West Africans in Saint Domingue (Haiti)

 

One amazing feature of perusing the posted runaway notices in Saint-Domingue's press is the occasionally very detailed "nations" assigned to Africans in the colony, particularly "new" Africans. While some of the "nations" used for Africans in the colony were very broad or ambiguous, a few appear with very specific names linked to a region or ethnic group that is still identifiable. Take the above case, for example, of a newly arrived "Mandingue" or "Souraca" from the year 1776. While "Mandingue" could be very broad or ambiguous in Saint-Domingue, possibly being used to encompass Mandinka as well as other Mande groups, "Souraca" is rather specific. To a speaker of Bamana or Mandinka languages in Mali, suraka referred to "Arabs" or people from the north. Thus, it is possible that this anonymous "Mandingue" hailed from an area of Mali or Mauritania in the Sahel. Was he native to that region or was he formerly enslaved by Arabs or Tuaregs?

Another possible example of quite specific African "national" classification is the case of a runaway named Hector, from the year 1772. Of the Mende nation, it is quite certain that he was from the Mende peoples of Sierra Leone. 

Even very specific Mande-affiliated peoples like the Dioula, or Juula, were also in the colony of Saint-Domingue. In the above case from 1768, a female runaway named Marie was specified as Dioula. This is rather amazing to see the distinguishing of various "Mandingue" and Mande-associated peoples in the colony. Was she from the area of today's northern Ivory Coast or Ghana?

Also in Saint-Domingue were small numbers of people from the "Edo" group, associated with areas such as the Kingdom of Benin in today's Nigeria. The above example, of a woman who ran away in 1784, attests to the presence of Edo peoples in colonial Haiti. 

Even the Gurma peoples could be found in Saint-Domingue. In the above case, from 1786, a "Gourmand" African ran away. In this case, "Gourmand" is probably a reference to the Gurma people, who are mostly to be found in present-day Burkina Faso.

Also present were the Bobo peoples, likewise found in Burkina Faso. The case of Richard, from the 1770s, serves as proof of their presence among the captive West Africans in the colony. 

The Oyo Yoruba may be found under their specific name. The 1777 incident involving 2 runaway women of the "Ayo" nation may very likely refer to Oyo. We suspect, however, that more Oyo peoples than one realizes were in Saint-Domingue, but probably generically referred to as Yoruba. 

Last but certainly not least, the Susu peoples of Guinea and Sierra Leone were similarly caught in the hellscape that was Saint Domingue. Usually referred to as Soso or Sosso in the Caribbean, they were more numerous than several of the other "nations" mentioned here. 

Benin and the Europeans, 1485-1897

Ryder's Benin and the Europeans, 1485-1897 has been presented as one of the better texts to read for an understanding of the Kingdom of Benin based on written sources. Sadly, despite the long history of contact and trade with Europe (Portugal, England, Netherlands, France, Capuchin missions), Benin was never a major exporter of slaves and commerce with Europe appears to have been more peripheral to the kingdom's economy. Instead, unspecified links with the interior, including distant Nupe and Hausa centers to the north, were likely far more important. To make things even more complicated, Benin lost control of the lower river to the Warri kingdom's Itsekiri, relying on Ughoton as their major port of trade. However, large European ships could not sail that far, further complicating trade. Benin, consequently, had to rely on the Itsekiri and Ijo peoples to some extent for trade with Europeans. And due to the royal monopoly on ivory and attempts by the oba to control trade tightly, conflicts with the Dutch and other Europeans were frequent. 

Nonetheless, Ryder's study analyzes the surviving corpus of European sources to narrate the history of Benin's relations with the European powers active on the West African coast. Unfortunately, he was not successful at connecting the events and features in the European sources too strongly with the narratives and traditions of Benin based on oral sources and art history. Some critics of Ryder's study suggest he was too tentative here and, like them, we feel at times that we have very little idea what was going on in Benin internally. Some of the conflicts over trade, trade stoppages, and attempts by the oba to lower prices or attain access to firearms certainly can be linked to some degree with events in Benin known from tradition. The civil wars, for instance, or the period of 17th century weak rulers, can be glimpsed or inferred from the reports, journals and letters of Europeans stationed on the coast. Still, one feels like this book must be read in conjunction with Bradbury, Egharevba, and Connah's archaeological research to make sense of what was happening.

Intriguingly, Ryder's book alludes to some possible deeper ties Benin enjoyed with the Nupe, Idah, and perhaps Hausa networks of trade and circulation of goods. During the mid-17th century, when cloth exports of Benin became a major item of trade for resale on the West African coast, Ryder suggests that much of this product had to be acquired by Benin traders from interior parts of West Africa. Some may have been supplied from as far away as Nupeland, pointing to a trade link that connected Nupe production centers with the coast and European trade. Later, in c.1787, Ryder briefly discusses Landolphe's encounter with Muslims in Benin, said to have come from Oyo. While his description of them suggests a more northerly origin in the Hausa states or the Sahel, this brief description of them points to long-distance trade between Benin and northern Nigeria (and beyond). One wonders to what extent Benin's cloth, salt, ivory, and slave trading linked to as far away as Oyo and the northern of the Niger River. Indeed, Benin's interior trade must have been of enough importance for the kingdom's interests due to their often limited exchange with Europe. Of course, the European sources scarcely tough upon this theme, and perhaps one can understand the reluctance of Ryder to infer too much from these aforementioned sources.

Last, but certainly not least, the extensive documentation on Benin does point to the troubling issue of assumptions of immutable traditions. On a number of instances, Ryder cites sources which point to different traditions, greetings, and changing customs like human sacrifice. Allegedly not reported in the early Portuguese sources, human sacrifice rituals grew and decreased depending on circumstances. Due to the lower power of some obas in terms of political centralization and military authority, Ryder believes they endeavored to increase their status through the belief in their supernatural powers. Perhaps this was why some obas organized rituals featuring more sacrifices than others? Regardless, the documentation is enough to point out how tradition can change rather quickly, making it more problematic to assume too much continuity for any society based on traditional beliefs and practices. 

A Short History of Benin

Jacob Egharevba's A Short History of Benin is one of those classic texts on a well-known West African historical state. Egharevba's short account is mainly based on oral sources. Due to his family background and access to the royal court and keepers of the historical tradition, Egharevba's short history manages to cover over 700 years of history in 100 pages (fourth edition). While some may take issue with his attempt to read Oranmiyan as a historical king of Benin or perhaps even the historicity of the Ogiso kings who preceded the descendants of Oranmiyan, Egharevba's account supplies a number of important details on Benin from the 15th century until 1897. In fact, a number of details, anecdotes, and episodes of political conflict during the reigns of various obas points to the ongoing struggle between the obas and the Uzama, Iyase, and other sources of authority. 

Indeed, at different moments, Benin supposedly tried a republican form of government. Unpopular, greedy obas were also sometimes overthrown or challenged by its subjects. This long-running dynamic between royal authority and the kingmakers and chiefs could sometimes be won in the favor of the obas. However, even some of the most notable obas, like Ewuare, allegedly caused great misfortune during his mourning of the death of his two sons. Princes sometimes fought for the throne, showing another of instability in the political system (in spite of an oba enacting primogeniture as the rule of succession). Furthermore, the longer reigns of some obas also created problems if they were succeeded by old sons. These heirs to the throne may have been less effective at resisting the council of kingmakers and other chiefs. Perhaps the situation was analogous to the period of older alafins in Oyo appointed by the Oyo Mesi, an issue mentioned by Robin Law's analysis of that Yoruba kingdom.

Benin was also fascinating for its relations with Europe. Although Ryder should probably be read for a full account of that, Egharevba's account suggests local Christianity persisted in some form until the late 17th century. Indeed, he claims one oba and a number of princes were actually literate in Portuguese. Other obas took an interest in European technology, like telescopes. The full story of Benin's relations with the West are interesting, but it would have been interesting if Egharevba had been able to find more information about the local use of Portuguese for literacy and the manner in which the Ohensa administered the local Catholic churches. Additionally, though it would have been difficult when first published, it would have enriched the study if analysis of the famous Benin bronzes was attempted. According to Egharevba, the art of brass casting entered Benin from Ife and the pieces were part of the local method of recording history. A careful analysis of those artistic masterpieces, European textual sources, and Benin oral traditions, including those outside the royal court, would have led to a richer history of one of the major kingdoms of precolonial Nigeria.