The Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and Tarikh al-Fattash

Reading Nobili, Wright and Diakite's study and translation of the reconstituted Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and Tarikh al-Fattash has been an enlightening experience. With the useful introductory essays elucidating the origins and function of the texts, particularly the more famous Tarikh al-Fattash  as a forgery tied to the promotion of a 19th century ruler, Ahmad Lobbo, The Chronicles of Two West African Kingdoms: The Tārīkh Ibn Al-Mukhtār of the Songhay Empire and the Tārīkh Al-Fattāsh of the Caliphate of Ḥamdallāhi is an essential read. Much of this builds on Nobili's earlier work as well as the scholarship on the Tarikh al-Fattash since the days of Delafosse and Houdas. Needless to say, a new English translation, which clearly distinguishes the 17th century chronicle (Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar) from the 19th century text which interpolates, fabricates, and deviates from its source material, has been necessary for quite some time. The careful footnotes in the English translation are especially useful for noting ambiguity on the meaning of Songhay titles or places, as well as difficult passages from the Arabic texts of the manuscripts used for the translation. 

Unsurprisingly, Houdas and Delafosse made a number of mistakes in their famous French translation of the text. Since we read the French translation in 2021, our recollection of the specifics of the text was a bit hazy. Nonetheless, a number of inconsistencies and the problematic presentation of the text by Houdas and Delafosse made use of the chronicle an arduous task. With the new English translation, readers now have access to a superior translation benefitting from the last century of scholarship on Songhay and related languages, cultures, and manuscripts. Although the overall sense of the chronicles was there in the outdated French translation, this version is much easier and safer to consult for the various reigns of the Askiya dynasty rulers. Unlike the Tarikh al-Fattash, which is politically motivated by its author's desire to elevate Ahmad Lobbo as the next caliph of Takrur, the 17th century chronicle was closer in time to the events it described. Its author was similarly able to access informants from the puppet Askiya court or scholars and texts with a rich body of references and stories of the Songhay kings.

The acknowledgement of unknown or debatable terms and titles used in the text demonstrate that a lot remains unclear, but we now have a superior version of two major chronicles. This facilitates checking the sources for the Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar in terms of who this 17th century writer consulted for his information on Songhay history. As the introductory essays argue, the original 17th century text clearly emphasized the role of scholars or the ulama, with the best of the askiyas being those who submitted to the guidance and recommendations of scholars and patronized them. In this regard, Askiya Muhammad and Askiya Dawud were clearly the best of the dynasty. With their respect and support for scholars and promotion of Islam, these two represented the ideal rulers among an unstable dynasty sadly lacking in "good" kings. Numerous examples are given of their generosity, veneration of scholars, humbling of themselves to listen to the advice of the learned, and their support for descendants of the Prophet or the freeing of slaves (particularly evident here in the case of Dawud). Yet, in spite of the frequent revolts or contested succession among the descendants of Askiya Muhammad, the shock of the Moroccan conquest, initial violence, and unjust expropriations triggered unrest among even the notables and scholars of Timbuktu. 

The comparison is perhaps forced, but we cannot help but think of indigenous Andean chroniclers after the Spanish conquest of Peru. After all, some of them, such as Guaman Poma de Ayala, acknowledged the flaws in pre-Hispanic Inca rule whilst also critiquing the colonial system. In the case of the Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and Tarikh al-Sudan, the authors were also occupying a similar space in terms of being art of the local elites adjusting to the changed political order under an occupying force. Of course, the Songhay towns and cities like Timbuktu followed the same religion as their Moroccan conquerors, yet they too seemed eager to project a certain narrative of the pre-Arma governmental structure which the Songhay rulers, at their best, succeeded in promoting. One wonders if, like the Andean chroniclers, a similar motivation was also at work. Certainly, Guaman Poma de Ayala was interested in challenging the corruption and vices of the colonial system while highlighting some of the superior features of government and society under the Incas. Of course, the Inca Empire as a sprawling, vast empire only lasted for about a century, like the Songhay. Both imperial systems were able to extend their influence across an enormous part of their respective regions before intra-dynastic conflicts weakened them on the eve of foreign invasion. These similarities perhaps superficial, but the parallels are inescapable from our readings of chronicles on the Incas.