] In Zamfara, historical
traditions also recall a ruler, Babba, whose son, Yakubu, participated in the
defeat of Kebbi with Agabba of Asben and Muhammad b. Chiroma of Gobir.[7] Likewise, traditions in the
region reported by Landeroin include a detailed account of the conflict between
Aïr and Kebbi that precipitated the war in 1674 and Adar. The tradition, which
offers details not seen in the diary of Tashi, nonetheless identifies Agabba as
central in the conflict.[8] Finally, Djibo Hamani’s research
in Adar found rather detailed accounts of the 1673 conflict which emphasized
the role of Agabba in defeating the Kanta of Kebbi. In this version of
events, Muhammad al-Mubarak consulted a mallam, Dan Barewa, to counter the
powerful magicians of the Kanta of Kebbi. Nonetheless, it was Agabba’s
forces who successfully evaded detection by the Kanta’s magicians and
defeated him.[9]
Considering the rich oral traditions and
textual sources referring to the role of Agabba in the conflict, and the contemporary
source of Tashi’s diary, a tentative attempt to marry the two types of evidence
is in order. After all, according to Tashi, Muhammad Agabba would have only
been a teenager in 1673 (as he was born in 1657).[10] That he was young when he
achieved victory against the ruler of Kebbi can be confirmed in the traditional
praise of Agabba: Kuykuyun Tanshamat, koya babba kurma.[11] When one incorporates
the oral traditions, despite their contradictions, a far more complex tale
emerges than the brief annals of Tashi’s diary. That a young prince from Asben
could defeat the ruler of what was once a major power in Hausaland is more plausible
in light of the (somewhat) contradictory oral traditions from the region. These
traditions point to both the importance of a (brief) alliance between Asben and
the Hausa states of Gobir and Zamfara. Moreover, internal dissension and
turmoil within the ruling dynasty of Kebbi likely preceded and facilitated the conflict.
Although Tashi’s journal omits much of this from his narrative, his inclusion
of an enemy named Kufkana is highly suggestive. This man may very well have
been a dissident Kel Aïr leader who supported the Kanta against the
Agadez.
Let us begin with Landeroin. According to
oral traditions in Adar, Kebbi’s conflict with Asben began during the reign of Kanta
Slimane. When Muhammad al-Mubarak of Agadez sent his son, Agabba, with a
caravan of horses to Kebbi, Slimane mocked Agabba. In this narrative, the
insult directed at Agabba was due to the shabby dress of his party of 20 men.
Supposedly, all were dressed the same, so Slimane could not tell which of them
was a prince. Although he did not understand what Slimane had said to him and the
interpreter initially refused to translate the insult, Agabba only became upset
later. This was the insult that prompted Agabba’s return to Asben and later expedition
to Kebbi, where he defeated the Kanta at the pond of Baratta. What is
most interesting about the tradition as reported by Landeroin, however, is the
allusion to a son of Slimane, Hoummoudou, who had killed his brother and fled
to Gobir and Asben. The murder of his brother took place after their father
appointed him as Dan Galadima, making Hoummoudou jealous and eager to
seize power. According to this tradition, Hoummoudou was the grandson of the
Gobir king and later went to Asben, from where he sent Agabba to Kebbi to gather
information for dethroning his father. This narrative suggests that the active
involvement of a Kebbi prince was a main reason for Agabba going to Kebbi in
the first place. Moreover, the tradition claims that northern Adar already had
Tuareg communities.[12] It is possible that
seeing a region in which the Tuareg of Aïr could expand as well as an alliance with
a rebellious Kebbi prince were major reasons for Agabba’s return to Kebbi with
a large expedition. This prince, Hoummoudou is likely the 9th Kanta,
Muhammadu Kaye, who reigned from 1674-1676 in the genealogy of Kebbi kings reproduced
by Kirk-Greene and Hogben.[13] However, the defeated Kanta
killed by Agabba would have been Umaru Giwa, according to this same genealogy.
Slimane, the 5th Kanta, reigned in c. 1621-1636, long before
this period. Thus, if the tradition repeated by Landeroin is accurate in the
essentials, he was given the wrong name for the Kebbi king defeated by Agabba.
Besides Landeroin’s account, the Y
Tarichi also includes the alleged insult of the Kanta. Unlike Landeroin’s
version of events, the insult was directed at Muhammad al-Mubarak, Agabba’s
father, to instigate a war. This chronicle presents al-Mubarak as fearful of
the Kanta, prompting him to send the old tribute of water and sand from
Asben. Yet Agabba, his son, demanded troops from his father to avenge him for
the insult.[14]
Likely drawing on oral traditions and perhaps portraying Agabba as braver and
more independent than his father due to Agabba’s role as the first sultan of
Adar, this version of events at least includes the insult by the Kanta. Of
course, part of the reason for Muhammad al-Mubarak’s reluctance to go to war
with Kebbi may have been due to Kebbi’s role in supporting his father on the
throne of Agadez in a civil war in 1602-3.[15] Was al-Mubarak recalling
how his father, Yusuf, had relied upon Kebbi’s aid in the recent past?
Hamani’s own research in Adar centered on
the magical or supernatural resources used by both sides in their war. Whether
or not Muhammad al-Mubarak consulted a mallam named Dan Barewa is unclear,
but the fear of the Kebbi’s powerful magicians is plausible. The reference to
sand and supplies from Asben to evade the magic of their foes and to surprise
the Kanta interestingly echoes allusions to sand and water from Asben as
tribute to Kebbi.[16] Indeed, on the first Kanta
who was said to have also conquered Asben, Dan Tafa wrote, “It is said that
Kanta forced the Asbenawa to carry to Surami the water of a certain lake in the
territory called Tinshamau; and to bring sand from this same lake for his horse
to stand upon. They were obliged to do this by force, and executed his commands
right swiftly.”[17]
Thus, what was once imposed as tribute from Kebbi on Asben, particularly the
sand for the horses of the Kanta and water from Tinshaman became part of
the process of resisting the magicians of Kebbi in the 1670s. Alternatively, it
could be a metaphor for Asben ceasing to pay tribute to Kebbi since sand, water
and other supplies from Asben were used by Agabba’s expedition to defeat the Kanta.
As for the role of Zamfara and Gobir in
the conflict with Kebbi, the oral traditions provide many clues for how this
brief alliance came about. According to Dan Tafa, Muhammad Chiroma (or,
Muhammad b. Chiroma) of Gobir and Yakubu b. Babba of Zamfara waged war on Kebbi
with Asben. Indeed, their forces laid waste the land of Kebbi and made the Emir
of Zanfara ruler over the greater portion of it…”[18] That Zamfara benefited
the most from the decline of Kebbi may explain why Tashi’s diary contains an
entry on an expedition in 1685 against Zamfara. Apparently, Amma Fatim was sent
with a group of Tuareg against Zamfara whilst the second expedition was led by
a Yusuf, nicknamed Addabab. Significantly, this expedition was triggered by the
massacre of 700 Kel Away by Zamfara forces, leading to the Itisen, Kel Away,
and forces led by Amma Fatim attacking Zamfara. According to Tashi, the second
expedition was extremely successful: Zamfara’s heroes, chief men, and fuqaha
had been killed.[19] That conflict between
Zamfara and Asben occurred in c. 1685 was possibly related to the division of
lands once ruled by Kebbi. In fact, conflict between Gobir and Asben later
occurred, probably for similar reasons. Dan Tafa’s account of Gobir’s history
in this period includes references to Gobir’s ruler, Muhammad b. Chiroma, going
to war with Kebbi again and driving out its ruler, Humadu. This suggests that
this ruler, who had conspired with Agabba against his father only a few years
previously, was only able to hold the throne for a short period before Gobir
attacked him. In fact, Humadu and his principal men were clothed in rags when
captured by Gobir’s forces, an ironic end considering Humadu’s predecessor
insult directed at Agabba for his shabby clothes.[20] Later, during the reign
of Muhammad b. Chiroma’s son, Soba, Gobir attacked Asben. This event, based on
Tashi’s diary, took place in 1689, culminating with Agabba’s victory against
Soba. But this was only achieved after Soba had driven Salih, Agabba’s brother,
back to Adar.[21]
Thus, the alliance or coalition of forces
which severely reduced the territory controlled by Kebbi, was itself very
unstable. From the victory of Agabba in 1674, war against Zamfara followed in
1685. Then, a few years later, conflict with Gobir arose by 1689. Gobir’s own
rise continued as it assaulted Zamfara in the 18th century. But
without this earlier coalition in the 1670s, it is not clear if Agabba would
have been so fortunate. Agabba went from supporting a contender to the throne
of Kebbi, whose incumbent king may have supported Kufkana against Agadez. But Humadu
was quickly defeated by Gobir. In turn, conflict arose between Zamfara and
Asben and Asben and Gobir over the division of the spoils from Kebbi. While Adar
certainly fell within the orbit of Asben, until Agabba was dethroned in the 1720s,
Adar appears to have been overseen by another prince, Salih. After Salih died
in Adar in the 1690s, presumably another member of the royal family of Agadez
oversaw the territory.
In summation, the tale of Aïr’s expansion
into Adar is a complex, multifaceted tale of intrigue, war, and realpolitik. That
a contender for the throne of Kebbi was likely involved in instigating the war
is plausible, perhaps fleeing to Gobir and then Asben before the war. Even
though he was later defeated by Kebbi within a few years after ascending to the
throne, al-Mubarak and Agabba had to contend with Zamfara and Gobir in the next
decade. Consequently, the history of Kebbi’s decline was a long affair in which
Aïr, Gobir and Zamfara fought over the spoils long after 1674. Zamfara, which
had seemed like it gained the most out of defeat of Kebbi, was later defeated
by Gobir in the 18th century. Aïr, whose sultans were frequently
deposed and often possessed little authority over the Kel Aïr were soon kings
of a declining city. Contextualizing the rise of Asben rule in Adar clearly
demonstrates the dynamic political landscape of the Central Sudan in the 17th
and 18th centuries. Moreover, the victory of a teenaged Agabba
against Kebbi must be understood as part of this complicated process of Kebbi’s
imperial decline and the nature of inter-state alliances within Hausaland. With
the diary of Tashi, the works of Bello and Dan Tafa and the corpus of oral
traditions, historians have a rich example of this process from the second half
of the 17th century.
[1] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs,
77.
[2] See relevant extracts from this
work in Rémi Dewière, L'esclave, le savant et le sultan: représentations du
monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles), 607.
[3] Muhammad Bello, The history of
islam, scholarship and revivalism in Western Sudan being an annotated
translation with introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of
Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio, 82.
[4] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du
Soudan et de la Berberie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 423.
[5] J.R. Patterson, Kanuri Praise
Songs, 13.
[6] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 80.
[7] Kirk-Greene & Hobgen, The
Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical
Traditions, 371.
[8] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents
scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 482-483.
[9] “Le petit chien de Tanshamat qui
apprend à nager au grand.” Djibo Hamani, L'Adar précolonial (République du
Niger): contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des états Hausa, 92-94.
[10] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 78.
[11] Djibo Hamani, L'Adar
précolonial, 94.
[12] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents
scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 483.
[13] Kirk-Greene & Hobgen, The
Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical
Traditions, 253.
[14] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du
Soudan et de la Berberie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 423.
[15] Ibid., 225.
[16] Djibo Hamani, L'Adar
précolonial (République du Niger): contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des
états Hausa, 94.
[17] H.R. Palmer, “Western
Sudan History: The Raudthât’ Ul Afkâri.” Journal of the Royal African
Society 15, no. 59 (1916), 263.
[18] Ibid., 267.
[19] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 81.
[20] H.R. Palmer, “Western Sudan History: The
Raudthât’ Ul Afkâri.” Journal of the Royal African Society 15, no. 59
(1916), 267.
[21] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 83.