Colonial Transition of Borno's Economy

Yakubu Mukhtar's Trade, Merchants and the State in Borno, c. 1893-1939 is an excellent analysis of the economy of Borno during the first few decades of British colonialism. Mukhtar's study endeavors to examine the question of trade and economy in colonial Borno in the context of northern Nigeria's economic reorientation to the coast and the thorny issues of dependency theory and vent for surplus theory. Relying on oral sources, colonial reports, and previous scholarship, Mukhtar found the Borno case to not support either theory strongly. Moreover, he found that the colonial state and its reliance on indirect rule, plus issues of transportation and prices for Borno's exports, made Borno rather late in terms of becoming a major exporter of commodities like gum arabic, cattle, or groundnuts. The thorny issues of compelling peasant producers to shift to gum arabic, impose taxation in cash rather than in kind, and attempting to work with "traditional" rulers led to problems like the persistence of slavery until the 1930s or widespread smuggling across colonial borders. One can see the frustrations of the colonial officialdom who sought to make administration of Borno pay for itself despite the troubled economy inherited from Rabeh. 

Indeed, while British colonialism did not bring Borno into the international capitalist system (that already happened through trans-Saharan trade and Sudanic trade in commodities that linked precolonial Borno to Europe and the Mediterranean), British rule did gradually lead to a more thoroughly monetized economy with closer integration into the world capitalist system. With the extension of the railway to Kano and the 1930 extension to Nguru, Borno's hides, skins, gum arabic, cattle, and natron more easily reached Lagos and other regions. European and Levantine commercial firms began to increase their operations in Borno and northeast Nigeria, particularly important as an important node in trade of cattle, kola nuts, cloth, salt, and textiles with the French colonies of Niger and Chad. Again, much of this was not new. Borno had long been a center of Sudanic commerce and its role in the production and distribution of salt, dried fish, livestock, textiles, natron, kola nuts, and other commodities had made it the most important area of the Central Sudan before the Sokoto Caliphate's rise. What British rule did was improve security and, gradually, with the railroad, modern roads, and lorries, increase the scale of trade. Borno remained a peripheral part of Northern Nigeria in comparison to Kano, but the quantity and amount of goods exported to Lagos and beyond gradually led to more local consumers of imported European goods and an indigenous merchant class.

What is most interesting about Mukhtar's study of Borno's economy in the colonial transition is the issue of continuity and change from precolonial patterns. Slavery, as previously mentioned, continued despite British crackdown on slave traders. The system of indirect rule also led to attempts to work with the Shehu and his administration, albeit changing the titled nobility from absentee to settled ones in the villages and towns outside the capital. Borno Resident officials like H.R. Palmer were active in promoting possible exports for Borno, such as gum arabic, while persuading the Shehu to promote gum arabic to the peasantry and engage in trade with European firms, like the Niger Company. Indigenous merchants of Kanuri and Hausa origin, or the once dominant North African traders, also continued to operate in Borno with some enjoying close relations with the traditional authorities. North Africans gradually lost their position of prominence due to the decline of the trans-Saharan trade. While trans-Saharan trade routes connecting Tripolitania with Kano and Zinder sometimes included a stopover to Borno, the second decade of the 20th century saw an end to that. North Africans began to shift to Lagos and working as agents of European firms. Nonetheless, they continued to enjoy a prominent role that led to the establishment of the Fezzan ward of Maiduguri and religious, cultural, and social relations to Borno's authorities. Levantines and even Yemeni traders also entered Borno during this period, sometimes also becoming agents of European firms. Access to credit gave the Levantines an advantage over local traders, who competing with African merchants buying and selling the same commodities. Nonetheless, a number of Hausa, Kanuri and other West African traders became prosperous through kola nuts, cattle, hides, and cotton cloth trade. Their unfamiliarity with bookkeeping, lack of access to credit, and perhaps Islamic and cultural practices that impeded the chances for their businesses to survive the founder's death made it harder for them to maintain a position comparable to that of the Levantines.

Ultimately, the question of Borno's economy and the colonial transition was a mix of moderate improvements and frustrated hopes. New exports like gum arabic and groundnuts replaced slaves, ivory and ostrich plumes, which definitely represented a major shift in Borno's non-Sudanic trade. However, the improvements in transportation were not as widespread or quick enough to have facilitated the development of these exports earlier in the colonial period. Furthermore the persistent problem of food supply and the delicate ecology of the area meant it was not guaranteed that Kanuri peasants would dedicate themselves to gum arabic instead of subsistence crops or groundnuts. Of course, Borno's distance from Lagos and the Atlantic also contributed to its importance. So, while remaining a periphery of Kano and Lagos, Borno was actually hugely important for the trade in cattle and natron from Chad and Niger. Wadai's cattle, for example, were often shipped through Borno to reach Southern Nigeria. Borno was likewise important in producing grain for trade to Niger and Chad. Borno's economic position was thus something of a paradox. It benefited from its geographic position while also suffering from it. The region appears to have experienced something of a boom after 1939 with some exports, but never to have developed the type of successful indigenous business class of Kano. Certainly the benefits of Borno's gradually improved economic situation were also felt unevenly. Peasants and the lower classes may have benefited from access to cash and more affordable imports from Europe, but ongoing issues of transportation, price fluctuations and the depression years must have limited the positive outcomes of this era.

The Hausa Factor in West African History

As an overview of the complex origins of Hausa communities across most of West Africa, Mahdi Adamu's The Hausa Factor in West African History is worth reading. It covers the spread of Hausa traders, artisans, malams, and other assimilated non-Hausa from the 16th century until the early 20th century, though most of its sources seem to cover the 18th and 19th centuries. Adamu's study illustrates how Islam, mobility, and Hausa cultural and economic practices and institutions were able to facilitate the development of markets, local industries (like textiles and leather goods), exchange, and link much of West Africa through Hausa-identified merchants and communities. 

Based on mostly European primary sources and oral sources from informants of Hausa origin (or connections) in Nigeria, Ghana, Benin and various countries in the region, Adamu occasionally can trace the origin of some Hausa and Hausa-identified Borno, Nupe, and Wangara traders who became economically important in the Bight of Benin, Middle Belt of Nigeria, Gold Coast, Mali, and Senegal. It is certainly an impressive, centuries-long process of economic integration, mercantilism, and proof that the economy of precolonial West Africa cannot be simply described as a subsistence one. 

However, there are occasional errors and inaccuracies which mar the general narrative and we're still in the dark about the early penetration of Hausa traders in several regions discussed by the author. For example, Adamu erroneously refers to traveler Wargee as an Arab. There's even an incorrect labeling of the do Rego family as being of Yoruba origin rather than Kanike or Kanuri extraction. He also mistakenly assumes Labat actually visited Dahomey even though he was merely publishing the travel report of another Frenchman. In addition, we were alarmed by Adamu referencing the correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks casting doubt about the authenticity of some of the information provided by Lucas on West Africa. 

However, when we actually scoured said correspondence for references to West Africa, Tripoli and the Fezzan, we did not find anything so alarming that casts doubt on the information of Lucas and Ledyard on Borno or Hausaland. Moreover, we also have our own doubts about the accuracy or authenticity of some of the sources utilized by Adamu. For instance, Damberger, whose narrative was a hoax, is cited favorably for identifying "Haoussa" or "Hausa" as Yawuri, even though the vast commercial center described in some of the European sources does not necessarily need to have been a single place or entrepot. 

Despite our quibbles and problems with Adamu's text, we still recommend it for anyone interested in how the Hausa language and culture have become so widespread in Africa. For those interested in the economic history of the Central Sudan, it supplements Lovejoy's work on the salt and kolanut trade by focusing on the Hausa communities outside of Hausaland who played such a key role in the movement of these aforementioned commodities. For those of us who are interested in Borno and the Kanuri, there are occasional references to Bareberi or Beriberi Kanuri traders and malams in many of these Hausa enclaves outside the Central Sudan. Indeed, Adamu's conclusions suggest the "Kambarin Beriberi" or "Hausa" traders of Kanuri origin may have been established in Hausa trading centers in some areas long before the 19th century. 

Takrur and the Coast?

One of the early West African states whose rulers converted to Islam at an early date was Takrur, located in the Middle Senegal Valley. Takrur became so well-known in Egypt and the Middle East that the name of their kingdom became a common appellation for the entirety of the "Western Sudan." Yet, despite Takrur being well-known to informed persons in Egypt, Syria, and North Africa from at least the 11th century onwards, surprisingly little is known of it. Prior to al-Bakri there does not appear to be any extant Arabic records that explicitly allude to the kingdom of Takrur. Yet archaeological evidence suggests the rise of polities along the Senegal River by the 500s, with ties to long-distance trade, iron metallurgy, riverine resources, and salt. Evidence of camel remains in the Senegal River Valley also suggest possibly ancient forms of trans-Saharan contact, or at least movement of peoples and goods from the southern Sahara to the Sahel and savanna. This period, perhaps corresponding with the early Jaa Ogo dynasty of Takrur, may have consolidated through iron metallurgy and this intra-regional trade. 

Part of the problem for Takrur may be Ghana overshadowing it, despite Takrur's conversion to Islam before Ghana. Ghana was mentioned first in external Arabic sources, and although Takrur was never subdued by Ghana, the latter kingdom may have been the more powerful with better connections to the sources of gold used in trans-Saharan contact. One also suspects that Takrur, located on the western end of the Sudanic region, may have suffered from its more peripheral location with regards to the movement of goods from West Africa to the Maghrib and Egypt. Takrur, and other parts of the Senegal River Valley, would also later fall under the domination of Mali, and may have been important for access to sea salt as an additional source besides Saharan mines. Unfortunately, the number of primary sources which could shed light on the nature of Takrur and its trading partners is restricted to the external Arabic sources which point to ties with the "Lamlam" (victims of Takrur slave raids), Awdaghust, Awlil, and traders from the east and north (Arabs and Berbers were also active in towns under Takrur, including the eponymous capital and Silla. 

However, surprisingly, little attention has been paid to Takrur's access to sea salt and coastal trade with North Africa. Due to the paucity of sources, one cannot ascertain to what extent this actually occurred, but Takrur was intimately linked to Awlil and, presumably, the island of Ayuna, a source of sea salt, ambergris, and turtle meat located somewhere on the mouth of the Senegal River or Mauritanian coast. Since Takrur was known for the export of gold and slaves, one would think some of these exports would have traveled west along the Senegal River to Awlil, where ships from the Maghrib were said to have visited. Indeed, Arabic sources allude to Awlil as the last point ships from the Maghrib traveled to, implying it was a well-known anchorage and presumably engaging in trade with the local Banu Gudala Berbers. For example, the Kital al-Istibsar of the 12th century makes this clear:

There is a salt mine also in the land of the Gudala at a place called Walili on the coast of the Ocean and from there it is carried by caravan to the neighboring countries. Near Walili in the sea is an island called Ayuna. At high tide it may be reached only by boats, but at low tie it may be reached on foot. Much ambergris is found there. The people there mainly live on the flesh of turtles, which are very abundant in that place and are so extremely large that a man may get into the shell (mahar) taken from a turtle's back and go fishing in the seas, as in a boat (Corpus of Early Arabic Sources, p. 142).

This same source mentions the island of Ayuna as "the farthest point reached by ships and the last anchorage in the Maghrib." And while it points to the salt from "Walili" being traded overland, earlier sources, mainly al-Idrisi, point to the use of river boats to transport salt: 

The Island of Awlil is in the sea near the coast. The famous salt deposit is there. No other salt deposit is known in the land of the Sudan. The salt is carried from there to all the towns of the Sudan. Boats come to this island, and the salt is loaded on them. The boats then go to the mouth of the Nil, which is one day's run from the island. They then proceed up the Nile to Sila, Takrur, Barisa, Ghana, and the other towns of Wanqara and Kugha as well as to all the towns of the Sudan" (Corpus of Early Arabic Sources, p. 106-107).

While secondary sources seem to disagree on when or if Takrur ever directly seized control of Awlil, al-Idrisi places the town of Awlil in the lands of the Maqzara of the Sudan. Ibn Sa'id also quoted al-Idrisi's statement, indicating the use of ships to carry salt from Awlil up the Senegal River. Of course, al-Idrisi's conception of every West Africa town lying along the "Nile" was incorrect, but he was probably correct in the use of ships from Awlil to carry salt directly to the "Land of the Blacks," which would have required it to pass through lands controlled by the kingdom of Takrur, which dominated Sila, Barisa, and, by the 13th century, Qalanbu (possibly the ancient kingdom of Galam), a well-known river port. One would assume the ancient town of Sanghana, consisting of two towns on both banks of the Senegal River, and said by al-Bakri to be closest to the Banu Gudala territory, fell under the rule of Takrur. 

One would think the rulers of Takrur would have endeavored to benefit from a coastal trade route to their west as well as the more well-known overland routes to Awdaghust and beyond. Al-Bakri and others mention Awlil as a source of salt for Awdaghust's trade with the lands to the south, and probably the source of Awdaghust's ambergris trade. Why not also trade gold, slaves, ivory, cotton, and other commodities along the Senegal River, dominated by Takrur, to the west to Awlil, where ships from the Mediterranean could transfer goods to the Maghrib and beyond? This would have allowed Takrur access to goods from the north without relying solely on Awdaghust or Ghana and its trading network to the east. Moreover, it may have increased the reputation of the kingdom as a source for gold from Bambuk and other lands without the costly trans-Saharan journey. 

Unfortunately, none of the Arabic sources are sufficiently clear to establish a regular coastal trade at Awlil that linked Takrur to the Mediterranean. Indeed, some of the sources suggest a possible pre-Islamic trade that connected Takrur to the mysterious Qamnuriya "Sudan" to the north, using ancient overland trade routes. Besides, other accounts of shipwrecks of mariners from the Mediterranean along the western coast of Africa seem to indicate that it was not very common for mariners to travel beyond southern Morocco. If, indeed, they regularly visited Awlil by the Senegal River, one would assume more sources could attest to this. Perhaps archaeological excavations in the region will shed light on this, as well as more research into the Banu Gudala. For instance, one of the tales of lost sailors mentions Banu Gudala, who did not seem too shocked by the presence of sailors on their coast. Moreover, a mention of "Tochoron" in a 14th century Iberian book on the known kingdoms of the world mentions travel to the West African coast from North Africa, to reach the "River of Gold" (the Senegal and Niger rivers, which were believed to be connected to the Nile). While the text describes a fictional journey around the known world, its author was clearly well-informed, and perhaps was not entirely fabricating details about West Africa, the Senegal River and trading ships. "Tochoron" or 'Takrur does appear in the text, but the narrative describes an overland route to get there across the Sahara. Nevertheless, Takrur should still have been a leading power along the Senegal River Valley, and probably closely linked to any trading activities at the mouth of the Senegal River or nearby coastal regions, which might explain why "Tochoror" appeared on European maps as early as 1339.

Kola Nut Trade in West Africa

Lovejoy's Caravans of Kola has been on this blog's reading list for quite some time. It seems to be a perfect companion to Lovejoy's even more detailed study of salt production and trade in the Central Sudan region during roughly the same period. Unfortunately for those interested in production, this study focuses more on exchange as the zone of kola growing was in the Volta basin under the rule of the Asante in the 18th and 19th centuries. Nonetheless, the two studies complement each other by illustrating how the market forces were related in the exchange of salt, natron, textiles, leather goods, and other products across a huge swathe of West Africa. Thus, as convincingly demonstrated by Lovejoy's study, the kola trade was one of the ways in which precolonial West African societies were shaped by market forces as well as linkages to the Atlantic and trans-Saharan systems. 

Even more intriguing is the analysis of the corporate kola traders of Hausaland in the 19th century, the Kambarin Beriberi, Tokarawa and Agalawa. These three groups, of Kanuri origin and "servile" backgrounds from the Tuareg lands to the north, took advantage of preexisting Islamic Hausa commercial diasporas in the Volta basin and the economic dynamism of Kano to become some of the wealthiest local traders in the Sokoto caliphate and northern Nigeria. Several chapters break down this development through the use of asali, Islam, Hausa language, large-scale caravan organization and networks established by previous Muslim traders who linked the Central Sudan with areas that later fell under the dominion of Asante. The ascent of these 3 groups points to the role of markets in upward social mobility in the Central Sudan for people of "servile" origin or those of Kanuri origin (Kambarin Beriberi) who emigrated to Hausaland in the late 18th century and early 19th century.

While we are more particularly interested in the earliest forms of this trade in kola between this region and Borno, the sources are richer for the period of 1700-1900. Consequently, our interest in how Borno's hegemonic position in the pre-jihad economy of the Central Sudan may have been linked to the kola trade before, say, 1759, remains somewhat obscure. Undoubtedly, the brief autobiographical texts of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq of Jamaica indicate a link between Jenne traders and those of Katsina and Borno by the late 18th century. Moreover, the problematic narrative of James Albert hints at links between Borno and the "Gold Coast" in the 18th century while the Fezzani trader cited by Lucas directly traveled to the region in question on behalf of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty. The Kano Chronicle likewise alludes trade in kola from Gonja to Borno through Hausaland by the 1400s or 1500s, and it is hard to imagine Borno traders not being involved with the trade in kola nuts at such early dates. This would be especially so if Borno was the dominant producer of textiles and leather products (or at least the main distribution center) for the Central Sudan before the Fulani jihad. 

Borno and Salt in the Central Sudan

Paul Lovejoy's Salt of the Desert Sun: A History of Salt Production and Trade in the Central Sudan is required reading for anyone interested in the production and trade of one of the major commodities used in the "Central Sudan" region of West Africa. Although mostly based on 19th century and colonial-era sources on salt production, markets, social relations, and political economy, Lovejoy's important study elucidates the importance of salts in the regional economy. If one can stomach the somewhat duller early chapters, the second half of the book contains rich details and references for specifics on social relations, labor, proprietorship, political factors, and changes in the development of salt production. While technologically quite "primitive" and limited by climactic variables and transportation, the role of salt in the region's economy was significant. It even contributed to Hausa and Central Sudan trade with the Volta Basin, especially for kola nuts. Indeed, the full scale of it can only be glimpsed because of our limited sources which largely date from the 19th and 20th centuries.

So, how did the Central Sudan's salt trade impact the development of Borno and Borno's hegemony in the region? For much of the precolonial era, particularly before the c.1759, Borno was the closest to creating a quasi-monopoly of salts in the region. Due to Borno's control of the Kawar desert salines as well as Sahelian and Lake Chad sources (salt and natron), it became the dominant player in the salt trade for centuries, probably as early as the 16th century. Salt was used for livestock, medicinal purposes, culinary tastes and industrial uses (tanning), so it was directly linked to agriculture, textiles, leatherwork, and long-distance trade. By controlling most of the sources of salts in the region before the Tuareg affiliated with Agadez seized control of the trade of Bilma by 1759, Borno was in a tremendous position to dominate the larger economy of the area. Borno's salt works in Mangari, or Gourbei, for instance, were relatively close to the capital city and its populous district. This district, according to Lovejoy, was also an agricultural center with a local textile industry. Lake Chad also served as a center for livestock-raising, which profited Borno's economy as it still dominated Kanem on the eastern shores of Lake Chad. 

Although the control of Kawar was central to Borno's interests in trans-Saharan trade, Lovejoy's text convincingly illustrates how the desert salines of Bilma and Fachi contributed to the bustling trade in salt across the Central Sudan. Additional sources of salt in the Sahelian region of Borno also contributed to the strong regional economy, which surely contributed to Borno's preeminence as the predominant power in the region. As Barkindo argued in the UNESCO series, Borno in the 1500s-1700s possessed a strong regional economy and salt surely played a role. Despite the limited sources, Lovejoy speculates that control of salines in the semi-arid Sahel zone of Borno was likely distributed through fiefs, whose holders were mostly based in Birni Gazargamo. Fief-holders and others who jostled for lucrative grants of fiefs may have relied on slave labor in Gourbei and other regions, suggesting that slaves procured via raids and trade with Bagirmi could have found local uses in Borno's local industries. Consequently, one can see how trans-Saharan and regional trade supported each other through various linkages. 

Unfortunately, this strong regional economy began to decay by the 18th century. The main victor of this process was the Sokoto Caliphate and the Hausa traders (though many were actually of Kanuri and Tuareg origins). The Tuareg of Agadez were able to seize control of the distribution of salt from Bilma and Fachi while continuing to supply salt from Teguidda to Hausaland. Increasingly, after 1759, the trade routes reoriented through the Tuareg networks in the desert to Hausa cities like Kano. Hausa traders, who were active in the kola trade, textile manufacturing and exports, and, through Kanuri-descended "Beriberi" traders, had access to salts from Borno and Foli in Kanem, were able to become the dominant market for salts while supplanting Borno's role. As convincingly laid out by Lovejoy, Borno gradually became an economic satellite of the Sokoto Caliphate, despite still occupying some importance from its Sahelian and Lake Chad salines. One would think the rise of Hausa traders moving kola nuts into the Central Sudan, plus the increase in textile production in areas such as Kano further eroded what remained of Borno's textiles and trade network. 

Thus, the Tuareg, by defeating the Koyam and nomadic allies of the Sayfawa rulers in the 18th century, replaced the Kanuri in the movement of desert salts to the savanna lands further south. Hausa traders and networks gradually replaced Borno merchants while incorporating some into their networks. Borno gradually became dependent on the Sokoto Caliphate after losing western territories, the Kawar, and, eventually, Kanem. Despite only being one of the major commodities exchanged in the Central Sudan, the loss of dominance of the salt trade was undeniably linked to Borno's gradual decline in the 18th and 19th centuries. Exactly how and why Borno's nomadic allies were defeated by the Tuareg and the Sayfawa rulers did not make more consistently forceful attempts to reassert their authority in Kawar is not clear. Regardless, their lack of forceful action in the late 18th century probably contributed to the weakness of the Sayfawa rulers in the face of Fulani jihadist attacks in the early 19th century. The Great Drought of 1738-1753, the defeat of Borno by Mandara in 1781, and possibly another drought in the 1790s or early 1800s must have also played a role in the long decline of the Sayfawa rulers.

Kanem-Borno and the East?

I have become obsessed with the question of east-west trade and cultural contacts in Sudanic Africa. After all, why wouldn't there have been contact of some sort between Nubia and the lands further west, especially in the Darfur, Kordofan, and Chad regions? From what I can tell, the most fervent proponent of theories connecting ancient Nubian civilizations with lands to the west was Arkell, who relied on inconclusive evidence and problematic assumptions. Sure, there may have been pottery at Chad sites that kind of resembles Meroitic pottery, but until archaeologists uncover more evidence (like obviously Meroitic or Christian Nubian items), the theory of east-west contacts and diffusion remains uncertain. Certainly, the eventual deciphering of the Meroitic language might reveal something about the nature of the Middle Nile's contacts with peoples to the west, just as additional excavations in Darfur and the Kordofan could reveal new connections.

How about after the fall of Meroe, particularly during the period of Christian kingdoms in Nubia? While Nubian and local Kanem-Borno sources seem to indicate no connections, a perusal of Vantini's collection of  Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia do suggest possible trade and conflicts between Christian Nubia and the lands to their west. Unfortunately, most of the Arabic sources on Kanem, and all the lands between Lake Chad and the Nile are confused, ambiguous, or contradictory. It does not help that Kanem's origins, apparently first ruled by "Zaghawa" peoples, are not very detailed in the various 8th-11th century sources. Early Arabic sources mentioning the "Zaghawa" and Kanem associate the two, although Kanem was already identified as multiethnic and consisting of agriculturalists and pastoralists. Early sources point to the lack of towns until the 900s, when Manan and perhaps Tarazaki are mentioned as "Kanem" or "Zaghawa" towns. It is described as a vast kingdom, in between Gao to the west and the lands of the Nuba (Nubians) to the east. By the 1100s, the "Zaghawa" are separated from Kanem by al-Idrisi, who suggests the Zaghawa now ruled a kingdom between Kanem and Nubia. In al-Idrisi's confusing account, the Zaghawa and another population (Tajuwa) are described as bordering Nubia, and al-Idrisi mentions a Nubian attack on a town of the Tajuwa people. His brief account also suggests the "Zaghawa" vassal state of Kanem produced handicrafts and included several well-populated villages. Other sources preceding al-Idrisi claimed the Zaghawa were fighting the Nubians (al-Masudi). 

If true, this indicates that the western extent of the Nubian states may have reached the Darfur area and the Kordofan. There may have been an interest on the part of Nubian states to pursue western trade routes that might have connected them to Kanem and, perhaps, the Maghreb. The Arabic sources on Kanem from the 8th-13th century point to stronger trade ties with lands to their north (through the Kawar and Fezzan, with Ibadite Berbers) than their east, though they are also somewhat vague about the rise of trade networks, towns, and possible regional trade. Furthermore, it is possible Arabic sources would not mention Nubian trade with the Zaghawa and Kanem if their trade routes were rarely traversed by North Africans or Arabs. Yet cryptic references to "black" Christians in the lands between Kanem and Nubia also suggest possible ties to Nubia, although the "Bakarmi" Christians may have been descendants of a group converted to Christianity around the same time as the Garamantes in the 6th century. Furthermore, the Bakarmi are described as being Muslim if residing by Kanem, pagan if neighboring the Zaghawa, and Christian when bordering Nubia, suggesting that they were a population under various influences from their western and eastern neighbors.

The best early source on the full extent of Kanem can be found in the 13th century account of Ibn Said al-Andalusi. He relies on the work of a Ibn Fatima who visited Kanem during the reign of Dunama, an expansionist king seen as promoting Islam and expanding the power of Kanem. If Ibn Said's account is accurate, Kanem possessed several towns around Lake Chad, dominated the Kawar oasis (the Diwan of Kanem mentions previous Kanem kings sending slave colonies to the region in the 1000s, perhaps to exploit salt mining?), and the king even possessed gardens near the capital, Njimi, with sugarcane plantations. He is described as ruling over various Saharan and Sahelian regions, including Berber subjects who were slaves of the king. Of course, by the 13th century, the kings of Kanem had been Muslim for generations, even predating the Sefuwa dynasty which replaced the "Duguwa" ("Zaghawa") rulers of early Kanem. Arabic accounts suggest a great degree of continuity in kingship, particularly in the "divine" powers or attributes of the mais of Kanem. Such "divine" features of Kanem kingship carried on well into the Bornu successor state/empire, too. If one were a diffusionist, one could try to attribute this to the influence of Meroe and ancient Nubia in the Chad region. Of course, there is no evidence for that, and the earliest date one could claim for Kanem's foundation would probably be the 7th century, centuries after the fall of Meroe. It is unlikely that "Zaghawa" and Teda or Tubu nomads in the Libyan Sahara or Chad region were connected to Meroe, but Ibn Said does claim the kings of Kanem migrated from the Nile. One must read that with caution, however, as medieval Islamic geographers connected the Nile to the Niger in West Africa, believing it ran from the Senegal and Niger rivers through Kanem before reaching Nubia and Egypt.

Based on the 13th century description of Kanem, it is clear the empire had already achieved some degree of a strong regional economy with control of Saharan salt deposits, southern Saharan trade routes, and a strong agricultural base in the lands to the south. They also had "pagan" enemies on the southern shores of Lake Chad and other lands to raid for spoils and captives to trade to their northern (and eastern?) partners. They were clearly trading with North Africa and Egypt, so why not Nubia? Trade routes through the east, particularly if the "Zaghawa" were still subjects, would have provided access to goods from Egypt, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. The east could have also provided horses, luxury goods, glassware, textiles, precious stones, and cowries, the last being used as currency in Kanem by the 1300s. If the east-west trade routes could be secured in the lands between Kanem and Nubia, and prices were lower than paying for the added costs of distribution across the Sahara, why not pursue that? I suppose the importance Kanem attached to northern expansion into the Sahara during the 1200s suggests that was a likely focus of their monarchs, but an eastern trade route would have been a wise pursuit to have alternative access to Egyptian, Indian, Middle Eastern, and Asian commodities.

So, what would Nubia have received in return from trade with Kanem and lands to their west and southwest? It seems historians still have much work to do to uncover the nature of trade in medieval Nubia, making it difficult to come to any clear idea. However, Arabic sources point to large towns and trading centers connecting Nubia with Ethiopia, Egypt, the Beja (between Nubia and the Red Sea ports of Aydhab and Suakin) and lands to their west. There may have been a trade route connecting Alwa to trans-Saharan trade with the Maghreb, too. Enigmatic references to monasteries, Nubian settlements west of the Nile, and subject peoples (highlanders) in lands further west suggest the Christian states of Makuria and Alwa may have bordered the "Zaghawa" at various moments. Conflicts probably arose, but it is possible the Zaghawa may have seen an opportunity to engage in trade, perhaps exchanging captives, ivory, or even goods from the Maghreb for Nubian textiles, ceramics, foodstuffs, or Asian products. 

Kanem and its affiliated tributary regions could have provided some of the slaves that the Nubian states were allegedly dependent on for trade with Egypt and the Red Sea. Muslims may have played a role as intermediaries, especially so if they had their own quarter at Soba, the capital of Alwa. Nubia may have also exported some of its architectural traditions further west, perhaps diffusing the fired-brick technology to royal towns of Kanem before the rise of the successor Borno state. Kanem would have also had contacts with Nubia through Egypt, and it is uncertain if religious differences would have made Nubia an unattractive trading partner. If anything, trade between the two spheres of influence would have connected trade routes across Sudanic Africa, and perhaps promote Kanem's central position's advantage as a source of goods acquired from the trans-Saharan trade and Asian or Middle Eastern products entering the continent from East Africa or the Red Sea. Nubia, if trade relations with the Arabs, Egyptians, Beja, and Ethiopians were harmonious (sometimes Nubians raided Beja settlements, so relations were not invariably positive), would have been a great position to connect via the Nile and overland routes, to their western neighbors. Kanem would benefit by having two trade routes leading to Asian, European, and North African commodities and manufactured products. The other question is, who arranged and managed this trade? The kings of Kanem and Nubia? Muslim merchants? Evidence from Borno by the 1500s would suggest trade routes and caravans connected it to Darfur, Sennar, and the Red Sea, but by then most of the traders would have been Muslims.

Without additional archaeological work, this remains speculative. But it might explain a facet of relations across Sudanic Africa that possibly predates or coexisted with trans-Saharan trade relations. It also begs the question of intra-Sudanic relations, cultural exchange, architectural influences, The paucity of written sources from Kanem or Borno on their relationship with the lands to their east complicates the matter. Arabic sources on early Kanem do not reveal much and only hint at conflict or contact with Christian Nubia. They also give the impression that Kanem was less wealthy and important than Gao, Ghana, and Mali. However, if there was an east-west trade route that largely excluded North Africans, they might not have been aware of its magnitude and possible impact on the 'Central Sudan.' This might have contributed to the exponential growth of Kanem in the 13th and 14th centuries, as access to Eastern goods via Nubia could have provided Kanem with trading parters to their west and south, as well as another source of horses for their important cavalry. Perhaps in the near future historians and archaeologists will uncover more evidence of these aforementioned forms of intra-African trade. It might explain pre-Islamic Mediterranean or Egyptian goods found in West Africa, as well as the use of cowrie shells from the Indian Ocean as currency in Kanem and its western neighbors.

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