Muhammad Agabba, Adar and Kebbi: Rise and Decline of States in the Central Sudan

            Whilst revisiting multiple sources on 17^th century Agadez and its relations with Borno, we realized how the conquest of Adar was an episode in the expansion of the sultanate to the South that is worthy of a second look. Although known from various sources compiled as the Chroniques d'Agadès and translated by Urvoy, the episode is vividly recalled in oral tradition. Subsequent chroniclers and writers, such as Muhammad Bello and his nephew, Shaykh Dan Tafa, also referred to this affair in their 19^th century writings. More recently, scholars such as Djibo Hamani have examined the history of Adar in detail, supplementing the written sources with oral traditions. Nonetheless, closer scrutiny of the various sources available on the 1673 campaign of the Kel Aïr against Kebbi reveals often unexplored dynamics. When one considers these factors, such as the role of Gobir and Zamfara in the weakening of Kebbi or the possibility of dynastic intrigue within Kebbi’s royal house, it becomes clear how a teenage Muhammad Agabba, prince of Agadez and son of Muhammad al-Mubarak (r. 1654-1687), was able to defeat the Kanta of Kebbi. Indeed, inter-state alliances, dynastic intrigue, and the realignment of powers in the Central Sudan during the second half of the 17^th century reveal a historically dynamic region.

            Fortunately, a contemporary source written by a man who lived at the time of the 1674 campaign survives. A part of a diary of a Tuareg man of Agadez, who certainly came from the upper echelons of society, has been published as part of the Agadez Chronicles. In addition to Urvoy’s French translation of this important text, H.T. Norris translated into English a slightly different copy of the manuscript in his The Tuaregs: Their Islamic Legacy and Its Diffusion in the Sahel. The author of this brief diary (it appears to be incomplete, as it abruptly terminates with the end of the 17^th century), Abu Bakr b. al-Tahir Tashi, knew Salih, a brother of Muhammad Agabba, and was likely acquainted with other members of the royal family.[1] That means his references to the 1673 campaign and subsequent military ventures in Adar or the lands to the south are likely based on direct testimony from those who participated in them. The authenticity of the journal is unquestionable because it contains details corroborated by other 17^th century sources. For example, Girard’s Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie refers to the pilgrimage of another brother of Muhammad Agabba, al-Hajj Aknafaya, in 1675.[2] In the 19^th century, Muhammad Bello of the Sokoto Caliphate, who may have possessed access to earlier written sources from Aïr and Hausaland, also referred to Agabba’s victory against Kebbi. Bello’s account, which was closely followed by that of his nephew, Dan Tafa, mentions Gobir and Zamfara as allies of Asben in the conflict with Kebbi.[3] Another text, the Y Tarichi, also alluded to Agabba’s role in the war with Kebbi that preceded the 1673 campaign.[4]

Additional corroboration of events mentioned by Abu Bakr b. al-Tahir Tashi can be found in oral traditions in Adar, other parts of Hausaland and likely Borno. For instance, Kanuri praise songs translated by J.R. Patterson include a “Song to Yerima Mohammadu” which was said to date to the reign of Ali b. Umar (or possibly in the reign of his son, Idris b. Ali, who reigned 1677-1696).[5] In this praise song, a reference to a raid on Borno from the Kel Aïr Tuareg could possibly be the raid of 1679 mentioned by Tashi.[6] In Zamfara, historical traditions also recall a ruler, Babba, whose son, Yakubu, participated in the defeat of Kebbi with Agabba of Asben and Muhammad b. Chiroma of Gobir.[7] Likewise, traditions in the region reported by Landeroin include a detailed account of the conflict between Aïr and Kebbi that precipitated the war in 1674 and Adar. The tradition, which offers details not seen in the diary of Tashi, nonetheless identifies Agabba as central in the conflict.[8] Finally, Djibo Hamani’s research in Adar found rather detailed accounts of the 1673 conflict which emphasized the role of Agabba in defeating the Kanta of Kebbi. In this version of events, Muhammad al-Mubarak consulted a mallam, Dan Barewa, to counter the powerful magicians of the Kanta of Kebbi. Nonetheless, it was Agabba’s forces who successfully evaded detection by the Kanta’s magicians and defeated him.[9]

Considering the rich oral traditions and textual sources referring to the role of Agabba in the conflict, and the contemporary source of Tashi’s diary, a tentative attempt to marry the two types of evidence is in order. After all, according to Tashi, Muhammad Agabba would have only been a teenager in 1673 (as he was born in 1657).[10] That he was young when he achieved victory against the ruler of Kebbi can be confirmed in the traditional praise of Agabba: Kuykuyun Tanshamat, koya babba kurma.[11] When one incorporates the oral traditions, despite their contradictions, a far more complex tale emerges than the brief annals of Tashi’s diary. That a young prince from Asben could defeat the ruler of what was once a major power in Hausaland is more plausible in light of the (somewhat) contradictory oral traditions from the region. These traditions point to both the importance of a (brief) alliance between Asben and the Hausa states of Gobir and Zamfara. Moreover, internal dissension and turmoil within the ruling dynasty of Kebbi likely preceded and facilitated the conflict. Although Tashi’s journal omits much of this from his narrative, his inclusion of an enemy named Kufkana is highly suggestive. This man may very well have been a dissident Kel Aïr leader who supported the Kanta against the Agadez.

Let us begin with Landeroin. According to oral traditions in Adar, Kebbi’s conflict with Asben began during the reign of Kanta Slimane. When Muhammad al-Mubarak of Agadez sent his son, Agabba, with a caravan of horses to Kebbi, Slimane mocked Agabba. In this narrative, the insult directed at Agabba was due to the shabby dress of his party of 20 men. Supposedly, all were dressed the same, so Slimane could not tell which of them was a prince. Although he did not understand what Slimane had said to him and the interpreter initially refused to translate the insult, Agabba only became upset later. This was the insult that prompted Agabba’s return to Asben and later expedition to Kebbi, where he defeated the Kanta at the pond of Baratta. What is most interesting about the tradition as reported by Landeroin, however, is the allusion to a son of Slimane, Hoummoudou, who had killed his brother and fled to Gobir and Asben. The murder of his brother took place after their father appointed him as Dan Galadima, making Hoummoudou jealous and eager to seize power. According to this tradition, Hoummoudou was the grandson of the Gobir king and later went to Asben, from where he sent Agabba to Kebbi to gather information for dethroning his father. This narrative suggests that the active involvement of a Kebbi prince was a main reason for Agabba going to Kebbi in the first place. Moreover, the tradition claims that northern Adar already had Tuareg communities.[12] It is possible that seeing a region in which the Tuareg of Aïr could expand as well as an alliance with a rebellious Kebbi prince were major reasons for Agabba’s return to Kebbi with a large expedition. This prince, Hoummoudou is likely the 9^th Kanta, Muhammadu Kaye, who reigned from 1674-1676 in the genealogy of Kebbi kings reproduced by Kirk-Greene and Hogben.[13] However, the defeated Kanta killed by Agabba would have been Umaru Giwa, according to this same genealogy. Slimane, the 5^th Kanta, reigned in c. 1621-1636, long before this period. Thus, if the tradition repeated by Landeroin is accurate in the essentials, he was given the wrong name for the Kebbi king defeated by Agabba.

Besides Landeroin’s account, the Y Tarichi also includes the alleged insult of the Kanta. Unlike Landeroin’s version of events, the insult was directed at Muhammad al-Mubarak, Agabba’s father, to instigate a war. This chronicle presents al-Mubarak as fearful of the Kanta, prompting him to send the old tribute of water and sand from Asben. Yet Agabba, his son, demanded troops from his father to avenge him for the insult.[14] Likely drawing on oral traditions and perhaps portraying Agabba as braver and more independent than his father due to Agabba’s role as the first sultan of Adar, this version of events at least includes the insult by the Kanta. Of course, part of the reason for Muhammad al-Mubarak’s reluctance to go to war with Kebbi may have been due to Kebbi’s role in supporting his father on the throne of Agadez in a civil war in 1602-3.[15] Was al-Mubarak recalling how his father, Yusuf, had relied upon Kebbi’s aid in the recent past?

Hamani’s own research in Adar centered on the magical or supernatural resources used by both sides in their war. Whether or not Muhammad al-Mubarak consulted a mallam named Dan Barewa is unclear, but the fear of the Kebbi’s powerful magicians is plausible. The reference to sand and supplies from Asben to evade the magic of their foes and to surprise the Kanta interestingly echoes allusions to sand and water from Asben as tribute to Kebbi.[16] Indeed, on the first Kanta who was said to have also conquered Asben, Dan Tafa wrote, “It is said that Kanta forced the Asbenawa to carry to Surami the water of a certain lake in the territory called Tinshamau; and to bring sand from this same lake for his horse to stand upon. They were obliged to do this by force, and executed his commands right swiftly.”[17] Thus, what was once imposed as tribute from Kebbi on Asben, particularly the sand for the horses of the Kanta and water from Tinshaman became part of the process of resisting the magicians of Kebbi in the 1670s. Alternatively, it could be a metaphor for Asben ceasing to pay tribute to Kebbi since sand, water and other supplies from Asben were used by Agabba’s expedition to defeat the Kanta.

As for the role of Zamfara and Gobir in the conflict with Kebbi, the oral traditions provide many clues for how this brief alliance came about. According to Dan Tafa, Muhammad Chiroma (or, Muhammad b. Chiroma) of Gobir and Yakubu b. Babba of Zamfara waged war on Kebbi with Asben. Indeed, their forces laid waste the land of Kebbi and made the Emir of Zanfara ruler over the greater portion of it…”[18] That Zamfara benefited the most from the decline of Kebbi may explain why Tashi’s diary contains an entry on an expedition in 1685 against Zamfara. Apparently, Amma Fatim was sent with a group of Tuareg against Zamfara whilst the second expedition was led by a Yusuf, nicknamed Addabab. Significantly, this expedition was triggered by the massacre of 700 Kel Away by Zamfara forces, leading to the Itisen, Kel Away, and forces led by Amma Fatim attacking Zamfara. According to Tashi, the second expedition was extremely successful: Zamfara’s heroes, chief men, and fuqaha had been killed.[19] That conflict between Zamfara and Asben occurred in c. 1685 was possibly related to the division of lands once ruled by Kebbi. In fact, conflict between Gobir and Asben later occurred, probably for similar reasons. Dan Tafa’s account of Gobir’s history in this period includes references to Gobir’s ruler, Muhammad b. Chiroma, going to war with Kebbi again and driving out its ruler, Humadu. This suggests that this ruler, who had conspired with Agabba against his father only a few years previously, was only able to hold the throne for a short period before Gobir attacked him. In fact, Humadu and his principal men were clothed in rags when captured by Gobir’s forces, an ironic end considering Humadu’s predecessor insult directed at Agabba for his shabby clothes.[20] Later, during the reign of Muhammad b. Chiroma’s son, Soba, Gobir attacked Asben. This event, based on Tashi’s diary, took place in 1689, culminating with Agabba’s victory against Soba. But this was only achieved after Soba had driven Salih, Agabba’s brother, back to Adar.[21]

Thus, the alliance or coalition of forces which severely reduced the territory controlled by Kebbi, was itself very unstable. From the victory of Agabba in 1674, war against Zamfara followed in 1685. Then, a few years later, conflict with Gobir arose by 1689. Gobir’s own rise continued as it assaulted Zamfara in the 18^th century. But without this earlier coalition in the 1670s, it is not clear if Agabba would have been so fortunate. Agabba went from supporting a contender to the throne of Kebbi, whose incumbent king may have supported Kufkana against Agadez. But Humadu was quickly defeated by Gobir. In turn, conflict arose between Zamfara and Asben and Asben and Gobir over the division of the spoils from Kebbi. While Adar certainly fell within the orbit of Asben, until Agabba was dethroned in the 1720s, Adar appears to have been overseen by another prince, Salih. After Salih died in Adar in the 1690s, presumably another member of the royal family of Agadez oversaw the territory.

In summation, the tale of Aïr’s expansion into Adar is a complex, multifaceted tale of intrigue, war, and realpolitik. That a contender for the throne of Kebbi was likely involved in instigating the war is plausible, perhaps fleeing to Gobir and then Asben before the war. Even though he was later defeated by Kebbi within a few years after ascending to the throne, al-Mubarak and Agabba had to contend with Zamfara and Gobir in the next decade. Consequently, the history of Kebbi’s decline was a long affair in which Aïr, Gobir and Zamfara fought over the spoils long after 1674. Zamfara, which had seemed like it gained the most out of defeat of Kebbi, was later defeated by Gobir in the 18^th century. Aïr, whose sultans were frequently deposed and often possessed little authority over the Kel Aïr were soon kings of a declining city. Contextualizing the rise of Asben rule in Adar clearly demonstrates the dynamic political landscape of the Central Sudan in the 17^th and 18^th centuries. Moreover, the victory of a teenaged Agabba against Kebbi must be understood as part of this complicated process of Kebbi’s imperial decline and the nature of inter-state alliances within Hausaland. With the diary of Tashi, the works of Bello and Dan Tafa and the corpus of oral traditions, historians have a rich example of this process from the second half of the 17^th century.

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[1] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 77.

[2] See relevant extracts from this work in Rémi Dewière, L'esclave, le savant et le sultan: représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles), 607.

[3] Muhammad Bello, The history of islam, scholarship and revivalism in Western Sudan being an annotated translation with introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio, 82.

[4] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du Soudan et de la Berberie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 423.

[5] J.R. Patterson, Kanuri Praise Songs, 13.

[6] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 80.

[7] Kirk-Greene & Hobgen, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 371.

[8] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 482-483.

[9] “Le petit chien de Tanshamat qui apprend à nager au grand.” Djibo Hamani, L'Adar précolonial (République du Niger): contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des états Hausa, 92-94.

[10] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 78.

[11] Djibo Hamani, L'Adar précolonial, 94.

[12] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 483.

[13] Kirk-Greene & Hobgen, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 253.

[14] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du Soudan et de la Berberie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 423.

[15] Ibid., 225.

[16] Djibo Hamani, L'Adar précolonial (République du Niger): contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des états Hausa, 94.

[17] H.R. Palmer, “Western Sudan History: The Raudthât’ Ul Afkâri.” Journal of the Royal African Society 15, no. 59 (1916), 263.

[18] Ibid., 267.

[19] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 81.

[20] H.R. Palmer, “Western Sudan History: The Raudthât’ Ul Afkâri.” Journal of the Royal African Society 15, no. 59 (1916), 267.

[21] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 83.

Adar in History

Djibo Hamani's L'Adar précolonial (République du Niger): contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des états Hausa is  an interesting account of a region of the Hausa world sometimes forgotten or ignored. It's about what was really a peripheral area of the Hausa world, and one for which written sources only truly appear in the 1600s (although references to its powerful neighbors could be found a few centuries earlier). According to him, it was peopled by Azna (a Hausa population) that was once based in Air to the north, but migrated in small groups under different chiefly lineages by c. 1000 to 900 years ago, in various waves. they were probably migrating south due to pressure from Tuareg pastoralists and the declining environment of Air for agriculturalists. However, unlike the Gobir or Gobirawa Hausa, the Azna who migrated south into Adar never consolidated into a single state that ruled the area. It was then conquered by Kabi (sometimes spelled Kebbi, a Hausa state that was once part of the Songhay Empire under Askia Muhammad but then went its own way in the 1500s and became, for a time, a powerful Hausa kingdom dominating Adar and other Hausa areas. Then, after 1674, when prince Agabba of Agades defeated the ruler of Kebbi, the Agades Sultanate decided to annex Adar. Agabba, later deposed by his brother from the throne of Agades, moved south and established himself as the Sultan of Adar. Thus, Adar was unified under the Istambulawa sultanate of Air, which was, despite sometimes threatening other Hausa states or even Borno, was politically unstable (the Air sultan was seen by the Tuareg as a mediator and sometimes had little direct rule over the Kel Air Tuareg clans and tribes, which sometimes fought amongst themselves or defied directives from the Agades Sultan). So, long story short, the Adar Sultanate, a tributary of Agades, ruled a unified Adar but then later lost control of most of it in the 19th century.

The jihad of Uthman dan Fodio began in nearby Gobir, which caused changes in Adar since it too became, at least in theory, subject to the caliphs of Sokoto. The Adar ruling dynasty was initially split, like the Tuareg in Air, about supporting Uthman dan Fodio but once the sultan in Agades threw his support behind the jihad, Adar's ruling dynasty also accepted Sokoto. The caliph Muhammad Bello, son of Uthman dan Fodio, even gave the rights to the tribute of part of Adar to Tuareg allies. The 19th century then later saw the partition of Adar as the Kel Geres Tuareg took the Eastern part (they were more assimilated to the local area) while another Tuareg confederation seized the north of Adar. The Sarkin Adar, or local dynasty, was reduced to a small section of the province and lacked access to enough troops or revenue to seriously threaten or defeat the Tuareg who now dominated most of Adar. However, the 1800s saw the greater integration of Adar into the world of Hausa trade and international commerce and Islam spread more deeply. Adar's case is somewhat interesting as a peripheral Hausa region which never developed its own unified ruling dynasty until the Istambulawa of Air conquered it, but they themselves were reduced to little power in only a little more than a century. However, the 19th century witnessed more conversions to Islam, the growth of the mallam population, and, likely, an increase in the enslaved population as Adarawa and Tuareg traders traveled to Sokoto, Kano, and other markets.

Yet Adar's case makes one think that perhaps its Azna (local Hausa population of diverse origins) and their village-based level of political organization may have been what most of Hausaland was like before the development of the major states like Kano, Katsina, Gobir, etc. The close association between religious authority in the "animist" belief system and political authority in Adar may provide hints as to the origin of the earliest sarakauna in Hausaland. Furthermore, the case of Adar illustrates how loose the authority of Hausa or Central Sudanic states over other regions could be. Indeed, the Sultan of Agades, who could demand tribute from Adar, was clearly unable to assert his control over the region in any meaningful way in the 19th century to restore order. And despite Adar's importance for caravan routes to more important markets in Katsina and Kano, or even for the provision of horses to Kebbi (or Kabi) from Air, Adar remained rather peripheral in the grand scheme of Hausa states. Nonetheless, the region's larger significance in Hausa history can be found in a few episodes detailed by Djibo Hamani. For example, Jibril b. Umar, the mallam and scholar who had traveled to Egypt and Mecca and taught Uthman dan Fodio, was a native of Adar. Although his later jihadist movement differed from Jibril b. Umar on the question of Muslims who do not practice Islam lacking faith, Uthman dan Fodio clearly saw his teacher as the spiritual forerunner of his own attempts to restore and reform Islam in Hausaland. Later on, Adar also witnessed the rise of another reformer who imposed his own jihad in Adar, against the "animist" Azna and Tuareg who did not follow Islamic precepts. This figure, Muhammadu Jelani, was such a radical that he even preached social equality and racial equality in an Adar where the Tuareg nobility saw themselves as superior to the maraboutique clans as well as the Adar commoners. 

Perhaps more recent scholarship can shed more light on the particularities of this region. Although based on both textual sources and oral traditions, Hamani's book was published in the 1970s. Today, with more advances in recent scholarship and perhaps new interpretations of the written sources, the history of Adar, and by extension, Kebbi, Air, and Gobir may challenge some of Hamani's conclusions. For instance, what exactly transpired between 1674, when Agabba of Agades defeated the ruler of Kebbi, and 1721 or so, when Agabba finally establishes himself permanently in Adar as the sultan. And perhaps the nature of Adar's role in trade between Air and Kebbi or Air and other Hausa states was more important than we realize, especially if the salines the Kel Air possessed access to before they gained control of Bilma's salt were already highly prized or valued. One also wonders about the relationship between the "pagan" cults of the Azna villages and the relationship with Islam after the Istambulawa conquest. If, for instance, the Kel Geres were already established in the eastern part of Adar and more sedentary, and even their nobles were more racially mixed than other Tuareg nobles, perhaps there was also a deeper penetration of Islam in the eastern part of Adar?