A passage from Girard's "Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie" describing the pilgrimage of an Agadez prince.
Although the conflict between the
Sultanate of Aïr and Borno during the 17th century is well-known,
reexamining its nature during the reign of Ali b. Umar of Borno (r. 1639-1677)
and that of his son, Idris b. Ali (1677-1696) is worthwhile. This period
happened to overlap the apogee of the Aïr Sultanate during the reigns of
Muhammad al-Mubarak (1654-1687) and that of his son, Muhammad Agabba
(1687-1721). During this era, the Sayfawa sultans of Borno were probably at
their zenith, too, with Umar b. Ali and Ali b. Umar consolidating the gains of
Idris b. Ali (r. 1564-1596). Aïr in this time was also in a period in which
patrilineal succession occurred (from Muhammad al-Mubarak to Agabba).
Additionally, territorial expansion through the incorporation of Adar developed
at this period. Moreover, closer scrutiny of Aïr in this region reveals how
economic, religious, and military factors made the Istambulawa sultans of Aïr
rivals of the Sayfawa in the Central Sudan. In truth, these conflicts even
reverberated in Tripoli, where Girard witnessed the quarrels of “blacks” from
Agadez and Borno in the North African port. This essay shall examine each of
these factors to contextualize how Sayfawa and Istambulawa competition arose
through them. It will be demonstrated that the Istambulawa sultans were, at
their apogee, regional rivals whose pilgrimages to Mecca, sponsorship of
Islamic studies, fostering of trade ties to the Fazzan, and expansionist
activities to the South were meant to challenge the hegemony of Borno in the
Central Sudan.
Economic Factors
First, the economic factors. Agadez
had long been an important economic center for trans-Saharan trade. But the
scale of it appears to have increased during the 17th century. For
instance, Aïr began exporting senna to Tripoli by 1657, according to Girard.[1] This was cultivated within
the region, suggesting gardens were established to increase production in the
fertile areas of Aïr. Evidence also suggests the sultanate of Agadez was
exporting horses to some of the Hausa states to the south, too.[2] In addition, Aïr possessed
salines which were traded to Hausaland since the 15th century, if
not earlier.[3]
Naturally, Agadez was a major desert “port” for the export of gold and slaves
from the south to North Africa, via the Fazzan and Ghadamis. Thus, economic
development of the Hausa kingdoms to the south would have also favored Agadez
as the northern “port” for Hausaland’s exports to North Africa and the
Mediterranean. While this type of economic power was not the same as that of
Borno, which at this time controlled Kawar (also a center for salt production
and trade) but also large Sudanic lands where textile production, slave
exports, and a larger agricultural surplus was attainable, Agadez’s commercial
expansion and geographically favorable position made it an important site for
trans-Saharan trade. Furthermore, growing ties between Agadez and the Fazzan
during the 17th century may have partly undermined the economic
influence of Borno. After all, if the Hausa kingdoms like Katsina, Kano, Kebbi,
or Gobir were relying less on Borno’s controlled trans-Saharan route to the
Fazzan, then Agadez was likely the one who benefitted as more commerce passed
through Aïr to reach North Africa.
In addition, evidence of Agadez’s ties to
the Fazzan and northern Africa during the 17th century can be found
in Arabic documents from Ghadamis. Published and translated by H.T. Norris in Arabic
Historical Literature from Ghādamis and Mali: Documents from the 18th to the
20th century, a major source is Tadhkīr an-Nāsī wa-Talyīn al-Qalb
al-Qāsī (The Reminder of the Forgetful and the Softener of the Harsh).
A biography of Shaykh ʿAbdallah b. Abī Bakr al-Ghadāmisī, it contains numerous
references to his father and sons who studied in Agadez or became prosperous
merchants in the city. For instance, the shaykh’s father, Sidi Abu Bakr, died
in Agadez in 1641.[4]
Another relative, Sidi Abu Bakr, was born in 1648 and traveled to Agadez with
his father, Shaykh Abdallah. This was likely during the reign of Muhammad
al-Mubarak, when this son of the shaykh became a prosperous merchant in Agadez
favored by the sultan (likely al-Mubarak). According to the text, the Agadez
sultan cherished him so much: “So his love for him grew in his heart.” He also
went on the pilgrimage to Mecca three times. When he died in 1699, allegedly
due to magic and sorcery, he was known for his success as a merchant.[5] His grandfather had also
been known for his wealth, causing a jealous merchant to complain to the sultan
about him possessing wealth that exceeded 40,000 mithqals.[6] Besides merchants from
Ghadamis who were established in Agadez, the Fazzani merchants and scholars
were established in the city. One family of Islamic scholars, the Barakila,
were based in the city at this time.[7] The author of a remarkable
diary that covers the second half of the 17th century, Abu Bakr b.
al-Tahir Tashi, married a woman of Fazzani origin in 1689.[8] The numerous Fazzani and
North African community based in Agadez was likely one of the reasons why
Muhammad al-Nasir, of the Awlad Muhammad of the Fazzan, fled to Agadez in 1699.
When he returned in 1700, al-Nasir also had Tuareg in his party.[9] This suggests that,
despite Borno’s hegemony in Kawar and its long-standing ties with Tripoli, the
dynasty in power in the Fazzan still looked to the west and southwest when in
trouble. Agadez by the late 17th century was one area where many
Fazzani merchants and Islamic scholars were based, and therefore a natural
choice for fleeing sultans to find refuge. Overall, this concentration of
Fazzani merchants and scholars in Agadez illustrates the emergence of an
alternative Islamic-commercial hub that reduced Borno’s monopoly over
trans-Saharan exchange.
Furthermore, the Kel Ewey Tuareg appeared
to have enjoyed close relations with the sultans of Agadez in the 17th
century. Indeed, Muhammad al-Tafrij, Muhammad al-Mubarak, and Muhammad Agabba
may all have had Kel Ewey mothers.[10] While the era of Kel Ewey
hegemony in Aïr is more easily attestable in the 18th century, the
antecedents of their ascent may be traced to the 17th century. For
example, Tuareg tradition suggests that al-Mubarak may have interceded on
behalf of the Kel Ewey to force the Kel Gress to leave Aïr, leading to their
migration to Adar and Gobir.[11] Although the evidence
from the diary of Tashi reveals that the sultans were still occasionally
threatened by conflict between the Kel Ewey and the Itisen, the Kel Ewey appear
frequently in important political or economic contexts. For instance, Abu Bakr,
the leader of the Kel Ewey, participated in the pilgrimage of Prince Aknafaya,
a son of Muhammad al-Mubarak, in 1681.[12] Similarly, when Zamfara
attacked the Kel Ewey in 1685, al-Mubarak immediately responded with a large
force that included Abu Bakr and his Kel Ewey followers.[13] In light of the Kel
Ewey’s reputation as traders and being more sedentary than other Kel Aïr, it is
tempting to see their actions here as part of the economic interests of the Kel
Aïr in trade and commerce with the lands to the south. The Kel Ewey factor here
suggests that al-Mubarak and Agabba’s actions in Adar and Zamfara may have been
at least partly motivated by a desire to support Kel Ewey trade and
agricultural expansion.
In summary, economic factors related to
commerce, trans-Saharan trade, and the trade routes that connected the Sudan to
North Africa and the Mediterranean were part of Istambulawa competition with
the Sayfawa. The growth of senna exports was another factor whilst the alliance
between sultans al-Mubarak and the Kel Ewey, a group known for their commerce
and sedentary agricultural settlements by the 18th century, likely
favored the expansion of the sultanate into Adar and raids on lands claimed by
Borno. The growth of ties between merchants and Islamic scholars in the Fazzan
and Agadez appears to have increased during this era, presenting yet another
challenge to Bornoan commercial hegemony as it deviated from the Lake Chad-Kawar-Fazzan-Tripoli
route dominated by Borno. By aligning with a commercially oriented and
increasingly sedentary Tuareg group, the sultans of Agadez also gained a social
base that facilitated territorial expansion at the expense of Borno.
Factors of Faith and Spirituality
Beyond trade, another dimension of
Istambulawa-Sayfawa conflict during the 17th century was of a
spiritual and religious nature. Although both were self-professed Muslim
dynasties, the rulers of the Sayfawa also claimed caliphal status.[14] Moreover, the lineage of
al-Mubarak and his successors may have also seen themselves as competitors for
Islamic legitimacy with the powerful Sayfawa dynasty during this time. Take the
hajj, for example. Ali b. Umar of Borno was known for performing the
pilgrimage to Mecca several times. Indeed, he was said to have even founded homes
in Cairo, Mecca and Medina with stores to support Borno pilgrims.[15] He was also known for his
piety and support for scholarship. In the words of the Diwan, “C'était un
homme courageux et un grand penseur.”[16] Even Girard, writing of
Ali b. Umar based on his reputation in Tripoli, described him as someone “qui
vivoit en opinion de sainteté parmy les Mahométans.”[17] Undoubtedly, Ali b. Umar
and the Sayfawa dynasty’s known penchant for performing the pilgrimage enhanced
their saintly reputation. In that light, it is interesting to note that a son
of Muhammad al-Mubarak is known to have performed the pilgrimage at least three
times.
Like the Sayfawa, the sultans of Agadez
were also supposed to be pious, Islamic rulers. Without the status of caliphs,
they developed the myth that their line began with Yunus, a prince from
Constantinople. Though obviously a myth that lacks any historical accuracy,
this origin myth turns the Kel Aïr sultans into children of another caliph, the
Ottoman sultans. More likely, however, the institution arose as mediators of
the Tuareg clans in Aïr, with Yunus being invited from the Sattafan country in
Adrar-n-Ifoghas.[18]
This region indicates possible origins in the marabout lineages of the Kel
Tadamakkat, a region with deep Islamic roots and great influence in the lands
of the Tuareg.[19]
However, even the Istambulawa were said to possess a certain baraka and
be related to the power of fertility.[20] In their victory against
the jihad of Hadahada during the reign of Muhammad al-Tafrij, the Istambulawa
were described by al-Hajj Muhammad b. Tighna in the following manner, “It is
they who bring the evil to an end.”[21] Moreover, the same poem,
written in response to Hadahada to criticize him for revolting against the
sultan, also includes the following line: “Gratitude is a duty of a subject if
the sultan acts justly, and patience is a duty if he acts unjustly.”[22] These aforementioned
verses illustrate how the sultans of Agadez were perceived by at least some
Islamic scholars of Aïr, as the source of justice and equality. It is thus very
likely that Muhammad al-Mubarak, like his brother before him, saw his power similarly
as a source of justice and one who must be obeyed. Like the Sayfawa, the
Istambulawa claimed power through Islamic legitimacy. Lastly, both dynasties
claimed origins from distant Islamic lands and a certain baraka.
By looking at the practice of
Islamic pilgrimage during the 17th century, one sees another element
of the conflict over spiritual or religious status in the Central Sudan. The
Sayfawa, a long-lasting dynasty with many mais who performed the
pilgrimage, were already seen as Islamic and well-known in the Islamic world.
The lineage of Muhammad al-Tafrij and Muhammad al-Mubarak, on the other hand,
descended from a branch of the royal family which may have performed the hajj
in the 16th and 15th centuries. According to Djibo
Hamani, Yusuf, the father of Muhammad al-Tafrij and Muhammad al-Mubarak, was the
son and grandson of men called al-Hajj. While these men may not have been from
the royal family, the accession of Yusuf to the throne in 1594/5 may have
benefited politically from this past of Islamic pilgrimages.[23] This tradition of hajj
was maintained by the descendants of Yusuf, too. The most well-known case,
that of Aknafaya, was a son of Muhammad al-Mubarak who performed the pilgrimage
at least three times. On one of those occasions, in 1675, his second
pilgrimage, he was briefly described by Girard as traveling in a group of 400
pilgrims and being “entièrement nègre.”[24]
While Ali b. Umar of Borno was described
as traveling in a caravan of more than 2000 people in one of his later
pilgrimages, this is nonetheless an important indication that the royal family
of Agadez was known for undertaking the lengthy journey to Mecca.[25] By doing so, the rulers
of Agadez were establishing or strengthening ties in the East and in North
Africa whilst also enhancing their reputation as Islamic rulers. Unfortunately,
internal politics within Aïr may not have been stable enough for a reigning
sultan to make the pilgrimage himself, but members of the royal family doing so
could still present an image of Aïr as an Islamic state. These numerous pilgrimages of Aknafaya at a
time when Borno’s ruler was known for his several “flights” to Mecca and Egypt
could hardly have been coincidental. It is possible that al-Mubarak wanted to
challenge the primacy of Borno by sending his son on the hajj several times. Even
into the early 18th century, an unnamed Tuareg “prince” returning
from hajj in 1710 was met by Fr. Carlo in Traghen.[26] It is thus conceivable
that members of the royal family in Agadez continued this tradition with at
least one of the sons of Muhammad Agabba making the pilgrimage. We strongly
suspect part of this was politically motivated to elevate the reputation of the
Istambulawa and demonstrate their status as peers with the Sayfawa.
Furthermore, the status of Aïr in
terms of Sufism within the Sudan and beyond is well-attested in this period. In
fact, Ahmad al-Yamani of Arbaji, in modern-day Sudan, traveled to Aïr and Borno
in the 1660s. Whilst his time at the second Kalumbardo settlement in Borno is
well-known, the fact that he also studied in Aïr with Shaykh Ahmad al-Sadiq b.
al-Shaykh Uways is significant. According to the Nashr al-Mathani, this
man’s zawiya was widely celebrated. He died in 1679/80, and promoted the
Suhrawardiya.[27]
It is also said that the leader of the second Kalumbardo center, Abdallah
al-Barnawi, studied under Shaykh Ahmad al-Sadiq.[28] This close association
between Islamic mysticism in Aïr and the mystic school of Kalumbardo suggests
that Sufi networks connected both Aïr and Borno. If the sources are credible,
Abdallah al-Barnawi was perhaps influenced by Aïr Sufi traditions and perhaps
Sidi Mahmud al-Baghdadi. In fact, this may also elucidate why the only time
al-Yamani saw al-Barnawi upset was when a disciple wished that God destroy the
Tuareg. In the words of Nashr al-Mathani, al-Barnawi replied, “Ne reste
pas devant moi.”[29]
This was allegedly said even though the Immakitan Tuareg raided Kalumbardo and
were ultimately responsible for the destruction of the second community when
they killed al-Barnawi in 1677/8.[30] The words of the shaykh
only make sense if one seriously considers the possible influence of Aïr Sufi
networks on his community, with evidence of similar practices of the followers
of al-Baghdadi in Aïr and the Kalumbardo community as described by oral
tradition.[31]
Naturally, that Aïr was known for its Sufi
leaders such Ahmad b. al-Sadiq as far away as the Sinnar Sultanate and Morocco
suggests the region was very much on the map of broader currents of Islamic mysticism
in the 17th century. Since Kalumbardo was influenced by that tradition,
Islamic mysticism may have been yet another expression of Istambulawa patronage
for religion and an assertion of the sultanate’s status in the Muslim world. Aïr
not only attracted students from as far as riverine Sudan, but also Fazzani
scholars such as the Barakila.
Finally, the military conflicts and
raiding between the Kel Aïr and Borno during the second half of the 1600s were
another arena for competition over religious legitimacy and leadership.
According to a 1658 document translated by H.R. Palmer, Ali b. Umar launched an
expedition against the Tuareg in response to the complaints of a woman who lost
a grass cover of her calabash in Aïr. This conflict could be the one that took
place between Borno and Aïr after the return of Ali b. Umar from the hajj in
1656, when Girard wrote that Borno had intense wars with Agadez and “Ethiopie”
at this time (probably Kwararafa).[32] Nonetheless, the account
translated in Bornu Sahara and Sudan, entitled “An Account of N’Gazargamu”
by Palmer, mentions Ali b. Umar leading 1000 cavalry in an attack against the
Kindin of Ahir, who were led by Ada Hamma.[33] This episode is difficult
to interpret, but it appears to be an expedition launched in response to raids
by the Kel Aïr. If the Bornoan source is reliable, the ruler of the Aïr was
named Ada Hamma, which is contradicted by all other sources. However, the name
Hamma is frequently found among the Tuareg.[34] Similarly, the diary of
Tashi refers to a military leader named Amma Fatim in the attack against Borno
in 1679, although his full name was Muhammad b. al-Hajj Ibrahim. In the second
expedition against Zamfara in 1685, the leader was named Yusuf, nicknamed
Addabab.[35]
Consequently, the Ada Hamma named in the
1658 Borno source could have been a Tuareg military leader but perhaps not
Muhammad al-Mubarak himself. But most intriguing in Ali b. Umar’s victory
against this Tuareg leader is the imposition of Islamic faith on the vanquished.
After agreeing to convert to Islam, Ali b. Umar spared the Kindin leader. He
also left 4 mua’llims with him.[36] Despite the implausibility
of a Tuareg leader in the 1650s not knowing what Islam was, the narrative does
suggest that Ali b. Umar saw the expedition as one that was legitimate based on
Islamic concepts of holy war. The leaving behind of Islamic scholars with the
Tuareg leader is an indication of this, as they would presumably have ensured
proper Islamic practice of Ada Hamma. Furthermore, the leaving behind of a
slave of the mai, Shakiralla, may have been done to ensure the loyalty
of Ada Hamma after his capture. Overall, the military victory of this campaign,
which included captives (some 1000 were given to the woman who complained to the
mai), was partly defined as religious with Ali b. Umar promoting Islam
among defeated or conquered peoples.
In the context of our known sources, it is
likely this was merely a victory against one of the Kel Aïr factions, although further
investigation is required to better establish a chronology of military
engagements between the Kel Aïr and Borno during the period from 1639-1677. Nevertheless,
it indicates a moment in which the Sayfawa used Islam to legitimize their
victory against the Kel Aïr, who at the time also proclaimed their own Islamic
legitimacy. Naturally, subjects of the rulers of Agadez contested the
legitimacy of the Sayfawa. In fact, according to Girard, they mockingly
referred to Ali b. Umar as “Sultan el Gatous,” due to the widespread belief
that the mai could transform into a cat. Instead of seeing it as an
example of his virtue (the cat was allegedly Muhammad’s favorite animal), it
became a way to mock Borno’s ruler by subjects of Aïr in Tripoli.[37] Yet through framing
frontier warfare as religious correction, the Sayfawa positioned themselves as
Islamic arbiters over Tuareg groups whose sultan claimed similar legitimacy.
Overall, religion and spirituality were
a major factor in Istambulawa-Sayfawa conflict. By engaging in multiple
pilgrimages, al-Hajj Aknafaya, a son of Muhammad al-Mubarak, was likely “competing”
with the Sayfawa who were well-known for undertaking the pilgrimage. By going
multiple times, this Agadez prince was probably trying to match the reputation
of Ali b. Umar and his dynasty. In addition to strengthening the Istambulawa’s
Islamic credentials and status, the pilgrimages increased contacts with other
parts of the Muslim world. Besides the hajj, Sufi centers and Islamic
scholarship in Agadez and other parts of Aïr attracted students from abroad.
Their reputation further enhanced the reputation of the Istambulawa as patrons
of Islam just as the Sayfawa were known for doing so through their own
patronage of Islamic scholarship and piety. The links between Kalumbardo and
the Aïr region are another element of this connection, with the Sufi Ahmad b.
al-Sadiq functioning as a teacher of Abdallah al-Barnawi. In terms of Islamic
mysticism and Sufism, which existed in Borno long before this period, Aïr may have
been one of the influences upon the famous Kalumbardo center’s ideology and
practices. As dynasties who also claimed exotic origins (though the exact chronology
for the development of the Istambul myth for Agadez is ambiguous) and religious
legitimacy, the commercial and military expansion of Aïr at this time undoubtedly
butted heads with the Islamic credentials of Borno.
Military Factors
Unsurprisingly,
military factors related to raiding, war, and the acquisition of territory were
also part of the competition between the Sayfawa and Istambulawa. Thanks to
Girard, the 1658 source on Gazargamo, a praise song to a yerima said to
have been a grandson of Ali b. Umar, and the journal of Tashi, a tentative
chronology for some of the raids and wars is possible. Revisiting each of these
sources on the wars and raids sheds another light on the political conflict
between the two dynasties in the Central Sudan.
The aforementioned conflict between Ali b.
Umar and the Tuareg led by Ada Hamma, for instance, should have taken place
before or by 1658. That timing overlaps with the return of Ali b. Umar from the
hajj in 1656 and wars with the Tuareg and Kwararafa. According to the
1658 text, Ali b. Umar also left a garrison at an unnamed place to defend the
frontier, including many horses. To the people he left behind, he said, “May
God bless you. Remain here.”[38] Though very fragmentary,
the evidence suggests Ali b. Umar left behind forces to defend Borno’s northwestern
frontier. This 1658 source is one of the few written ones to directly attest to
Ali b. Umar’s frontier policy. It may also have been the conflict recalled in traditions
of the Kel Férouan disobeying the sultan of Agadez when they refused to participate
in the defense of Aïr against an invasion from Borno. Known previously as the “Bâton
du Sultan” for always supporting the Istambulawa, they chose to not resist
Borno at a time after the Kel Gress were already defeated (and presumably
pushed to migrate south).[39] If this took place during
the reign of al-Mubarak, it may have the 1658 conflict in which the Kel Férouan
decided not to resist.
Understandably, the concern for defending
Borno’s frontier from Tuareg raids and attacks was a significant consideration
for the Sayfawa, who supported the creation of several buffer states at Muniyo,
Kutus, Damagaram, and the use of Koyam communities to defend Borno’s heartland.
Oral tradition from the Jetku or Jetko, for instance, recall migration to a Tal
on the road to Dirku, north of N’guigmi. They apparently paid tribute to Mai
Arri, who told them to stay at Tal to watch the Kindin.[40] The Mai Arri very
well could have been Ali b. Umar, whose government planned to use the Jetku to
guard the northern borders of Borno. Subsequently, the Jetko were under the
administrative care of the tshiroma of Borno, indicating that the heir-apparent
to the mai was given responsibility for the important Tell District
north of the Komadugu.[41] This area, one of the
many in which concern was shown for protecting the border from Tuareg raids, was
also essential for protecting access to Kawar and northern trade routes to the
Fazzan. Clearly, the yerima and to a lesser extent, the tshiroma, were
expected to oversee Borno’s frontier defenses against dynamic Tuareg pressure
which challenged Sayfawa authority.
Perhaps something similar occurred in Muniyo,
where Kazelma Saemi, a Mandara prince, was sent to aid a chief named Gamagama
against the Tuareg.[42] Zakari Maikorema believes
this took place sometime in the late 1600s, possibly around the same time that
the chiefly lineage of Kelle began with Atari Goumsoumi in Kutus.[43] The Sayfawa patronage of
these smaller states as buffers between Borno’s central provinces and external
foes like the Kel Aïr or Tuareg bandits further strengthened the image of the
Sayfawa as protectors of these far-flung territories whose rulers sent tribute.
With the aid of the yerima based in Gazargamo, oversight of these northwestern
provinces bordering Aïr would have likely been closely watched.
But returning to documented conflicts, the
best-known war between Agadez and Borno took place after the return of Ali b.
Umar from his hajj in 1667. In this war, rebels of Borno sought aid from
the ruler of Agadez in their attempt to seize the throne. Unfortunately for the
rebels, the Sayfawa mai returned from the pilgrimage and was able to
drive the forces of Agadez outside the kingdom.[44] The question of whether
Kwararafa also attacked Gazargamo at the same time as the Tuareg besieged the
capital is still unresolved. Barth, presumably relying on oral tradition,
believed the attack from both groups took place at the same time.[45] The Gazetteer of Muri
Province edited by Fremantle also supports this narrative, with the
Kwararafa ruler, Katakpa, named as the one who launched the attack from Puje. Yet
Ali b. Umar’s forces were able to convince the Tuareg army on the north side of
the city’s walls to join them in an attack against Kwararafa.[46] Whether or not the Kwararafa
attack on the capital really took place at the same time as the assault by the
Tuareg and local rebels requires far more scrutiny to verify. But it indicates
the most dramatic moment of Aïr-Borno conflict in the century. For the first
time, Aïr soldiers were stationed directly outside Gazargamo and threatened to
overrun the city.
The next documented military expedition,
of 1679, was probably launched from Dabak. Led by Amma Fatim and including the
Kel Ewey, “They seized children, herds and possessions, then the Sultan
returned homewards.”[47] The reference to herds
here and the date of the attack place it during the reign of Idris b. Ali. It
is rather tempting to link this raid with the Kanuri praise song to a yerima.
Translated by J.R. Patterson and entitled “Song to the Yerima,” it praises
the yerima named Mohammadu. During his lifetime, a raid from “Sultan Ali
whose country is Aïr” came to take away cattle from the land of Digima, a
region under the care of the yerima.[48]
It is very likely that Patterson mistranslated the song or perhaps the
original verses are corrupted, since it names sultan Ali even though there was
no sultan in Agadez called by such a name. It is possible the text
mistranslated or garbled the name of the Aïr ruler, confusing him with Ali b.
Umar of Borno, the grandfather of the yerima. Anyway, the song’s reference
to the Fulani whose cattle were the target of the Tuareg is consistent with the
1679 expedition’s return from Borno with large herds. Moreover, the yerima,
according to Nachtigal, was responsible for watching the southeastern Tuareg to
protect the country.[49] The office of digima,
mentioned in the song, was responsible for looking after the correspondence of
the king of Borno. Nachtigal believed that his administrative territory in the
days of the Sayfawa covered the royal residence, but in the 1870s, was Demagarim
and neighboring areas.[50] This raises the question
of a possible anachronism in the text of the praise song to Mohammadu, but chronology
is consistent with the 1679 expedition led by Amma Fatim. In the praise song, Aïr
only sent 70 horsemen to attack, strongly suggesting a small raid that struck
somewhere on the northwestern borders of Borno.
Conclusion
In summation, the conflicts between the
Istambulawa and Sayfawa during the second half of the 17th century
were complex, multifaceted issues of regional importance. Economically, the
growth of Agadez and Hausaland’s commercial centers, as well as the burgeoning
power of the Kel Ewey, presented a threat to Borno’s hegemony in the Central
Sudan. Close ties between Agadez and the Awlad Muhammad of the Fazzan, plus
Fazzani traders and scholars based in Agadez illustrate this increased scale of
commerce and cultural exchange. In addition to their economic considerations,
the religious or spiritual factors also contributed to rivalry between the two
dynasties. The Sayfawa, ancient and reputed for saintliness, were also confronted
by the Istambulawa whose members engaged in the pilgrimage (sometimes more than
once). Aïr sultans also presented themselves as legitimate Muslim rulers who
promoted Islamic study, welcomed scholars, and were known to rule a domain that
included illustrious shaykhs. To some extent, Aïr Sufi practices and
ideology even reached as far as Sinnar and certainly shaped the second
Kalumbardo settlement led by Abdallah al-Barnawi. While Ali b. Umar still
asserted Bornoan Islamic legitimacy and even presented the Aïr Tuareg as pagans
in need of his tutelage, the subjects of the Agadez sultan rejected this. Last,
but certainly not least, the economic expansion of Aïr and its own internal
dynamics led to more Tuareg clans migrating south and invading or raiding parts
of the Central Sudan. The conquest of Adar, for instance, was only one aspect
of Asben’s interference in the affairs of Hausaland. With the addition of new
lands for herds and sedentary farming communities to exploit through tribute
obligations, some Tuareg groups were able to transition gradually into
sedentary or merchant groups with increasing ties to the Hausa trading centers.
Perhaps the roots of the Kel Ewey hegemony in Aïr during the 18th
and 19th centuries owes much to this early 17th century moment
of Kel Ewey alliances with the sultans of Agadez. With territorial acquisitions
in the south, the stage was set for further commercial development and power
that, ultimately, did not require the Istambulawa anymore. But, for about 50
years, the Istambulawa truly were rivals to the Sayfawa.
[1] Girard, Histoire chronologique du royaume
de Tripoly de Barbarie
in R. Dewière, L'esclave, le savant et le sultan: représentations du monde et
diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles). Histoire. Université
Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2015.
[2] Moise Landeroin, “Notice
Historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 483.
According to one tradition, a young Muhammad Agabba went to Kebbi to sell
horses to the Kanta.
[3] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 76.
[4] H.T. Norris, Arabic Historical
Literature from Ghadamis and Mali, 23-24.
[5] Ibid., 61.
[6] Ibid., 56.
[7] Ibid., 78, 170.
[8] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs:
Their Islamic Legacy and
Its Diffusion in the Sahel,
84.
[9] H.W. el-Hesnawi, Fazzan under the
Rule of the Awlad Muhammad. A Study in Political, Economic, Social and
Intellectual History, 137, 101.
[10] K.S. Vikør, The Oasis of Salt: The
History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production, 202.
[11] C. Jean, Les Touareg du
Sud-Est: l'Air: leur rôle dans la politique saharienne, 92.
[12] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs,
80.
[13] Ibid., 81.
[14] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and
Sudan, 31
[15] Rerum aethiopicarum scriptores
occidentales, Vol. 14, 384.
[16] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des
sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la
fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 81.
[17] Girard, in Dewière, 600.
[18] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs,
52-53.
[19] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du
Soudan et de la Berbérie: Le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 138-139.
[20] Nicolaisen, Ecology of the
Pastoral Tuareg, 416.
[21] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs,
129.
[22] Ibid., 133.
[23] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour,
225.
[24] Girard, in Dewière, 607.
[25] Ibid., 602.
[26] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces
and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711.” The Journal of
African History 8, no. 3 (1967), 386.
[27] Mouhammad Al-Qâdirî, Michaux-Bellaire,
Édouard (trad.), Nachr al-Mathânî, II, De l’an 1051 (1641J.-C.) à l’an 1100
(1688 J.-C.), 308-309.
[28] John Lavers, "Diversions on a
Journey of the Travels of Shaykh Ahmad al-Yamani," in The Central
Bilād Al-Sūdān: Tradition and Adaptation : Essays on the Geography and
Economic and Political History of the Sudanic Belt: Proceedings of the Third
International Conference of the Institute of African and Asian Studies,
University of Khartoum, Held from 8 to 13 November 1977, 225.
[29] Mouhammad Al-Qâdirî, Nachr
al-Mathânî, II, De l’an 1051 (1641J.-C.) à l’an 1100 (1688 J.-C.), 253.
[30] Ibid., 258.
[31] Behique Dunama, “Shaykhs of the Koyam
and the Legacy of Kalumbardo,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2024/05/shaykhs-of-koyam-and-legacy-of.html
and “Revisiting Sufi Mystics of the Niger Desert,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2024/01/revisiting-sufi-mystics-of-niger-desert.html
[32] Girard, in Dewière, 604.
[33] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and
Sudan, 35.
[34] Dierk Lange, Diwan, 98.
[35] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs,
80-81.
[36] Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan,
35.
[37] Girard, in Dewière, 620.
[38] Ibid.
[39] C. Jean, Les Touareg du Sud-Est,
96.
[40] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs
Vol. 3, 34-35.
[41] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and
Sudan Volume 2, 252.
[42] Landeroin, “Notice historique,” 404.
[43] Maikoremi Zakari, Contribution
à l'histoire des populations du Sud-Est nigérien: le cas du Mangari (XVI-XIXe
s.), 114. Although Maikoremi argued that the chiefly dynasty of Kutus was
founded before the second half of the 17th century, Landeroin argued
that the founders of both the ruling lineage of Muniyo and Kutus overlapped (“Notice
historique,” 419.
[44] Girard, in Dewière, 604.
[45] Heinrich Barth, Travels and
Discoveries in North and Central Africa: Being a Journal of an Expedition
Undertaken Under the Auspices of H.B.M.'s Government in the Years 1849-1855,
Vol. 2 (1857), 598.
[46] J.M. Fremantle (editor), Gazetteer
of Muri Province, 35.
[47] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs,
80.
[48] J.R. Patterson, Kanuri Songs,
13.
[49] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and
Sudan, Vol 2, 250.
[50] Ibid., 250, 252.