Wangara Chronicle

Although unfortunately too brief, a 17th century chronicle on the origins of Wangara Islamic scholars in 15th century Kano is a priceless document. Translated into English by Muhammad Al-Hajj, "A Seventeenth Century Chronicle On the Origins and Missionary Activities of the Wangarawa" corroborates some of the information in the famous Kano Chronicle. Based on the quality of paper and writing style of the manuscript, Al-Hajj believes the document was probably written down in the 1700s or perhaps earlier, in 1650/51 according to the colophon. That said, it contains information on Shaikh Zagaite and Wangara traders influencing Muhammad Rumfa from a period of perhaps 150 years earlier than that of its author. Thus, the chronicle likely relies on a mix of oral traditions and some documents to trace the genealogy of descendants of Zagaite. Its earlier section on the migration of Zagaite from Wangara (near Maqzara, or what was sometimes called Takrur) through Mali, Gobir, Azben, Katsina and Kano seems to draw from oral traditions that sought to explain the presence of Wangara in various parts of West Africa. This illustrates the wider diasporic network of Wangara traders and Muslim teachers who undoubtedly played a critical role in the Islamization of Kano, Katsina and other parts of West Africa. This network must have brought Islamic influences into parts of the Hausaland just as Islamic influences from the east, via Borno, and Islamic influences from the north likely converged to a greater extent in the 14th and 15th centuries.

Besides providing a short explanation of Shaikh Zagaite's gradual migration to Kano, the chronicle also connects him to al-Maghili (Sidi Fari), a famous North African scholar who had influenced Askia Muhammad of Songhay and Muhammad Rumfa of Kano. According to this chronicle, both Zagaithe and al-Maghili were respected scholars who contributed to the spread of Islam. Indeed, a miraculous account reported here claims that Shaikh Zagaite's intercession was necessary for the Muslims to successfully cut down a sacred tree of the pagans. After Zagaite's intercession through prayer, a mosque was built on the grounds of the tree, another symbol of Islam's victory over pre-Islamic traditions in Kano. In addition, Zagaite was said to have surpassed an Egyptian visitor in terms of scholarship, suggesting that the critical study of al-Khalil in Kano began with Zagaite. According to Al-Hajj, however, the chronicler was actually incorrect so the anecdote was likely inserted or distorted to suggest a greater intellectual stature for Zagaite than an Egyptian. Regardless of this possibly distorted or fabricated anecdote, the chronicle places Zagaite on a similar level as al-Maghili in terms of influence and respect from Muhammad Rumfa. This suggests that Wangara Muslim scholars were perceived as similarly knowledgeable and reputable as North Africans in late 15th century Kano. 

Indeed, according to this chronicle, Zagaite and his sons were rewarded by Muhammad Rumfa with fiefs or lands. Zagaite actually wanted his progeny to carry on the tradition of learning and close relations with the rulers of Kano, too. Thus, the genealogical information recorded in the chronicle may have been motivated by a desire to combat discord and divisions among the descendants of Zagaite. Perhaps, over a 150 years or more, the extended family had been divided and conflict over royal patronage had become significant enough to warrant a short family history. Indeed, discord within kinship groups and disrespect for one's parents were repeatedly mentioned as sinful behavior. Thus, the primary purpose of this short text may have been to remind descendants of Zagaite of their common origin and restore some degree of harmony to a family divided by time and politics. Recalling an ancestor believed to possess baraka and to have performed miracles through the aid of God must have been a powerful way to assert this, even if readers in the 21st century obviously do not believe demons or devils sprung forth from the sacred tamarind tree or that Zagaite was able to lower the depth of the sea (Niger River?) when leaving Mali to perform the pilgrimage. Unfortunately, allusions to Borno were absent but allusions in the Diwan and Kano Chronicle indicate influences from Kanem-Borno in Kano by the late 14th century. 

Saharan Jews and al-Maghili

John Hunwick's short study of al-Maghili and the Jews of Tamantit is a fascinating read. Although our interest in al-Maghili is mainly in his time and influence in Hausaland and Songhay, learning about other aspects of his Islamic scholarship and biases sheds furhter light on the full social and intellectual context of his era. Unfortunately for the Jews of Tamantit and those in Songhay, al-Maghili was able to rouse anger and resentment against them for having a synagogue, dressing like Muslims, and enjoying close ties to rulers. According to al-Maghili and other Islamic scholars, such behavior was a violation of the pact that protected dhimmis. Thus, the Jews of the Saharan oasis lost their synagogue and much of its population fled. Furthermore, through al-Maghili's influence on Askia Muhammad of Songhay, Jews were banished or prevented entry to Timbuktu. Although Jewish traders and residents appear to have been allowed back in Timbuktu by the late 18th century, such a move by Askia Muhammad indicates the degree to which he was influenced by al-Maghili's views. 

Moreover, it must have played a role in redirecting or perhaps even harming parts of the trans-Saharan trade routes that connected the Western Sudan and the Maghrib. Indeed, if Jews in North Africa and Saharan towns like Touat and Sijilmassa were important for financing and conducting trade across the desert, banning them from Timbuktu and attacking them in North Africa must have weakened. Hunwick, however, sees the tightening of restrictions and, basically, pogroms, against Jews in parts of North Africa as a result of growing economic pressure during an era of burgeoning European penetration of Africa. Jews, an increasing population due to expulsions from Spain may have become the scapegoats as Islamic scholars like al-Maghili sought to target them through religious policy. Such a theory is plausible, although one wonders if Jewish traders simply shifted their Sudan trade networks further east and west, perhaps to the benefit of regions like Fazzan, Borno, and parts of Hausaland. Despite al-Maghili's influence in late 15th century Kano, one does not hear of anti-Jewish harassment or policies. Indeed, even with hints of anti-Jewish prejudice in one of the Borno documents collected by H.R. Palmer, there never appears to have been an attempt by Borno rulers to target Jewish traders or prohibit their entry.