One of the mysteries of ulama-state relations is the tragedy of the first Kalumbardo settlement in Borno. The traditions and written sources on this shadowy event are unclear and, sometimes, contradictory. Nonetheless, it is clear that the Sayfawa ruler of Borno, Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639) ordered the execution of a prominent shaykh affiliated with the Kalumbardo settlement. In addition, another cleric associated with the settlement was forced into exile or pressured to flee to Bagirmi. Many unanswered questions persist about the nature of this conflict, the background of the central personages, and the connection between this first Kalumbardo community and the second one led by a Koyam shaykh. This post will explore the dimensions of the first Kalumbardo community's conflict with mai Umar b. Idris and possible relevant factors for its dissolution.
First, the major source. Muhammad Bello, whose Infaq al-maysur was written in the early 1800s, praised the shaykhs associated with the first Kalumbardo settlement as scholars promoting Sufism. However, his language is rather uncertain about many of the details, implying that he relied on tradition for most of his narrative. In addition, he may have inserted a falsified speech by one of the victims of Umar b. Idris, Shaykh Waldede. In this speech, Waldede hints at the fall of Borno when a renewer of the faith appears, perhaps represented by Uthman dan Fodio (Bello 71). As a result of this problematic speech inserted into the narrative and the fact that Bello was writing a work that sought to justify the jihad and the Sokoto Caliphate, it is possible some elements of the narrative are embellished or exaggerated to heighten the unjust, corrupt, and immoral nature of Sayfawa rule. These issues aside, other sources and traditions recall Shaykh Waldede's conflict with the ruler of Borno. Moreover, the Sufi leader executed by the state, Shaykh al-Wali b. al-Jarmi, appears in other traditions. Bello identifies the latter as a Tuareg (71). In addition, Waldede was said to have studied in Agadez and Timbuktu (71). If true, then the identification of al-Jarmi as a Tuareg could also be valid. Bello's retelling of events could support the narrative of Waldede studying in the west and then returning to Borno with a Tuareg Sufi, collaborating in the leadership of a zawiya which threatened the state. This threat to the state presumably led to divisions among the ulama in the Sayfawa court.
But, some elements of Bello's account are problematic. According to him, Waldede died a little after 1000 A.H. (71). If this is true, then Waldede died before the reign of Umar b. Idris. As previously mentioned, Bello was also writing a larger work that sought to justify the Sokoto Caliphate. In other words, the oppressive, unethical, or non-Islamic traits of previous governments in the region were emphasized, even in the case of Borno where Islam was deeply rooted. Additional problems with this narrative can be seen in oral traditions which identify the Borno king who exiled Waldede as Ibrahim (Lavers 223). Hammidu Bobboyi, relying on oral traditions, identifies al-Jarmi as a Borno native of Arab origin. In fact, there was a Shaykh Jirmi (spelling of Bobboyi), son of Goni Salih. This Shaykh also had two sons, Hassan and Musa Dangul (Bobboyi 17). On the other hand, H.T. Norris, whose Sufi Mystics of the Niger Desert sees the influence of the Mahmudiyya of Air in Kalumbardo, argued in favor of a Tuareg origin for al-Jarmi. According to him, al-Jarmiyu's name indicated Tuareg origin. Furthermore, in Borno folklore, Waldede was said to have escaped the horsemen of Umar b. Idris on a flying blanket (36). This contradicts Bello, whose narrative suggests that Umar b. Idris let Waldede go after executing al-Jarmi. Last but certainly not least, Bello attributes Umar b. Idris's brutal crackdown to secular reasons. Oral traditions in Borno, suggest theological differences related to tawhid (100). Muhammad Nur Alkali cites divisiveness caused by the Sufism of al-Jarmi and Waldede (Nur Alkali 256).
So, how can one reconcile these traditions? The fact that apparently disparate traditions from Borno, the Sokoto Caliphate, Bagirmi, and Wadai seem to refer to the conflict between a ruler of Borno and the leadership of the first Kalumbardo attest to its historicity. Sources from Wadai, for instance, recall that the founder of the sultanate, Abd al-Karim, studied at Bidderi (Barth 528-529). His teacher, identified by Barth as Muhammad and as Mahammat el-Djirmi in a text published by Tubiana are probably the same al-Jirmi of the first Kalumbardo (Tubiana 58). Borno tradition recalls both Waldede and al-Jirmi, with one variant recorded by Palmer identifying the mai who sent a kaigama against "Umar dan Didi" as Dunama Dibalemi (Lavers 223). The connection to Bidderi for the founder of the Wadai Sultanate is still plausible, as the Waldede family were likely linked to its Fulani residents. Consequently, it is feasible that al-Jarmi (or a member of the family) taught at Bidderi before returning to Borno. Such a link connects the first Kalumbardo to both Bidderi in Bagirmi and with the origins of the first sultan of Wadai to the east.
To better comprehend the possible roots of the conflict, one must retrace their steps and ponder the recent past and larger context of Kalumbardo. Beginning with Bagirmi, Nachtigal's history of the reign of Abdallah (c.1568-1608) suggests growing royal patronage of Islam. Indeed, 4 mu'allim of Fulani origin, who are named Dede, Shille, Aji Amede, and Majangala, are said to have helped design the ground plan for his palace. They were also sent to different villages around the kingdom to teach and spread Islam. Nachtigal also tells us this ruler appointed a qadi, an imam, established mosques, invited foreign clerics, and therefore thoroughly promoted Islam (Nachtigal 403). If the chronology for Abdallah's reign is accurate, this suggests that Bidderi in the late 16th century and early 17th century likely benefited from state patronage. Indeed, the Fulani were established in the area north of Ba Batshikam by the 1400s, when they paid tribute to the Bulala rulers of Kanem (398). When the state of Bagirmi was founded in the early 1500s, the Fulani were remembered as allies of the newcomers who established the state (400). This suggests that Bidderi and similar settlements of Fulani Muslims may have welcomed students from other communities whilst also participating in broader regional centers of learning in Borno or beyond. Therefore, traditions of Wadai's founder studying in Bidderi before seizing power in the early 17th century are plausible. Moreover, if al-Jarmi was present in Bidderi or Bagirmi, it could be due to Waldede already having links there since the late 16th century.
If, however, one accepts the Agadez and Timbuktu travels of Waldede as plausible, then one must also look closely at the Air region's history. In this region, the Mahmudiyya Sufis were established in the 1500s. Their disciples also included a prominent Fulani, Ahmad b. faqih Awgar al-Fullani (Norris 42). It is difficult to imagine that a Fulani scholar with ties to other Islamic Fulani communities did not encounter followers of Sidi Mahmud al-Baghdadi. Other events in Agadez or Air during this period include a revolt led by Hadahada during the reign of Muhammad al-Tafrij. This revolt, which Hadahada led as a jihad against the sultanate, lacks a precise date. Nonetheless, this sultan's reign overlapped with that of Umar b. Idris (Hamani 230). In this environment, with a Sufist leader killed by a sultan in the 1500s and then a revolt against the Sultan challenging his legitimacy on Islamic grounds, one might imagine the intellectual climate Waldede (and al-Jarmi?) experienced or at least were influenced by.
From Borno's perspective, the early decades of the 17th century required active leadership and policy to maintain the sultanate's status as a regional power. Yet the Tuareg of Air remained a persistent thorn. Nur Alkali attributes to Ibrahim b. Idris several campaigns against them (Nur Alkali 255). Oral traditions point to the reign of Umar b. Idris for the establishment of a Mandara prince in Muniyo. This prince, Kazelma Saemi, was sent explicitly to aid the Gamagama in their fight against the Tuareg (Landeroin 404). Umar b. Idris even sponsored the creation of the galadima at Nguru to defend Borno's western frontier, appointing his son by a slave woman to the post. The first galadima already had to put down a Fulani revolt (Palmer Gazetteer 104). These measures taken by Umar b. Idris imply concern for the border was central to state interest, especially to the west. This suggests that the strategy of Idris Alooma to rely on the Koyam and other local populations to make constant raids against the Tuareg, as well as to secure the loyalty of some of them to Borno instead of Agadez, did not succeed. When one also considers the chances that Umar b. Idris was also an elderly man when he took the throne, and perhaps his brother Ibrahim b. Idris was assassinated, concern for state security and political stability must have been paramount (Palmer BSS 98). According to Nur Alkali, he was also known for not accepting any opposition (Nur Alkali 256). This may also explain why Umar b. Idris chose to have al-Tahir of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty drowned when the latter fled to Borno from the Fazzan in 1622/3 (El-Hesnawi 114). Umar, who may have viewed the nephews of al-Tahir as the legitimate rulers of the Fazzan, wanted to punish al-Tahir for usurping the throne from them. Otherwise, Umar b. Idris also viewed the matter as another entanglement that threatened the status quo among powers in the Central Sudan/Sahara.
Given what we know of Umar b. Idris's background, the first Kalumbardo community triggered his concern for protecting the state. Norris, whose study of the Mahmudiyya in Air was heavily based on the Qudwa, believes that the "Way" promoted by Waldede and al-Jarmi was influenced by Sidi Mahmud al-Baghdadi. Thus, Umar b. Idris acted in the way he did due to the proximity of the Kalumbardo leadership with Air (137). Norris's hypothesis is an attractive one, but lacks enough evidence of the actual practices of the Waldede and al-Jarmi to validate it. Their practices may have been similar to the Sufi practices of al-Baghdadi's followers, but without sources to describe what they actually did, it remains a hypothesis. However, the fact that the sultan of Agadez during Umar b. Idris's reign also had to put down Hadahada's revolt may have been another factor in the Sayfawa ruler's decisions. If Hadahada's revolt occurred before the Kalumbardo leaders were called to the court, perhaps Umar b. Idris acted harshly due to a fear that Waldede and al-Jarmi would lead a revolt like Hadahada? Ultimately, a clear link between the two region's Sufi centers at this time is ambiguous, but the traveler al-Yamani, who visited both the second Kalumbardo community and Air, visited Ahmad al-Targui al-Lamtouni in Air (Nashr al-Mathani 308).
If the Sufism promoted by Waldede and al-Jarmi was the trigger for Umar b. Idris's exiling the former and killing the latter, one must closely examine how the state and Islamic scholars and holy men interacted at this time. Since Sufism in Borno predated the first Kalumbardo settlement, and many rulers, including Umar b. Idris, had performed the pilgrimage to Mecca or spent time in Egypt, we find it difficult to believe the "oriental mysticism" exemplified by the Mahmudiyya would have been very novel or shocking. Besides, the Krump witnessing Muslims from Borno and the Fazzan engaging in what sounds like Sufist practices with music, dance and ritual prayer suggest Islamic mysticism likely had deeper roots in the region, possibly before the first Kalumbardo community.
Another perspective on the issue focuses on theology. In Bobboyi's view, the debate over theology rather than Sufism itself caused the conflict (Bobboyi 100). As a result, the garbled traditions recall al-Jirmi was killed on the grounds of a fatwa he issued. The tradition asserts the shaykh gave a fatwa accusing another of being an unbeliever. Then, on the same grounds, the Sayfawa court declared al-Jirmi an unbeliever and executed him (101). Further, it may have involved Quranic folios in his shoes to declare him a kafir (112). This may be why, in Muhammad Bello's version of the execution, the Shahada was miraculously written in his blood (Norris 133). This could be, through the use of a miracle, Muhammad Bello's allusion to the accusation of unbelief. Even if it wasn't the Sufist practices of the community that led to the fatal confrontation with Umar b. Idris, the latter's actions were not met with universal support. Nur Alkali, citing Sheriff Ibrahim, writes of some of al-Jarmiyu's disciples leaving Birni Gazargamo because of Umar b. Idris's actions (259). Thus, the mai did something that was, to some at least, controversial and immoral. It was certainly remembered as such in Bagirmi and Wadai.
After revisiting the sources on the Waldede-Jirmi affair, many questions remain unresolved. Why is it that the second Kalumbardo community, led by a charismatic shaykh who was accused by a qadi tied to the court of Ali b. Umar, allowed to continue his zawiya? Abu Bakr, the qadi, pressured Ali b. Umar into opposing the shaykh on the grounds he was a threat to the throne. Yet, unlike his father, who executed al-Jirmi, Ali b. Umar recognized his saintliness and supported the settlement. Like his father, he too had performed the pilgrimage and was certainly aware of various Sufi brotherhoods in the Muslim East. Was his acceptance of the mission predicated on coopting it through state support, brick workers for a mosque, and a close relationship with the state to neutralize any threat it might pose? Borno during his reign still had the challenge of Tuareg raids, and the second Kalumbardo community's leader was even killed by Tuareg raiders. If the Kalumbardo community's practices were so similar to those of Sufis in Air, why was the mai not worried about them? Or, was the mai eager to support the Kalumbardo shaykh for the spiritual and Islamic legitimacy it endowed his regime with? Ali b. Umar was known for his support of Islamic learning, his piety, and the projection of Borno as an Islamic state. Affirming it through a vibrant Sufi community on Borno's frontier may have served to support this image of the state.
In summation, our knowledge of the first Kalumbardo settlement and the reign of Umar b. Idris raises more questions than answers. This mai seems to have been especially concerned with protecting his power and Borno's borders. While the leaders of this community were likely linked to the spread of Islam in Bagirmi and Wadai, the ruler of Borno saw that it was paramount to maintain his power and protect the state from any rebellion, assassination, or division. When some of the ulama of his court were drawn to the first Kalumbardo's Sufist practices, Umar b. Idris responded in a way that immediately minimized the threat. That the community was reborn under Koyam leadership during the reign of his son also raises questions. Possibly by the reign of Ali b. Umar, we see here a more concerted effort to accumulate baraka and Islamic legitimacy through state sponsorship and cooptation of renowned shaykhs.
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