Although
the tradition of a Jewish population near Tindirma (in Mali) has long been
known, this past has not been confirmed through archaeology or finds like
gravestones. That said, it is remarkable that the tradition has been reported
in the Tarikh al-Fattash, the marginalia in Timbuktu manuscripts, and
oral tradition collected in the region during the 20th century.
Since some versions of the tradition insert fantastic or unrealistic details,
such as the giant stature of the ancient Beni Israel or their 7 leaders
commanding thousands of cavalry forces, we previously assumed this was purely
legendary. When reconsidering the evidence, however, our opinion has changed to
a tempered skepticism.
First, let us explain our initial
stance rejecting the historical validity of the Jewish population in Tindirma.
The 1447 letter of Antonio Malfante, a man who traveled to Tuwat and wrote of
the area’s Jewish population, also mentioned their prominence in trade. But the
same author wrote of the “Philistines” of the Sahara, apparently Tuareg, who did
not let Jews pass through their territory. According to Malfante, “They are
sworn enemies of the Jews, who do not dare pass hither.”[1] Assuming Malfante
correctly understood the nature of the Jewish community’s relationship with
Saharan nomads, the Jewish population in Tamentit or other northern Saharan
trading centers did not usually cross the Sahara. If they did, the “Philistines”
presumably harassed them.
Of course, it is very dangerous to
rely too heavily (and uncritically) on a single source. It is certainly
possible some Jews crossed the Sahara from Tuwat in the 1400s. Their presence
in Songhay during the reign of Askia Muhammad is likewise implied by the
government’s actions to ban them and despoil traders of their goods for doing
business with Jews.[2]
Leo Africanus also echoed this, describing the ruler of Songhay (or the “king”
of Timbuktu) as “an inveterate enemy of the Jews.”[3] It is difficult to imagine
the need for anti-Jewish laws or proclamations if there were absolutely no
Jewish people in the domains of Songhay. While al-Maghili’s role in this is quite
probable, one must wonder to what attitudes regarding Jews existed in the
Western Sudan.
An additional type of evidence
attesting to the Jewish colony of Tindirma can be found in the margins of
various manuscripts from Timbuktu. According to Susana Molins Lliteras, notes
dated to 1504/5 describe the ancient Jewish presence near Tindirma. These notes
report that the Jews were buried with their heads facing west. Furthermore, the
presence of Hebrew inscriptions was noted. This type of evidence must be
carefully evaluated, but it illustrates how the idea of a Jewish presence in
Tindirma was around by the early 16th century. Indeed, despite the
Hebrew writing, the notes mention a donation in the area as well as an allusion
to knives and swords.[4] Perhaps this is referring
to some type of military regime or system in place to defend the area’s
prosperous farmers?
Besides the marginalia in Timbuktu
manuscripts, the Tarikh al-Fattash echoes
the notion of a Jewish past in Tindirma. Although its composite nature and 19th
century interpolation forces one to consider that the references to the Jewish
presence are based on oral traditions, it brings new details into the
narrative. For instance, the report on the Tindirma region in the chronicle
alludes to the use of wells by the Jews as a water source for their farms. It
is also here where the legend of 7 Jewish princes arose, who allegedly each
commanded a group of 12,000 horsemen. They were also said to have partitioned
the 333 wells built for agricultural purposes among themselves. The names given
to these princes appear to be Arabic, such as Fadl ben Mizar.
In terms of the community’s disappearance,
the chronicle only mentions that a single Jew was there when a Sorko man and
his wife, Marma came to the region. When the kurmina-fari Amar arrived to establish Tindirma as his capital,
this lone survivor was dead. This account seems particularly legendary, but the
Jewish man named his town Bako.[5] Yet, if the date of 1497
for Umar Komadiakha’s appointment as kurmina-fari
is accurate, this suggests that whatever Jewish communities lived in the
region had disappeared or dispersed by the late 15th century.[6]
As one moves into the colonial era,
a reconnaissance of Tindirma was conducted by Bonnel de Mézières. This
Frenchman traveled to Tindirma in the company of a respected Timbuktu scholar.
He claimed to have seen evidence of the extensive wells built in the region as
well as the Jewish cemetery. He also found evidence of a tumulus at Coigur.[7] Since he personally
witnessed what was described as the cemetery of the Beni Israel and traveled
with an informant presenting oral traditions, there does seem to have been, in
the distant past, a prosperous community here perceived as non-Muslims. At
least, that’s what was commonly believed by this period.
Later, in the postcolonial era,
Mahmoud Abdou Zouber collected oral traditions published as Traditions historiques songhoy (Tindirma,
Morikoyra, Arham). A number of local informants recounted the tradition of
an ancient Jewish presence in the region, though sometimes contradicting each
other. In some cases, it is also possible that the local traditions were
influenced by the Tarikh al-Fattash or
drew from similar sources. Yet one key difference is the reference to possible
conflict with the Songhay under the Si dynasty. According to one informant, one
“Israelite” was in the region when Umar (Amar Aboubakari) built the mosque in
Tindirma. Said to have perished at a place called Founefoune 3 years after the
arrival of the kurmina-fari, which
has been dated to 1497, the single survivor of the community would have died in
c. 1500. This informant also reported that the Jews were not defeated in battle
or exterminated. Instead, he reported, “Ces Israélites n'ont pas été exterminés
par la guerre ; ils sont morts tout simplement.”[8]
On the other hand, other informants hinted
at a military conflict that ended the Jewish presence in the region. According
to tradition, Sonni Ali had a grand court at Tindirma, suggesting the region
was once important to 15th century Songhay rulers before Askia
Muhammad. Moreover, the town, Baka, between Tindirma and Lessoudji was said to
have been the place where Jews established a community and subjected the local
inhabitants. In the words of the informant, “Les Israélites s’y ont fixés, et
ont exercé leur domination sur les autochtones.”[9] This town, Baka, sounds
suspiciously close to the name of the Jewish town in the Tarikh al-Fattash. Where things differ is the tradition of the barakoy, Mansikoura, said to have
battled the Jews. Indeed, an informant said “C’est le Barakoy qui a vaincu les
Israélites et les a contraints à descendre jusqu'à Tindirma.”[10] Elsewhere, the area the
Jews once resided in is referred to as the Barissileyla, a place near the river
where Jewish tombs, human remains, and wells were found. As for the barakoy, his title appears to include
the word mansa, a title used by the barakoy in the Songhay Empire.
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While the traditions imply that the barakoy had used military force to
displace the Jewish population, it is not clear to what extent said venture may
have contributed to the dissolution of the community. Tradition suggests this
occurred in the 15th century, too, likely during the reign of Sonni Ali
(c. 1464-1492). After all, Sonni Ali is said to have conquered Bara, the region
where Tindirma seemingly was a part of.[11] If the traditions are not
entirely legendary, there is a chance that the Jewish community of the area was
relocated by a barakoy at this time.
Later on, by the late 15th century, the community had died out or
dispersed. But the references to the construction of wells and agricultural
produce suggest that, for some time at least, the local elites from this
allegedly Jewish population lived off the taxation and agricultural production
of the region. To what extent they were linked to supplying provisions to Timbuktu
or other towns is unclear, but one could imagine a scenario in which Jewish
traders might have expanded their interests in the region by investing in
agriculture. Their construction of well-built wells for sources of water may
have also appealed to Sonni Ali, who once expressed an interest in canals and
has been said to have sponsored the creation of wells in the Gourma region.[12] In fact, a tradition
reported by Boubou Hama asserts that Jews supported Sonni Ali against the Islamic
clerical class and Tuareg.[13] Consequently, it is not
inconceivable that Jewish traders with links to Tuwat and a settlement near the
Niger supported Sonni Ali during his conquests of Jenne, Timbuktu and other
parts of the Middle Niger.
Traditions of the barakoy chasing
Jews may contradict this possible alliance between Sonni Ali and the Jews. But
it is possible that the Jewish presence near Tindirma, however small or large
it may have been, expressed support for Sonni Ali. Their dispersal through the
hydraulic program of the Songhay leader could have led to the dissolution of
the community. Then, under Askia Muhammad, persecution or banning of Jews may
have further weakened whatever was left of the Jewish presence in the region. Ultimately,
whatever was left of the community near Tindirma ended by the late 1490s as
Askia Muhammad became the ruler of Songhay. Despite that, oral tradition recorded
a non-Muslim presence in the area that was very likely tied to Jewish traders
who may have come from Tuwat. Since oral traditions, chronicles and, to a
certain extent, archaeological traces of ancient wells survive, the notion of a
Jewish community in the 15th century Western Sudan is quite plausible.
To what extent they encouraged proselytization or how they managed the area
under their authority is unclear, but it was likely in decline by the late 15th
century during the reign of Sonni Ali.
[1] Antonio Malfante, “Letter from
Tuwat”, in The Voyages of Cadamosto and Other Documents on Western Africa in
the Second Half of the Fifteenth Century.
[2] John Hunwick, Jews of a Saharan
Oasis, 64
[3] John Hunwick, Timbuktu and the
Songhay Empire: Al-Sa‘dī's Ta’rīkh al-sūdān down to 1613 and other Contemporary
Documents, 281.
[4] Susana Molins Lliteras, “The
Making of a Historian in Timbuktu: The Signed Marginalia Attributed to Mahmud
Ka’ti in the Fondo Ka’ti Collection”, in Scribal Practice and the Global
Cultures of Colophons, 1400–1800, 147-148.
[5] Octave Houdas (trans.), Tarikh
el-Fettach" ou Chronique du chercheur pour servir à l'histoire des villes,
des armées, et des principaux personnages du Tekrour: documents arabes relatifs
à l'histoire du Soudan, 119-123.
[6] John Hunwick, Timbuktu and the
Songhay Empire, 104, 343.
[7] Bonnel de Mézières, “Reconnaissance
à Tendirma et dans la région de Fati, Bulletin de la Section de Géographie,
t. XXIX, 130-131.
[8] Mahmoud Abdou Zouber, Traditions
historiques songhoy (Tindirma, Morikoyra, Arham), 14-18.
[9] Ibid., 74.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Hunwick, Timbuktu and the
Songhay Empire, 92.
[12] Adam Konare Ba, Sonni Ali Ber,
102.
[13] Ibid., 102-103.
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