The altercation between Borno and
Kano during the reign of the latter’s Muhammad Kisoki is an intriguing example
of conflict between the two states. Although there are some chronological
ambiguities that require attention, Yusufu Bala Usman has connected Kisoki’s
raid on Nguru with the Kano campaign of Borno during the time of Idris Alooma.
According to Ahmad b. Furtu, a highly biased but contemporary source, Kano had
“betrayed” Borno through fortifying towns or sites on their border with Borno
and launching attacks. In response, Borno raised an army which destroyed the
fortifications or walls and then failed to take Kano itself.[1] Importantly, the opposing
side’s perspective can be glimpsed through the Kano Chronicle. Thus, one
does not have to rely solely or mainly on Ahmad b. Furtu’s panegyrical text for
his patron, unlike the case of most of the other peoples Borno went to war
against during the lengthy reign of Idris Alooma. Therefore, this brief article
shall examine Borno-Kano relations during the reign of Muhammad Kisoki, focusing
on the raids launched from Kano against Borno and the response. This post
argues that Muhammad Kisoki’s eastern raids likely correspond to the campaigns
described by Ahmad b. Furtu and were autonomous Kano initiatives rather than
part of a Kebbi-led regional conflict.
By examining this episode more closely,
however, one sees yet again the influence of Maidaki Hauwa (and her brother,
Guli) in a confrontation with Borno. Maidaki Hauwa had previously been involved
with suppressing a revolt by the Dagachi in Kano, someone descended from the
Sayfawa line and very influential. After preventing his rebellion, her son,
Abdullahi, returned from a campaign and then faced an invasion from Borno.
Undoubtedly linked to the Dagachi’s actions, Kano’s king, accompanied by
mallams, had to submit to the mai.
Then, once the mai returned to Borno,
Abdullahi tricked or deceived the Dagachi and gave his office to a slave.[2] Although taking place
several years before the Borno-Kano conflict during Idris Alooma’s reign
(1564-1596, according to Lange’s chronology), it is very likely that Kisoki’s
influential grandmother and her brother, whose influence at court was extremely
powerful, shaped Kano state policy with regard to the frontier with Borno. By
taking another look at this critical juncture, one can see just how realpolitik
shaped relations between a regional power like Borno and the smaller Hausa
states which, depending on one’s view, paid tribute or sent regular “gifts” to
the mai.
But can we confidently date Muhammad
Kisoki’s attacks on Borno with the reign of Idris Alooma? The two only
overlapped, using Lange’s chronology and the dates in the Kano Chronicle,
c. 1564-1565. Dierk Lange has suggested that the conflict with Kano occurred
early in Idris b. Ali’s reign, perhaps in c. 1564, but other sources suggest
the mai went on a pilgrimage to Mecca at this time.[3] Since our dates for Kisoki
and Idris Alooma are approximations and other king lists of Kano give Kisoki’s
predecessor a slightly longer list, one could possibly make the case for a
longer period of overlapping reigns.[4] The other problem with
Kisoki’s Borno conflict occurring during the reign of Idris Alooma is the
praise song mentioning his grandmother, Hauwa. She could have been alive in the
1560s as a very aged woman, but some may prefer to date this period of conflict
to an earlier decade in Kisoki’s lengthy reign.
The other issue with establishing a
clearer chronology is the, quite frankly, mess made by previous generations of
scholars interested in this part of the world. For instance, M.G. Smith,
without a single source to back his speculative reasoning, suggested that
Kisoki’s raiding of Borno territory may have been done in conjunction with the
Kanta of Kebbi. Without any firm evidence and relying upon later sources and
traditions of the power and stature of the Kanta in this part of West Africa,
Smith has argued that Kisoki may have been the Kanta’s representative in
central Hausaland. Consequently, Kisoki’s raid may be associated with Kebbi’s
larger conflict with Borno. Building this possible theory on flimsy foundations,
Smith then tentatively dates Kisoki’s attack on Nguru to 1544.[5]
Although Smith is merely suggesting
possible regional scenarios to contextualize the wars and raiding between the
major states in the Central Sudan, this is hardly supported by the source
materials. While Muhammad Bello in the 1800s wrote of Kebbi conquering other
Hausa states like Kano in the 1500s, it is very difficult to detect any of this
in the Kano Chronicle or the Bornoan records. The Chronicle actually
portrays Kisoki as the ruler of all of Hausaland. Indeed, according to this
same source, “He waged war on Birnin Unguru because of Agaidam.”[6] This last word brings to
mind Geidam in modern Nigeria, to the east of Nguru. This area may have been a
source of contention as Borno was facing an extended famine during Abd Allah b.
Dunama’s reign (c. 1557-1564).[7] This could have been
influenced by the wars between Borno and Kebbi, as well as the distractions
Borno faced from the Bulala to the east in Kanem and local revolts by the Sao
in Borno and other groups. Seeing an advantageous position to strike, Kisoki (or
perhaps his grandmother’s brother, who was extremely influential in the royal
court) may have envisioned Kano extending further east. Certainly, booty in
horses and textiles were desirable since Kisoki ordered no captives taken from
Nguru.
Furthermore, utilizing all the various
sources on the Kanta of Kebbi and his negative relations with Borno suggests a
large-scale confrontation in which Borno attempted to besiege Surame took place
in c. 1561. Traditions referring to this do not reference Kano at all. In fact,
it was on Katsina territory the Bornoan forces engaged in combat with the
Kanta.[8] This is highly suggestive
of Kano’s actions against Borno likely being autonomous responses of the state
to Borno and perceived weaknesses on its western borderlands with Kano.
For these aforementioned reasons, one is
inclined to agree with Yusufu Bala Usman. Usman, in a largely insightful
article on the history of relations between Borno and the Hausa states,
correctly identified Kisoki’s raids with the ones described by Ahmad b. Furtu.
Moreover, as Furtu writes, these raids were a “betrayal” by the people of Kano.
As for the Kano Chronicle, Kano attacked Nguru because “it is the will
of God.”[9] Usman’s reasoning here is
not entirely clear, but the raids from Kano and the reference to the building
of walls or fortifications around various towns in the Kano kingdom are consistent with the actions of Kisoki.
After all, by improving defenses on his eastern frontier, forces from Kano
could more safely engage in raids or attacks on western Borno or its vassal
provinces, then retreat to secure sites if pursued or followed. Over time, this
could have led to a gradual increase in Kano’s influence and possible
territorial gains to the east. One suspects the “will of God” as a
justification of war was designed to show Kisoki as waging just war against
various subject peoples of Borno who were not necessarily Muslims.
Agreeing with Usman also allows one to
gain some insight into how both sides viewed their actions. One already knows
the Borno perspective, even if Ahmad b. Furtu was not an eyewitness to the Kano
campaign. He nonetheless wrote an explanation for the campaign based on Kano
and its fortified towns like Kirza, Kalmasan, Majiya, Ukluya, Dulu, Awazaki, Ajiyajiya,
Sa’iyya, Galaki and Kay. To Furtu, they not only fortified many settlements,
but “resorted to abominable cunning and vile deeds.”[10] The conflict ended with
the “many” expeditions launched against Kano, including Majagani. These
expeditions led to the destruction of fortifications while the residents fled. Unfortunately,
most of these expeditions are not described in detail and after the destruction
of Majiya’s fortifications, the Bornoan forces were allegedly able to dismantle
the walls and fortresses placed around other towns with little or no resistance.
It is very unlikely that the ruler of Kano would have sat idly by, even if the
musketry of Borno proved very effective against Majiya’s defenders. Overall,
Furtu’s account seems to suggest Kano began this process of fortifying towns
and launching raids before the reign of Idris Alooma, especially since the
labor and resources necessary to build walls around several towns or cities
could hardly have been accomplished in a short amount of time.
The Kano Chronicle, likely written
in the late 1800s, lacks this level of detail but understandably highlights the
moment of Kisoki’s victory as Borno failed to take Kano city. As previously
mentioned, Muhammad Kisoki ordered the raiding of Nguru, a town which was the
capital of the powerful galadimas of Borno by the 1600s. Murray Last has
read the account of this as symbolic warfare, playing with the idea of the
Kanuri word for the Hausa, afuno, and arse-clothes or nudity. After all,
Kisoki did not take captives but focused on horses and clothes.[11] However, this symbolic
meaning may not be relevant if Kisoki was endeavoring to present himself as a
legitimate Muslim ruler not willing to take Muslim captives. Indeed, even Ahmad
b. Furtu portrayed his patron similarly. Next, the Chronicle explains
how the ruler of Borno then sought to attack Birnin Kano the following year,
but failed to take the town. This led to an extended praise song which even
included Maidaki Hauwa as the “old lady with swaggering gait, old lady of royal
blood, guarded by men-at-arms.”[12] By praising Kisoki as the
“physic of Bornu and the Chiratawa,” one can also surmise that Kano’s war with
Borno involved Shira. Despite this victory of sorts, or at least the failure of
the attempted assault on Kano, Kisoki invited prominent shaykhs from Borno
anyway.[13] One may surmise here that
Borno was still perceived as a source of reputable Islamic scholars and
religious figures, Kano’s rulers were entrenching their own state legitimacy
through war and Islam.
Ultimately, both sides could claim some
degree of victory. Kano was able to withstand a military attack on its capital
from its powerful neighbor. Borno, on the other hand, secured its western
frontier by destroying fortifications and weakening Kano’s ability to launch
deeper raids into Borno. Doing so inevitably aided the economy through the
increased security for traders and travelers. It likewise made it easier for
Borno to focus on internal rebellious groups and the Bulala to the east for a
number of Kanem expeditions. Kano, meanwhile, was able to protect its capital
and, unlike Abdullahi, Kisoki did not have humble himself before the mai.
This expresses a growth in the political stature of the sarki who could
meet the Sayfawa as a peer. Lastly, an attempt at revisiting the various
sources on this encounter does support Kisoki’s raiding activities to the east
as likely to be the same as those mentioned by Ahmad b. Furtu. Furtu’s account
is too brief and not backed by eyewitness testimony. But based on the scale of
operations and the necessary shovels, hoes, and implements to destroy town
walls at various sites and then to attack Kano’s capital, the Kano expeditions
must have been large and time-consuming.
[1] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno Expeditions
of Idrīs Alauma (1564–1576 according to the account of Ahmad b. Furtū. Arabic
text, English translation, commentary and geographical gazetteer for a
detailed translation of Ahmad b. Furtu’s text.
[2] For an attempt at making sense of
the Dagachi and his descendants in Kano and their impact on Kano-Borno
relations, see Behique Dunama, “The Dagachi of Kano: Elite Exiles, Political
Centralization, and Kano-Borno Relations,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/03/the-dagachi-of-kano-elite-exiles.html.
[3] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic
Chronicle, 69.
[4] See Paul E. Lovejoy and John
Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” Sudanic Africa 4 (1993) for
different regnal years for Kano’s rulers. One manuscript assigns Abdullahi,
Kisoki’s father, a reign of 12 years instead of the 10 in the Kano Chronicle.
[5] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano,
1350-1950, 140-141.
[6] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and
Ireland 38 (1908), 79.
[7] See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des
sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la
fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 80.
[8] For a discussion of the various
sources on Kebbi and Borno in the 1500s, see Behique Dunama, “The Kanta of
Kebbi and Borno.” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/the-kanta-of-kebbi-and-borno.html.
[9] Yusuf Bala Usman, “A
Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland Before
1804” in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (editors), Studies in
the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 183-184.
[10] Dierk Lange, A Sudanic
Chronicle, 66-67.
[11] Murray Last, “From Sultanate to
Caliphate: Kano, 1450–1800 A.D.” in
Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in Kano History, 72.
[12] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,”
79.
[13] This may have predated the Kano campaign of Borno.