Although it was almost certainly written in the 19th century and probably relies on legends and oral traditions for the early rulers of the kingdom, the Kano Chronicle is another fascinating source and example of historical literature in "Sudanic" Africa. Lamentably, we have to rely on Palmer's 1908 translation for our purposes, and his chronology may be incorrect. Anyway, we here at the blog believe Hunwick was probably right about the date of authorship and the ideological motivations of the author, but it is interesting to consider the document in relationship to the Agadez Chronicles, the chronicles and kingslists of Borno (such as the Diwan), other Kano kingslists, the Timbuktu Chronicles, and historical writings across the "Sudanic" belt of the continent. Indeed, the playful additional or praise songs for past rulers and historical figures, the tension between the semi-legendary "pagan" past and the Muslim or Islamic authors, or the changes in state formation with the increase of slave officials, Islam's spread, and the stability of the state across nearly 800 years.
One can see how the Kano Chronicle was likely based on kingslists. With narrative elaboration and details that probably drew from oral literature and possibly some documents, like the Funj Chronicle, the Hausa author(s) innovatively combined the two types of literary sources for an engaging overview of each sarki or king of Kano. To what extent were the kings of Kano from ca. 1000 to 1807 really from a single dynasty is unclear, as the earlier rulers, such as Bagauda, may have been based on legends. And the ancient "pagan" religion that clearly served as a basis of authority for the early rulers appeared to influence the Bagauda dynasty for centuries, even after Yaji I established Islam. Innovative rulers such as Muhammad Rumfa and Kisoki, despite their links to the larger Islamic world, probably had to wade carefully with Islamic reforms to Kano's state structure and relationship with the masses, yet starting around the time of these post-Yaji I kings, the Kano Chronicle seems to owe less to legends. It is also interesting to see how the author inserts dialogue which he could not have been privy to for kings who ruled centuries before the 19th century, but adding life to the historical figures in question.
However, since our main interest in Kano and Hausaland is related to Kanem-Borno, we read the source in that light. Thus, one cannot escape noticing the use of Kanem-Borno administrative titles in Kano, such as galadima. A Borno prince who sought refuge in Kano in the early 15th century, perhaps Uthman b. Daud, appears in the chronicle as Dagachi. This Sayfawa royal may have introduced aspects of Borno statecraft and titles into Kano, although anachronisms in the text cause the author to use titles like galadima before the 15th century Kano sarkis. To what extent Kano may have been under the rule or within the sphere of influence of Kanem-Borno before the Sayfawa relocated to Borno is not clear, but the Sayfawa state appears to have influenced Kano in many ways. According to the chronicle, Kano paid tribute to Borno during Abdulahi Burja's reign (c. 1438-1452), while also opening roads from Borno to Gwanja for trade. During his reign, Borno also attempted an attack on Asben but a lack of water drove them back. Nonetheless, the chronicle suggests other lands west of Borno fell under some kind of tributary relationship with the Sayfawa. But probably a loose one, as Borno's campaign on Kano during the reign of Abdulahi in the period between 1499-1509 suggests a recurring need for the Sayfawa to reassert their control. Later attempts would not go so well for Borno, as Sarki Koski (given an extremely long reign by Palmer) was able to resist an attack of Borno on the city.
Kanuri or Beriberi also appear in large numbers in the middle of the 15th century, as well as Arabs, an increase in the salt trade, and Gwanja merchants in Katsina. Clearly, events by the time of the middle of the 15th century increased the movement of people and goods from Asben, Gobir, Gwanja, Katsina, Borno, and beyond in Kano. Indeed, the presence of people from Bagirmi and Logone ("Lagoni") in Kano under Abubakr Kado (c.1565-1573) must have been through Borno. In addition to Muslim Wangara and Fulanis from the west bringing books and contributing Islamic holymen and scholars to the city, Borno provided 3 brothers: Shehu Karaski, Magumi (the royal clan of the Sayfawa) and Kabi. The chronicle claims Magumi became alkali during the reign of Kisoki, and with a name like Magumi, one wonders if he was a relative of the Borno mai. Perhaps through the influence of royals with Islamic learning and political connections, Borno was able to expand or maintain its influence in the court of Kano (and other vassal or tributary states) without direct rule or intervention. As for the Kano campaign of Idris Alooma (Idris b. Ali), the chronology of Palmer would preclude it from being the Borno attack on Kano during Kisoki's reign.
Last, but certainly not least for understanding Borno's presence in the chronicle, the Kwararafa threat. 17th century external sources allude to the Kwararafa engaging in wars with Borno during the reign of Ali b. Umar. Kano, too, fought with the Kwararafa state or confederation a number of times in the 16th and 17th centuries. Indeed, one of their attacks during the reign of Dadi (c. 1670-1703) resulted into the Kwararafa taking the capital. If other Hausa sources are reliable for the era, Borno played a role in defeating the Kwararafa threat to Katsina during this era, and may have, as the most powerful state, played the role of protector for tributary and even non-tributary Muslim states in the region threatened by "pagans" like Kwararafa (although they became "Christian" in European sources). Unfortunately, the chronicle does not explicitly mention Borno's role in staving the Kwararafa threat, but one can imagine the Sayfawa dynasty likely played a role in weakening their threat to Hausa states.
In conclusion, the Kano Chronicle presents not only a mine of information, questions, and mysteries on Kano and the history of Hausaland, but poses interesting questions on Kanem-Borno's in the "Central "Sudan." It corroborates, to a certain extent, Borno's hegemony or cultural impact on the Hausa states. The text itself, though almost certainly written in the 19th century, exhibits an occasionally moving fusion of oral and written sources for an actual history that elaborates on the various kingslists. Like the Funj Chronicle, one can almost see a certain shift toward narrative based on the kinglists with a plethora of influences from pre-Islamic Hausa culture. We will return to Kano in future posts on the history of the Hausa people.
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