Showing posts with label Herbert Richmond Palmer. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Herbert Richmond Palmer. Show all posts

7/12/25

Gazetteer of Bornu Province

H.R. Palmer's Gazetteer of Bornu Province is what one expects from the works of Palmer. The colonial administrator moonlighting as a scholar is more of the former here in terms of presenting information of all types on colonial Borno in the 1920s. Thus, beyond his usual far-fetched theories of Hamitic migration/conquest illustrated with questionable linguistic evidence and problematic, forced correspondence of legends and myths of origins across a vast swathe of Sahelian Africa (the Kanuri rulers are ultimately traced back to Kush and the Hamites), Palmer also presents information on the roads of Kanem, taxation, residents, and brief histories of the various emirates within Bornu province. Thus, the people of Biu, Fika, Potiskum and the Bedde receive brief attention here, although their deeper history is nowhere treated as seriously as that of the Kanuri and Kanembu. 

There are few interesting observations of ethnological and historical interest, of course. For instance, Palmer viewed the Sao as some sort of singular state or kingdom, with a main capital near the site of Dikwa at N'difu, ruling for 400 years before transferring their court to N'galla. The Manga people, are also described as being a servile class, descendants of slaves of Kanem's rulers, who adopted the Kanuri language and ways. In addition, Palmer noted a weakness of "national" feeling in precolonial Borno. Thus, even the Sugurti Kanembu who supposed al-Kanemi when he seized power in Borno later turned against his dynasty in the 1840s when Wadai supported the Sayfawa candidate Ali Dalatumi against the Shehu. Intriguingly, Palmer likewise raises attention to a mallam, named Buki, who led an "unarmed rabble" against Rabeh in the 1890s, which is yet another fascinating moment in which mallams played a role in popular movements. 

In terms of other peoples and emirates in the province, all are in the shadow of Borno, even if independent or largely so. Biu, for example, remembered the first ma as Yamta ra Wala, who was said to have been born in Birni Gazargamo. Unsurprisingly, the rulers of Biu sent gifts to the ruler of Borno as well. The Bedde and Ngizim are also linked to Borno through Kanem, where they are said to have come from. As for the other groups, such as the Koyam and Tubu, Palmer forces everything through his Hamitic theory's lens, trying to connect the koyam to the Tuareg and the clans which later came to rule Kanem and Borno to the Kushites of Yam and Nubia. It's a wild ride, but one familiar to anyone who has Bornu Sahara and Sudan. Palmer certainly had a creative imagination!

7/1/22

Bornu Sahara and Sudan

Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan was fun at first but quickly turned into a depressing chore. Unlike Sudanese Memoirs, which mostly consists of primary sources, this volume pounds on the reader on the head with the various unsubstantiated theories of Palmer on the origins of Kanem-Borno and African civilizations. As one would suspect, everything is connected to ancient Middle Eastern, Berber, Nubian, and Abyssinian migration or influences. Palmer, per usual, relies on questionable linguistic theories to connect these various influences which eventually led to the formation of Kanem and neighboring kingdoms in the precolonial era. 

After reading half the book, we decided to skim the remainder for interesting sources, information or changes in Palmer's translations of some local materials. For example, some of the mahrams appear to be translated differently in this work than Sudanese Memoirs, and one gets the impression that some of the Kanuri songs and girgams quoted in Bornu Sahara and Sudan were not included in the previous work. However, for Palmer's version of the Diwan and some of the speculative theories on particular mais in the Sayfawa dynasty, one should still consult this work. 

Just keep in mind that it's not always clear where Palmer derived his information and some of the translations could be shoddy and misleading, especially when tied to his penchant for random linguistic connections. For instance, his theory connecting the name "Organa" for Kanem in medieval European maps is almost certainly incorrect, just as most of his work reflects the Hamitic Hypothesis and its hyperdiffusionist perspective. 

6/28/22

Sudanese Memoirs

Although Herbert Richmond Palmer's scholarship on the history of Kanem-Borno and West Africa is horribly outdated and reflects a colonialist bias, one cannot avoid him. Just for his collection of primary sources (oral and textual) and the various translations of Arabic texts he published, his legacy in the study of the "Central Sudan" region of West Africa is strong. Unfortunately, his scholarship owes much to the Hamitic Hypothesis and fundamentally incorrect theories of ancient Elamite and Middle Eastern migration into West Africa that led to the formation of kingdoms like Kanem-Borno. 

His penchant for random linguistic connections based on unproven conclusions also weakens the analysis since he builds a grand theory of Berber or Tuareg origins for all the states of the Sudanic belt (but borrowing from Ibn Khaldun, Muhammad Bello and local West African sources to trace the origins of the "Tuareg" to the Blue Nile, Kordofan, Nubia) that relies on unproven links between Tuareg Tamashek and various words from Kanuri, Teda, Hausa, and other languages. Thus, Palmer sees the various states of precolonial West Africa as the creation of "Barbars" of "white" or "less negroid" origin. Indeed, in some cases entire ethnic groups are reduced to "servile" castes of their Berber conquerors or overlords.

In his defense, however, some of the local chronicles, mahrams, girgams, and oral traditions provided to Palmer by local elites in Borno or elsewhere in Nigeria made similar claims of ancient Near Eastern or Eastern origins in Yemen, the Nile Valley, Baghdad, or beyond. These local sources usually reflect an Islamic genealogy that stresses alleged descent from the kings of Himyar or prominent figures or places in the history of Islam, but one can see how tempting it was for colonial-era scholars like Palmer or Urvoy to interpret these local sources in their own highly racialized way. Where Palmer distinguishes himself from Yves Urvoy, however, is in his attempt at a more "nuanced" interpretation of the various waves of "Barbars" into the "Sudan" through Yemen, Ethiopia, and the Nile Valley. Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs suggests that ancient "Elamites" as well as Phoenicians penetrated the Sahara and Sudan in pre-Islamic times while the later wave of  Tuareg-like rulers from the East represented something with ties to the Nile Valley. 

Despite the lack of evidence for a "Barbar" origin of the Zaghawa, Teda, Kanembu or Kanuri, Palmer problematically borrows what he needs from Ibn Khaldun or 19th century  West African scholars like Muhammad Bello to find the basic "proof" he needs for his theories. Nonetheless, Sudanese Memoirs is mostly local sources and is of great value for some of the mahrams, girgams, chronicles, and traditions that shed light on intricate or provocative points of inquiry. Furthermore, Palmer's rendition of the Kano Chronicle was republished in this collection, always a worthwhile read for those interested in Hausa history.

But for anyone interested in the history of Kanem-Borno and the Sayfawa dynasty, Sudanese Memoirs contains several useful sources and thought-provoking interpretations. For instance, some of the chapters provide a breakdown of Kanembu and Borno tribes and clans, such as the Magumi, N'gal, Mani Kangu, Kuburi, and Kajidi. The various mahrams present a mix of traditions and historical personages that give some details on power relations and land tenure in Kanem-Borno, such as the Mahram of Umme Jilmi from the late 11th century (but probably written down centuries after the events it described). The Tura Mahrams for the Beni Mukhtar for example, allude to the sometimes violent nature of relations between Kawar and Air (The Dirku Tubu and Tuareg of Air) during the time of mai Bikir (c.1184, according to Palmer's chronology), who was almost certainly the mai Abdallah Bakuru of Lange's chronology. If accurate, these Tura mahrams and the Mahram of Umme Jilmi for the descendants of Muhammad b. Mani and the Tura Tuzan suggest the Kawar region and traders of Tubu (and Arab?) origin were very important for Kanem by the late 11th century, and Kanem's rulers were mediators in conflicts among the Saharan populations nearby. This can be corroborated by the Diwan giving several examples of early mais whose mothers came from Kay (Koyam) and Tubu clans. 

A few of the later selections in Sudanese Memoirs also contain some interesting if not verifiable information on the Sayfawa dynasty's political history. Some of the girgams, such as the Saifawa Girgam in possession of Galadima Kashim Biri, provide names that do not appear in the formal Diwan. According to this document, Kashim Biri, who acted as regent during one of the pilgrimages of Ali b. Umar (r.1639-1679), tried to seize the throne but was defeated when Ali returned. His fate was to be blinded and exiled. It is highly likely that this Kashim Biri, son of Umar (perhaps Umar b. Idris, the father of Ali) was the figure behind the revolt in 1667 that resulted in Agadez attacking Borno and unknowingly selling Ali b. Umar's nephew into slavery in the Maghrib. 

The Masbarma family of wazirs and Islamic scholars also merit discussion. The chronological details are unclear in the text,, but wazir Umar Masbarma ibn Uthman ibn Ibrahim's influence on mai Ali b. Muhammad Dunama (Ali Ghaji, the builder of Gazargamo) was said to be so strong that it sparked opposition from other prominent members of the court. This very same Umar Masbarma would later go on to chronicle the exploits of Idris Katagarmabe. The source, unfortunately, gets some things wrong but offers one of our few detailed looks at the Masbarma and their close relationship with the Sayfawa dynasty, which included marriage to Mariam Hafsa, a daughter of Ali b. Muhammad Dunama. What stands out to us is the mention of Mariam Hafsa as well read, raising the question of women and education in precolonial Borno. 

Sadly, the Kindle edition of this text features excessive typos and should be avoided. Of course, if that is the only accessible edition of this important book, then we suggest purchasing it anyway just to have access to the text. Despite all the ideological problems of Palmer and the lack of the original Arabic documents, Sudanese Memoirs is required for the history of Kanem-Borno and Nigeria.