Wali Mai Kargo (MaiKalgo) and al-Jirmi

Whilst rereading "Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano' [1909]: A Lost Chronicle on Political Office" from Sudanic Africa by Lovejoy, Mahadi and Mukhtar, we saw an interesting miracle attributed to MaiKalgo (or Mai Kargo) on page 49. Although the document appears to have been a draft and contains a number of errors or contradicts the more famous Kano Chronicle at times, we thought it was intriguing to see Temple's version of the miracle of the famous wali in question. According to Temple, MaiKalgo's blood wrote out the Shahada when he was killed by the  Kwararafa forces which attacked Kano during the reign of Muhama Zaki. If one follows Palmer's chronology, his reign should be tentatively dated 1582-1618. Dokaji, on the other hand, associates Mai Kargo (MaiKalgo) with a later attack on Kano during the reign of Dada (Dadi, r. 1670-1703). Furthermore, the miracle reported by Dokaji does not mention anything about the blood of the slain wali from what we can tell.

However, the tradition of Temple about the slain holy man's blood writing out the Muhammadan creed is very similar to at least one tradition about al-Jirmi of Borno. Said to have executed by the order of the mai Umar of Borno, the blood of this leader of the earliest known Kalumbardo was said to have written out the Islamic creed. Undoubtedly, this miracle was part of a broader set of miraculous stories on the sanctity of figures unjustly killed. In the case of Mai Kargo, it was his death at the hands of the pagan Kwararafa. For Muhammad Bello, writing in the 19th century and seeking to justify the jihad against Borno, it was incorporated into the tale to heighten the charge against the Sayfawa on Islamic grounds. 

Kwararafa From The North: A Tentative Timeline

Kasashen Bauchi in Mahdi Adamu's The Hausa Factor in West African History

Whilst revisiting our notes on different aspects of the history of the Jukun, Hausa and Borno states, we realize why so little has been done on the history of this area since the 1970s and 1980s. Although we find many problems with what we have read of J.B. Webster's inaccessible work on Kwararafa, which relied heavily on oral traditions, we also can acknowledge the tremendous difficulties of working on the precolonial history of this region. With contradictory and problematic sources and a reliance on external sources often written from far away (Europeans in North Africa) or materials written down in the 1800s or 1900s from their northern neighbors, we have not been able to offer anything to supersede Webster's work. 

Nonetheless, we feel that his attempt to identify early Kwararafa with Santolo is very questionable. Even if one accepts Abakwariga traditions claiming Kwararafa was founded or associated with them, the Kano Chronicle did not identify Santolo as the origin of the Kwararafa attacked by Yaji in the 14th century. Indeed, if Yaji attacked and conquered Santolo, forcing its rulers to flee to Kwararafa's capital at Tagara, it is strange that the Kano Chronicle did not connect the two when Yaji began his military campaigns to the south of Santolo (which was the "gate to the South" and besieged Kwararafa. Ultimately, the matter is probably unsolvable given the multiethnic character of the Kwararafa state or confederacy. At different times, it may have consisted of Jukun, Kwona, Abakwariga, and others. But it seems quite clear to the author of the Kano Chronicle, who must have been drawing from oral traditions, that Santolo and Kwararafa were separate entities. 

The Jukun king in Meek's A Sudanese Kingdom: An Ethnographical Study of the Jukun-speaking Peoples of Nigeria

So, deciding to ignore the earlier references in the Kano Chronicle to Santolo, we focused our tentative chronology on dates that are partly reliable for the Hausa states and Borno. Those dates and the few European texts from the 1600s and early 1700s provide a very preliminary timeline for the Kwararafa state from c. 1300-1707. The inclusion of traditions about 13th century engagements with the Kona or Kwana in Borno are drawn from H.R. Palmer's work, and must be treated with caution. Yet possible affirmation of a Kwana or Kona presence in parts of Borno in the 1200s and 1300s can be found in Gujba traditions. One can also thank al-Maqrizi for recording the year (1252/53) of an alleged raid on Mabna by the king of Kanem. If Mabna was possibly referring to Mabina or Mabani, this area would have been close to Gujeba and lands possibly settled by Kona or Kwana in the 13th and 14th centuries.

After this shadowy early period, we draw mainly from the Kano Chronicle, dates from Lange's chronology using the Diwan and other sources on Kanem-Borno, and a range of dates or regnal lengths for Katsina, Zaria, and Kano. For the 15th century, one may be on firmer ground for the history of Katsina and Kwararafa conflict by using Yusufu Bala Usman's chronology. By doing so, placing Korau's reign in the middle of the 1400s, one brings the event closer in time to the tradition of Kwona or Kwararafa war with Borno in the time of Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497). This would mean Kwararafa was engaged in war against at least one Hausa state and Borno in the 1400s. Evidence of its past domination of Zaria can be inferred for earlier in the 1400s if one accepts that Amina of Zaria reigned in the first half of the 15th century. Since her father was remembered for liberating Zaria from Kwararafa, one may be justified in suggesting an earlier period of Kwararafa suzerainty of Zaria in the early 1400s. However, the Kano Chronicle indicates a Kano victory against Zaria during the reign of Kanajeji (c. 1390-1410). Meanwhile, during his reign, he also received "tribute" from Kwararafa and a trade in horses for slaves ensued. If Zaria traditions are reliable for a period of Kwararafa rule that was ended by Amina's father, Bakwa, then one wonders if Kwararafa used horses imported from Kano to conquer parts of Zaria after c. 1410. Subsequently, Bakwa Turunku later defeated Kwararafa and his daughter allegedly conquered Kwararafa. Yet this may have been a brief period of Zaria domination of Kwararafa if Amina died at Tagara (was this in a war or raid?). 

For the remainder of the 1400s, nearly everyone apparently draws from Palmer. The enigmatic reference to a war between Borno and Kwararafa in which the latter was crushed has not surfaced in other sources. But it suggests that, at first, normal diplomatic relations existed between Kwararafa and Borno (the former had sent messengers with a gift for the mai. Upon their return, they reported on the city's walls and Kwararafa's ruler (the Kwana sultan) attacked. They were later defeated and in the process of victory, Ali b. Dunama allegedly took 17,000 captives. If one uses Lange's chronology, this would have taken place sometime between c. 1465-1497. It may have led to the shift in Kwararafa's capital further south to the Benue, too. 

For the 16th century, we have fewer dates. Idris b. Ali, the son of Ali b. Dunama, is said to have died at Walama in c. 1519. This region, the Bima hill, woul have been in an area associated with Kwararafa. There is also an enigmatic tradition from Pindiga recorded in colonial-era sources. According to their Pindiga informants, this state once attacked Kano for refusing to send tribute in the days of Rumpa (Rumfa?). We have never seen evidence of any war between Kano and Pindiga or Kwararafa in the days of Muhammad Rumfa, so Pindiga tradition may be a reference to the raid which took place in the time of Muhammad Zaki (c. 1582-1618). Lastly, over the course of the 16th century and into the early 17th, Kwararafa raiders on horseback may have been one of the reasons for Idoma migration (c. 1525-1625). 

Undoubtedly, the most detailed period for Kwararafa's relations with its northern neighbors can be found in the 17th and beginning of the 18th centuries. This period also, according to Adamu, witnessed migrations from the Hausa states to southern lands, perhaps triggered by climate change. With the Kano Chronicle, a poem by Dan Marina, and some of the reports or letters by Europeans based in Tripoli or Egypt, one can generate a fuller picture of Kwararafa aggression in the 1600s. Oral traditions from Katsina also remember this period, even mentioning an attack against Katsina during the reign of Muhammad Wari. The evidentiary basis for some of these raids or wars with Kwararafa are sometimes based on oral tradition or texts by Europeans who never saw Kwararafa and relied on rumor, hearsay, and conversations with sometimes biased persons (think of Fr. Carlo and the two Bornoan princes he interviewed in Cairo about Kwararafa in the early 1700s). 

Nevertheless, they do paint a larger picture of prolonged and active Kwararafa campaigns against Borno, Kano, and sometimes Katsina in the 17th century. The motives for such behavior may have been related to attempts to shift markets toward Kwararafa or its constituent partners, attempts to capitalize on the control of captives for local development and trade, or, if one trusts a European, based on religion. To what extent the last point is relevant cannot be ascertained, but Kwararafa appears to have been the strongest pagan state or polity faced by Borno in the 17th century. By engaging in attacks on Katsina, Kano as well as Borno, Kwararafa likely was motivated by each of the aforementioned factors. If the exploitation of salines on the Benue was already a factor, Kwararafa's rulers may have sought to shift markets in the Hausa states their salt exports. 

Furthermore, wars and raids on the Hausa states and Borno could bring in large numbers of captives, some of whom may have possessed skills in weaving or other technologies. Indeed, the Abakwariga or Hausa appear to have possessed an outsized influence in Kwararafa textile production whilst also working as blacksmiths, malams (to provide magical services), and possibly as experienced traders. In addition, captives could have been exported to other markets, with perhaps some exported further south toward the coast to participate in the trans-Atlantic trade. Lastly, religion may have been a factor with the Kwararafa ruler described as a "high priest" in one source from the early 1700s. If there was already a cult in place for Kenjo or Kinjo as a deified king and associated with war, perhaps Kwararafa's military exploits were sanctioned by their religious cults. Said cults may have been sufficient enough for a time to ensure the loyalty of Kwararafa's vassals, particularly if rich booty was acquired from Borno and Hausaland. 

Needless to say, what follows is by necessity tentative. Further research in the history of Kwararafa must incorporate work by archaeologists as well as specialists in Hausaland and Borno who can contextualize Kwararafa's history within the larger regional context. Naturally, specialists in central and southern Nigeria must be considered as well as researchers willing to consider different approaches to the Kano Chronicle and other chronicles from the north. 

-c. 1210-1248: Oral Traditions of soldiers sent to fight the Kwana pagans during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi but they wre too frightened after seeing the Kwana eat human flesh and dogs.[1]

-1252/3: Mabna, possibly Mabina or Mabani, was attacked by king of Kanem in 1252/3[2] and tradition has it that the Kona lived in the nearby Gujba area before the Ngalaga.[3]

-c. 1349-1385 Yaji of Kano (r. 1349-1385) besieged Kwararafa at Tagara for 7 months and received 100 slaves to end conflict (yet he died in Kwararafa).[4]

-c. 1390-1410: Kanajeji of Kano (r. 1390-1410) asked Kwararafa to pay tribute after they stopped sending it, and received 200 slaves. Then Kano began to trade horses to Kwararafa for slaves. Also, Kanajeji went to war on Zaria and returned to the Tchibiri cult to achieve victory.[5]

-Early 1400s: Zaria's Bakwa Turunku (father of Amina of Zaria) said to have freed Zaria from Kwararafa yoke (early 1400s likely.)[6]

-c. 1421-1438: Kwararafa said to have been conquered by Amina of Zaria, perhaps somewhere in c. 1421-1438.[7] Abba Jiddum Gana's dates Amina's conquest of Kwararafa to c. 1425.[8] Also worth nothing that Muhammad Bello recorded that she died at a place called Atagara.[9] 

-1450-1650: Earliest layer of occupation at Old Kororofa radiocarbon dated to 1450-1650.[10]

-mid 1400s: Korau of Katsina (dated to mid-1400s by Yusufu Bala Usman)[11] said to have gone to war with Kwararafa.[12]

-c. 1465-1497: Ali Gaji (Ali b. Dunama, r. 1465-1497) allegedly defeated Kwararafa (Kwana) and took 17,000 captives.[13]

-c. 1519: Death of Idris b. Ali of Borno at Walama.[14]

-c. 1535-1625: Idoma traditions of leaving their homeland due to raids by forces with cavalry.[15]

-1582-1618: Kwararafa attack on Kano during Reign of Muhammad Zaki (r. 1582-1618).[16]

-1600s-1700s: Talakawa migration from Hausa states to Kasashen Bauchi.[17]

-c. 1625-1637 (or c. 1631-1641): Kwararafa attack Katsina during the reign of Muhammadu Waari, but was defeated.[18]

-1652-1660: Kwararafa under Adashu attacked Kano during reign of Mohamma Kukuna.[19]

-After 1656: Girard wrote of Borno having intense wars with Agadez and "Ethiopia" (likely Kwararafa) after returning from the pilgrimage.[20] Evidence from Dan Marina's poem in honor of Ali b. Umar confirms war with Kwararafa during Ali b. Umar's reign.[21] Intriguingly, Dan Marina's poem seems to reflect a period of Kwararafa aggression against states besides Borno in the "Sudan." Jukun tradition also remembers a king named Adi Matswen going to war with Borno but the Gazeteer of Muri Province named the Kwararafa ruler who attacked Gazargamo as Katakpa.[22]

-1669: Girard, reported captives from the land of Prester John and their war with Borno.[23]

-1670-1703: Kwararafa attacked and occupied Kano city during reign of Dadi (r. 1670-1703).[24] Some sources assert this attack happened in 1671, but it is not clear where that date comes from. According to Alhaji Abubakar Dokaji, Kwarararafa forces killed Wali Mai Kargo.[25] Also worth mentioning that the "Song of Bagauda" attributes this invasion to the reign of Sharifa, Dadi's son.[26]

-1671-1684: Kwararafa attack on Katsina during the reign of Muhammad Jan Hazo, and stopped by the prayers of Dan Masani.[27]

-c. 1675-1700: Oral traditions suggest Malam Dikko and Malam Sambo were leaders of Abakwariga in Kwararafa during late 1600s.[28]

-1686: Claude Lemaire, French consul in Tripoli, reported many "Christian" subjects of Borno.[29]

-1698: Consul Delalande reported that there were black "Christians" from Kwararafa.[30]

-1703: Report of "village of Christians" not far from Borno capital.[31]

-1705: Fr. Damiano reported Kwararafa said to have fought Borno.[32]

-1706: Lemaire corrected himself: Gourourfa kingdom nominally Christian but said to wage war on Borno and often on religious grounds.[33]

-1707: Fr. Carlo's wrote from discussions with 2 Borno princes that the "Canorfa" people venerated the cross, put it on their houses and their king acted as a high priest.[34] Lemaire's 1707 letter reported Kwararafa had reduced Borno to demanding peace[35] but Kwararafa had an ambassador in Borno.[36]

-1727: Kwararafa appears on D'Anville's map of Africa. 

---

[1] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 69.

[2] Nehemia Leftzion and J.F.P. Hopkins, (eds.), The Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 354. In this case, al-Maqrizi may have meant a region closer to Lake Chad.

[3] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 81. Also see J.M. Fremantle (ed.), Gazetteer of Muri Province, 169 for another reference to Gujba tradition associating the area with the Kwona Jukun (and Walama as one of their earliest centers).

[4] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 72. A praise song for Yaji described him as “Yaji, conqueror of the rocky heights, scatter of hosts, lord of the town.” A close examination of this part of the chronicle clearly distinguishes Kwararafa from Santolo, a pagan power closer to Kano and seen as the “key of the south.”

[5] Ibid., 73-74. According to the chronicle, Kanajeji sat down on Turunku, an early Zaria capital. He then defeated their king.

[6] See E.J. Arnett, “A Hausa Chronicle,” Journal of the Royal African Society 9, no. 34 (1910): 162. Needless to say, we disagree with the regnal dates used by Arnett which have Bakwa’s reign began in 1492 and ended in 1522.

[7] See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 75. Kano’s ruler in this period went to war against Zaria, but the outcome is not shared in the chronicle. For our own argument in favor of the first half of the 1400s for the activities of Amina of Zaria, see Behique Dunama, “Revisiting Amina of Zaria.”

[8] Abba Jiddum Gana, Our History and Origin, 21. This c. 1425 dating is plausible.

[9] Salahudeen Yusuf, A History of Islam, Scholarship and Revivalism in Western Sudan, Being an Annotated Translation with Introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio, 80. Yusuf favored a location near Idah in modern Kogi State, Nigeria for Attagara, but the name brings to mind the Tagara hill besieged by Yaji in the second half of the 14^th century. Muhammad Bello in the text thought Attagara was an expansive land and relatively close to the anchorage of the Christian ships that traded with the West African coast. In his map given to Clapperton, Bello placed Attagara closer to the Yoruba regions (and the land where parrots can talk). 

[10] Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa Factor in the History of Kano” in Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 172.

[11] See Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 1400-1883: The Emergence and Overthrow of the Sarauta System and the Establishment of the Emirate, 12. We have seen different dates for the chronology of the rulers of Katsina in Palmer, Dankoussou, Hamani and Usman.

[12] See Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa Factor in the History of Kano,” 173. Abubakar used the c. 1250 date derived from Palmer, which we disagree with.

[13] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 223. The Kwona leader was captured by Ali b. Dunama. If one accepts Usman’s tentative dating of Korau to the mid-15^th century and the tradition of war with Kwararafa, one can perceive a larger scale of Kwararafa aggression in the second half of century as they attacked Borno.

[14] Dierk Lange, Le diwan des sultans du (Kanem)- Bornu: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain ( de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808, 79. Lange named the place Walam. If it was the Walama in a a region once associated with the Kona, one wonders if this place of death was connected to trouble on that frontier.

[15] See E.O. Erim, The Idoma Nationality, 1600-1900: Problems of Studying the Origin and Development of Ethnicity, 23.

[16] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 82.

[17] Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor in West African History, 27. Perhaps related to climate and ecological changes, as well as other factors, large numbers of people may have migrated to the lands south of the Hausa states during these two centuries.

[18] See Issaka Dankoussou, Katsina: traditions historiques des Katsinaawaa après la Jihad, 32. For Usman’s dating of this ruler, see Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 1400-1883, 63.

[19] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 87.

[20] Girard, Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie in Rémi Dewière, “L'esclave, le savant et le sultan: représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles),” 618. According to this text, “En 1656, Hali fit un troisième pèlerinage à La Mecque, d'où dont il retourna heureusement ; aux années suivantes, il eut d'intenses guerres avec l'empereur d'Éthiopie et avec les Roy d'Agadès don’t le succès différans.”

[21] For Dan Marina’s ode to Ali b. Umar, see H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 247. The implication of the poem is that Kwararafa’s military ventures were not directed solely at Borno as the ruler of Kwararafa “worked iniquity” in the Sudan” (land of the Blacks).

[22] See page 35 of this gazeteer. The editor interpolates material ultimately derived from Heinrich Barth with reported traditions of a simultaneous attack on Birni Gazargamo by the Tuareg and Kwararafa. If this actually occurred, then the c. 1667 date from Girard may be a good year to place the attack. But it is ultimately unknown from where Barth derived this information and to what extent the Gazeteer of Muri Province merely fused Barth’s claim with local traditions to create a coherent narrative.

[23] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 390. This is an essential article for this topic since the author cited a number of French consular letters and missionary correspondence referring to Kwararafa.

[24] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 88.

[25] Alhaji Abubakar Dokaji, Kano ta dabo cigari.

[26] Mervyn Hiskett, “’The Song of Bagauda’: A Hausa King List and Homily in Verse—II,” 118. Oral tradition as the “The Song of Bagauda” is based on appears to have mistakenly placed a war with Kwararafa to the period of Sharifa, whose reign was dated 1703-1731 by Palmer. This date appears less likely as Kwararafa appears to have shifted its capital to Wukari by the early 1700s and was beginning more peaceful relations with Borno.

[27] Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 27, 50. These regnal years are drawn from Usman’s work. An attack on Gozaki by Kwarafa placed in the second half of the 1600s is also mentioned. For the story of Dan Masani’s prayers miraculously leading to the death of the Kwararafa king during their invasion of Katsina, see A.H.M. Kirk-Greene and S.J. Hogben, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 165. They argue this took place around the time of the c. 1671 attack on Kano by Kwararafa, and they were able to breach the walls of Katsina.

[28] Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor in West African History, 39-40. According to tradition, Dikko, who was from Katsina, had a “hot season hosue” in Wukari. If so, then Wukari was established as a Kwararafa center by the late 1600s. Indeed, Wukari may have been established as a zango for Puje. Malam Sambo, the other Ambawarki leader remembered in tradition from this period, was said to have come from Kano and been tied to the Kutumbawa.

[29] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 385. At this early date, Claude Lemaire mistakenly assumed that these so-called Christians lived in Borno itself, not Kwararafa.

[30] Ibid., 385.

[31] Ibid., 384.

[32] Ibid., 384.

[33] Ibid., 385. Supposedly, Kwararafa contained 100,000 Christians (nominally) and Gouroufa slaves made the sign of the cross in Tripoli.

[34] Ibid., 386. One can imagine this exciting European missionaries eager to reach Kwararafa.

[35] Jean-Claude Zeltner, Tripoli, carrefour de l’Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795, 223. Zeltner quoted the French consul in Tripoli describing Kwararafa’s ruler (Gourourfa) as the most powerful black king due to his victories against Borno (written in 1707). If true, then Kwararafa may have achieved some victories against Borno during the reign of Idris b. Ali (c. 1677-1696) and Dunama b. Ali (c. 1696-1715). Great caution is necessary given the delay in information reaching Europeans in North Africa about Kwararafa and their evident confusion about its location and religion.

[36] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 385.

Muhammad Kisoki and Borno

            The altercation between Borno and Kano during the reign of the latter’s Muhammad Kisoki is an intriguing example of conflict between the two states. Although there are some chronological ambiguities that require attention, Yusufu Bala Usman has connected Kisoki’s raid on Nguru with the Kano campaign of Borno during the time of Idris Alooma. According to Ahmad b. Furtu, a highly biased but contemporary source, Kano had “betrayed” Borno through fortifying towns or sites on their border with Borno and launching attacks. In response, Borno raised an army which destroyed the fortifications or walls and then failed to take Kano itself.[1] Importantly, the opposing side’s perspective can be glimpsed through the Kano Chronicle. Thus, one does not have to rely solely or mainly on Ahmad b. Furtu’s panegyrical text for his patron, unlike the case of most of the other peoples Borno went to war against during the lengthy reign of Idris Alooma. Therefore, this brief article shall examine Borno-Kano relations during the reign of Muhammad Kisoki, focusing on the raids launched from Kano against Borno and the response. This post argues that Muhammad Kisoki’s eastern raids likely correspond to the campaigns described by Ahmad b. Furtu and were autonomous Kano initiatives rather than part of a Kebbi-led regional conflict.

By examining this episode more closely, however, one sees yet again the influence of Maidaki Hauwa (and her brother, Guli) in a confrontation with Borno. Maidaki Hauwa had previously been involved with suppressing a revolt by the Dagachi in Kano, someone descended from the Sayfawa line and very influential. After preventing his rebellion, her son, Abdullahi, returned from a campaign and then faced an invasion from Borno. Undoubtedly linked to the Dagachi’s actions, Kano’s king, accompanied by mallams, had to submit to the mai. Then, once the mai returned to Borno, Abdullahi tricked or deceived the Dagachi and gave his office to a slave.[2] Although taking place several years before the Borno-Kano conflict during Idris Alooma’s reign (1564-1596, according to Lange’s chronology), it is very likely that Kisoki’s influential grandmother and her brother, whose influence at court was extremely powerful, shaped Kano state policy with regard to the frontier with Borno. By taking another look at this critical juncture, one can see just how realpolitik shaped relations between a regional power like Borno and the smaller Hausa states which, depending on one’s view, paid tribute or sent regular “gifts” to the mai.

But can we confidently date Muhammad Kisoki’s attacks on Borno with the reign of Idris Alooma? The two only overlapped, using Lange’s chronology and the dates in the Kano Chronicle, c. 1564-1565. Dierk Lange has suggested that the conflict with Kano occurred early in Idris b. Ali’s reign, perhaps in c. 1564, but other sources suggest the mai went on a pilgrimage to Mecca at this time.[3] Since our dates for Kisoki and Idris Alooma are approximations and other king lists of Kano give Kisoki’s predecessor a slightly longer list, one could possibly make the case for a longer period of overlapping reigns.[4] The other problem with Kisoki’s Borno conflict occurring during the reign of Idris Alooma is the praise song mentioning his grandmother, Hauwa. She could have been alive in the 1560s as a very aged woman, but some may prefer to date this period of conflict to an earlier decade in Kisoki’s lengthy reign.

The other issue with establishing a clearer chronology is the, quite frankly, mess made by previous generations of scholars interested in this part of the world. For instance, M.G. Smith, without a single source to back his speculative reasoning, suggested that Kisoki’s raiding of Borno territory may have been done in conjunction with the Kanta of Kebbi. Without any firm evidence and relying upon later sources and traditions of the power and stature of the Kanta in this part of West Africa, Smith has argued that Kisoki may have been the Kanta’s representative in central Hausaland. Consequently, Kisoki’s raid may be associated with Kebbi’s larger conflict with Borno. Building this possible theory on flimsy foundations, Smith then tentatively dates Kisoki’s attack on Nguru to 1544.[5]

Although Smith is merely suggesting possible regional scenarios to contextualize the wars and raiding between the major states in the Central Sudan, this is hardly supported by the source materials. While Muhammad Bello in the 1800s wrote of Kebbi conquering other Hausa states like Kano in the 1500s, it is very difficult to detect any of this in the Kano Chronicle or the Bornoan records. The Chronicle actually portrays Kisoki as the ruler of all of Hausaland. Indeed, according to this same source, “He waged war on Birnin Unguru because of Agaidam.”[6] This last word brings to mind Geidam in modern Nigeria, to the east of Nguru. This area may have been a source of contention as Borno was facing an extended famine during Abd Allah b. Dunama’s reign (c. 1557-1564).[7] This could have been influenced by the wars between Borno and Kebbi, as well as the distractions Borno faced from the Bulala to the east in Kanem and local revolts by the Sao in Borno and other groups. Seeing an advantageous position to strike, Kisoki (or perhaps his grandmother’s brother, who was extremely influential in the royal court) may have envisioned Kano extending further east. Certainly, booty in horses and textiles were desirable since Kisoki ordered no captives taken from Nguru.

Furthermore, utilizing all the various sources on the Kanta of Kebbi and his negative relations with Borno suggests a large-scale confrontation in which Borno attempted to besiege Surame took place in c. 1561. Traditions referring to this do not reference Kano at all. In fact, it was on Katsina territory the Bornoan forces engaged in combat with the Kanta.[8] This is highly suggestive of Kano’s actions against Borno likely being autonomous responses of the state to Borno and perceived weaknesses on its western borderlands with Kano.

For these aforementioned reasons, one is inclined to agree with Yusufu Bala Usman. Usman, in a largely insightful article on the history of relations between Borno and the Hausa states, correctly identified Kisoki’s raids with the ones described by Ahmad b. Furtu. Moreover, as Furtu writes, these raids were a “betrayal” by the people of Kano. As for the Kano Chronicle, Kano attacked Nguru because “it is the will of God.”[9] Usman’s reasoning here is not entirely clear, but the raids from Kano and the reference to the building of walls or fortifications around various towns in the Kano kingdom  are consistent with the actions of Kisoki. After all, by improving defenses on his eastern frontier, forces from Kano could more safely engage in raids or attacks on western Borno or its vassal provinces, then retreat to secure sites if pursued or followed. Over time, this could have led to a gradual increase in Kano’s influence and possible territorial gains to the east. One suspects the “will of God” as a justification of war was designed to show Kisoki as waging just war against various subject peoples of Borno who were not necessarily Muslims.

Agreeing with Usman also allows one to gain some insight into how both sides viewed their actions. One already knows the Borno perspective, even if Ahmad b. Furtu was not an eyewitness to the Kano campaign. He nonetheless wrote an explanation for the campaign based on Kano and its fortified towns like Kirza, Kalmasan, Majiya, Ukluya, Dulu, Awazaki, Ajiyajiya, Sa’iyya, Galaki and Kay. To Furtu, they not only fortified many settlements, but “resorted to abominable cunning and vile deeds.”[10] The conflict ended with the “many” expeditions launched against Kano, including Majagani. These expeditions led to the destruction of fortifications while the residents fled. Unfortunately, most of these expeditions are not described in detail and after the destruction of Majiya’s fortifications, the Bornoan forces were allegedly able to dismantle the walls and fortresses placed around other towns with little or no resistance. It is very unlikely that the ruler of Kano would have sat idly by, even if the musketry of Borno proved very effective against Majiya’s defenders. Overall, Furtu’s account seems to suggest Kano began this process of fortifying towns and launching raids before the reign of Idris Alooma, especially since the labor and resources necessary to build walls around several towns or cities could hardly have been accomplished in a short amount of time.

The Kano Chronicle, likely written in the late 1800s, lacks this level of detail but understandably highlights the moment of Kisoki’s victory as Borno failed to take Kano city. As previously mentioned, Muhammad Kisoki ordered the raiding of Nguru, a town which was the capital of the powerful galadimas of Borno by the 1600s. Murray Last has read the account of this as symbolic warfare, playing with the idea of the Kanuri word for the Hausa, afuno, and arse-clothes or nudity. After all, Kisoki did not take captives but focused on horses and clothes.[11] However, this symbolic meaning may not be relevant if Kisoki was endeavoring to present himself as a legitimate Muslim ruler not willing to take Muslim captives. Indeed, even Ahmad b. Furtu portrayed his patron similarly. Next, the Chronicle explains how the ruler of Borno then sought to attack Birnin Kano the following year, but failed to take the town. This led to an extended praise song which even included Maidaki Hauwa as the “old lady with swaggering gait, old lady of royal blood, guarded by men-at-arms.”[12] By praising Kisoki as the “physic of Bornu and the Chiratawa,” one can also surmise that Kano’s war with Borno involved Shira. Despite this victory of sorts, or at least the failure of the attempted assault on Kano, Kisoki invited prominent shaykhs from Borno anyway.[13] One may surmise here that Borno was still perceived as a source of reputable Islamic scholars and religious figures, Kano’s rulers were entrenching their own state legitimacy through war and Islam.

Ultimately, both sides could claim some degree of victory. Kano was able to withstand a military attack on its capital from its powerful neighbor. Borno, on the other hand, secured its western frontier by destroying fortifications and weakening Kano’s ability to launch deeper raids into Borno. Doing so inevitably aided the economy through the increased security for traders and travelers. It likewise made it easier for Borno to focus on internal rebellious groups and the Bulala to the east for a number of Kanem expeditions. Kano, meanwhile, was able to protect its capital and, unlike Abdullahi, Kisoki did not have humble himself before the mai. This expresses a growth in the political stature of the sarki who could meet the Sayfawa as a peer. Lastly, an attempt at revisiting the various sources on this encounter does support Kisoki’s raiding activities to the east as likely to be the same as those mentioned by Ahmad b. Furtu. Furtu’s account is too brief and not backed by eyewitness testimony. But based on the scale of operations and the necessary shovels, hoes, and implements to destroy town walls at various sites and then to attack Kano’s capital, the Kano expeditions must have been large and time-consuming.

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[1] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564–1576 according to the account of Ahmad b. Furtū. Arabic text, English translation, commentary and geographical gazetteer for a detailed translation of Ahmad b. Furtu’s text.

[2] For an attempt at making sense of the Dagachi and his descendants in Kano and their impact on Kano-Borno relations, see Behique Dunama, “The Dagachi of Kano: Elite Exiles, Political Centralization, and Kano-Borno Relations,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/03/the-dagachi-of-kano-elite-exiles.html.

[3] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 69.

[4] See Paul E. Lovejoy and John Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” Sudanic Africa 4 (1993) for different regnal years for Kano’s rulers. One manuscript assigns Abdullahi, Kisoki’s father, a reign of 12 years instead of the 10 in the Kano Chronicle.

[5] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350-1950, 140-141.

[6] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 79.

[7] See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 80.

[8] For a discussion of the various sources on Kebbi and Borno in the 1500s, see Behique Dunama, “The Kanta of Kebbi and Borno.” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/the-kanta-of-kebbi-and-borno.html.

[9] Yusuf Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland Before 1804” in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (editors), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 183-184.

[10] Dierk Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 66-67.

[11] Murray Last, “From Sultanate to Caliphate: Kano, 1450–1800 A.D.”  in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in Kano History, 72.

[12] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 79.

[13] This may have predated the Kano campaign of Borno.