Kanem-Borno and the Fazzan: Reconsidering the Relations Between the Sahara and Sudan

 

A plan of Murzuk, capital of the Fezzan under the Awlad Muhammad (from J. Despois's Géographie humaine).

The Fazzan, a large part of the Central Sahara, has an ancient history stretching back to the Garamantian civilization. With the coming of Islam, the area’s central location on one of the shortest routes for trans-Saharan trade made it even more significant for the growing connections between the Lake Chad Basin and the Mediterranean. As a region of the Sahara once incorporated into a Sudanic state, Kanem, that period has yet to be satisfactorily analyzed. Said to have begun during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi in the 13^th century, scholars disagreed when Sayfawa rule this far north ended. Similarly, there is a debate about the Kanemi provincial ruler, based at Traghen, becoming autonomous and thus ending direct rule from Kanem sometime in the 14^th century. Even as direct rule faded, Kanem’s institutional and cultural legacy endured well into the medieval and early modern periods. This brief article will explore this theme through the external written sources, oral and written traditions of Borno, and the traditions of the Fazzan. It shall be demonstrated that Kanem's conquest of the Fazzan established a durable Kanuri institutional presence that outlasted direct Sayfawa rule and shaped the character of the Awlad Muhammad state — making the Fazzan, from the 13^th through the 18^th century, a northern extension of the Sudanic political world. Therefore, the period of Kanem rule and ongoing relations between Borno and the Awlad Muhammad dynasty of the Fazzan that followed established Kanem and Bornoan influences over a Saharan region that were deep, of great longevity, and multifaceted. Doing so challenges conventional narratives of the Sahara as an impenetrable barrier whilst highlighting how a Sudanic state from the south exerted influence on a northern Saharan space for several centuries from the medieval to Early Modern periods.

Kanem and the Fazzan

Much of the standard overview of the history of the Fazzan is based on traditions that are occasionally contradictory for the medieval and Early Modern eras.[1] For example, J. Despois, in his work on the human geography of the region in the Mission scientifique du Fezzan, was told that the Guend er Roum fortress near Traghen was used by the Banu Khorman before Kanem's conquest of the Fazzan.[2] But Henri Duveyrier, who traveled in the region during the 19th century, was told the Traghen fortress ruins were associated with the Banu Nasur dynasty from Kanem.[3] Does this mean the area's fortifications predate Kanem's northward expansion in the 13^th century? And were the Banu Khorman also present in this part of the Fazzan at this early date? Similarly, J. Chapelle, whose study of the Tubu populations, Nomades noires du Sahara, is a major work, suggested that Dunama Dibalemi installed a Tubu lieutenant to oversee the Fazzan at Traghan in c. 1258.[4] Once again, this is contradicted by the best chronology for the Sayfawa dynasty, Lange's, which indicates Dibalemi's reign likely ended by c. 1248.

Furthermore, Ahmad b. Furtu's chronicle of Idris Alooma's Kanem campaigns referred to hostility between Dunama Dibalemi and the Tubu. Although based on oral tradition, Ahmad b. Furtu's informants spoke of a war between the Tubu and the ruler of Kanem that lasted 7 years, 7 months and 7 days.[5] Consequently, it seems rather unlikely that Dibalemi would have appointed a Tubu leader of the Fazzan at Traghen. Moreover, the frequent Kanuri toponyms in Traghen may be a more reliable indicator of a Kanembu governor posted there.[6] Clearly, there is a problem in the early scholarship on this period. Assuming Dunama Dibalemi had to have been the one who ordered the killing of Qaraqush's son in Waddan and then established Kanem's hegemony in the Fazzan in 1258 cannot be sustained by critical analysis.[7]

What do the few textual sources in this period tell us? The earliest, the geographical text of Ibn Sa'id, was based on a lost account by Ibn Fatima. In his account, which is largely based on Ibn Fatima's descriptions of Kanem during Dunama Dibalemi's reign, the Fazzan is included in the domains of the Sayfawa. This same source, however, repeated the notion that Zawila was the capital of Fazzan.[8] If so, one wonders if the decision to move the Kanemi capital to Traghen was made after Dunama Dibalemi's reign, perhaps when Kaday occupied the throne (1248-1277). Alternatively, Zawila may have continued to occupy a prominent position as the commercial capital while the official appointed by the Sayfawa was based in Traghen. It is unclear exactly how administrative arrangements functioned and where, but Ibn Sa'id implied Kanemi domination during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi. Furthermore, Ahmad b. Furtu and the Diwan reveal this mai owned tens of thousands of horses. It is difficult to imagine Kanem obtaining so many horses for military purposes without importing at least some of them through the Fazzan. Thus, it is possible Kanem's sway over Fazzan began sometime during Dunama's reign. Additional Arabic sources affirm Kanem's intervention in Waddan by the 1250s. According to al-Tijani, the king of Kanem intervened in Waddan and had a son of Qaraqush killed in 1258 for causing discord in the land.[9] 

Ibn Khaldun, for his part, wrote of a gift of a giraffe from Kanem to the Hafsid ruler of Tunis in 1257. Ibn Khaldun was too brief in his description, yet he referred to the king of Kanem also as the ruler of Borno and located their domains to the south of Tripoli.[10] It is unclear if he meant the domains of the Sayfawa still extended into the Fazzan in his time or if he was referring to the period in question, but he wrote in the present tense. Another 14^th century writer, al-Umari, apparently had access to independent sources of information about Kanem. For instance, he relied on the authority of Abu Abd Allah al-Salaliji who personally met the ascetic shaykh, Uthman al-Kanimi. This source, whose nisba pointed to Morocco, presumably met the ascetic shaykh in Egypt or North Africa. Moreover, al-Umari described Kanem's domains stretching to Zalla in Libya. If al-Umari had access to informants who spoke with Kanemi ascetics and pilgrims, one may be able to surmise that his information on the borders of the state was at least partly updated. The lodge in Cairo where Kanemi pilgrims and students stayed was still active at this time, too.[11] Therefore, it is not inconceivable that al-Umari's information on Kanem's borders to be current. Lastly, al-Maqrizi also implied Kanem's continued domination of at least parts of the Libyan Sahara. According to him, Barqa was a northern neighbor of Kanem. This author, who lived from 1364-1442, possessed a surprisingly detailed amount of knowledge on Kanem, Borno, and neighboring regions. Indeed, from his use of Kanuri words like Afnu to refer to the Hausa and various peoples or regions in the Lake Chad area, al-Maqrizi must have had access to other sources of information on this part of Africa.[12] Either through lost Arabic sources or from contact with pilgrims or students from Kanem-Borno, al-Maqrizi should be taken seriously. In contrast to el-Hesnawi, who was inclined to discount the writings of al-Umari and al-Maqrizi on Kanem's rule of the Fazzan enduring for an extended period, the topic is still debatable. Certainly by 1463, however, the qaid of Tripoli received tribute from the Fazzan that was then sent to the Hafsids.[13]

As the few external Arabic sources seem to suggest, Kanem's authority over the Fazzan persisted at least until the end of the 14^th century. This would imply that, despite conflict within the Sayfawa ruling house and wars with the Bulala and Sao, the rulers never completely lost sight of the important commercial route that linked them to the larger Islamic world. If the oral traditions in the Fazzan are accurate, however, things began to fall apart sometime in the 1300s or 1400s. Duveyrier repeated traditions of the Banu Khorman defeating the local Kanem administrators.[14] Gustav Nachtigal, also drawing from tradition, argued that the Banu Nasur dynasty in Fazzan became autonomous or semi-independent.[15] Then, a period of lengthy conflict ensued in the Fazzan, for Despois reported similar traditions on the foundation of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty. Apparently, the Awlad Muhammad founder sought to unite groups in dispersed gasr fortifications due to endemic conflict among the Banu Khorman, Nasur, and Jahma.[16] If this tradition is dependable, the Awlad Muhammad concentrated people at a Nasur gasr and gradually reestablished a unitary state for the Fazzan. This may explain why political titles of Kanuri origin were adopted by the Awlad Muhammad rulers, since their rise to power may have been through an alliance with remnants of the local Kanemi administration. Intriguingly, J. Lethielleux reported that the people of the Wadi al-Ajal sent a deputation to Borno after the fall of the Nasur dynasty due to the incessant conflict with nomads.[17] If so, there may have been elements in the Fazzan who solicited the aid of the Sayfawa for restoring order. It was ultimately achieved by the Awlad Muhammad, who may have accomplished it with what was left of the Banu Nasur. 

Nevertheless, some of the traditions are contradictory about the legacy of Kanem's rule. To Despois, who was told of Kanem forces allegedly destroying Brak el Afia and the village of Maafen, the blacks of Kanem had a bad reputation.[18] Lange, however, has proposed that Brak was attacked by Idris Alooma of Borno in the 16^th century, not during the period of Kanem's rule. Lange based this on Ahmad b. Furtu's chronicle of Idris Alooma's Borno campaigns, referring to an episode in which the mai returned from the hajj and attacked a place called Burak. This Burak was likely the Burak in the northern Fazzan where traditions recall a place destroyed by Kanem. Lange even goes so far as to suggest Borno may have retained or reinstalled a garrison at Traghen in the 16^th century, from which the attack against Burak was launched.[19] Further evidence of this is required, but it would affirm the idea of a more positive or at least neutral view of Kanem's authority in the 13^th and 14^th centuries. For instance, El-Hesnawi was told a tradition by a Fazzani elder of Aqar which reflects a more positive view of Kanem's period of rule. According to this informant, a large delegation of Fazzanis, from 6 nomadic groups, arrived in the capital of the ruler of Kanem to ask for Kanemi families to revive agriculture. This problematic account could be referring to the settlement of slaves to work in the date-groves of the Fazzan. Alternatively, it may contain a kernel of historical veracity on the large-scale movement of free people from Kanem into Fazzan during the 13^th and 14^th centuries. Either way, it represents a positive tradition of Kanem for its settling of 6000 men and their families into the Fazzan and a revival of agriculture after the politically tumultuous years following the fall of the Banu Khattab of Zawila in the late 12^th century. The shared tie of Islam also paved the way for peaceful communication since the Fazzani delegation was initially assumed to be invading infidels by Kanem. Fortunately, the traditioned reported, "But when the Kanemis saw the Fazzanis camped near their capital, performed the daily prayers and showed no signs of hostility, they recognized them as Muslims creating no danger."[20] Ultimately, the annexation of the Fazzan under Dunama Dibalemi may have been welcomed for providing political stability, security, and the revival of the economy.

But what was the nature of the Kanemi authority of the Fazzan? Some possible clues may be seen in the political structure of the Sayfawa state. Lamentably, our sources are richer for the Borno phase of this dynasty. Nonetheless, the survival of Kanuri political titles under the Awlad Muhammad sultans may be a clue. Thus, they too had a yarima, kaigama, and galadima. It is possible that the local Kanemi administration used such titles like the Sayfawa court within the Fazzan. It is also possible that the idea of a dignitary whose title followed a cardinal direction may have been in place. The Awlad Muhammad, for instance, posted a brother of the sultan at Traghen as "Sultan of the East," or "Sultan el Shirghi." Furthermore, the local administration may have utilized the chima system for land grants and tribute collection on date-groves and gardens. The Banu Nasur may have also successfully, for a time at least, rebuilt or maintained gasr fortifications at key sites in the Fazzan. Traghen, their political capital, certainly benefited from this. Zalla and other important sites for the trade and pilgrimage traffic through the Fazzan would have necessitated security.

Additionally, Lyon, when traveling in the Fazzan in the early 19^th century, heard the story of 500 donkeys that perished during the construction of Traghen's citadel.[21] Whether or not the citadel was erected by the Banu Nasur or a later dynasty, it may be an instance of how population movements during the period of Kanem’s hegemony shaped the wider region. Undoubtedly, the large-scale immigration of people in conditions of security must have been the greatest contribution to the region's prosperity. With security for trade routes, free and enslaved people could move to or through the Fazzan, as well as restore and expand oasis settlements. This may be the origin of the Oualad Kassoun of Traghen, a group Despois identified as the most ancient lineage there.[22] Such families with deep roots in sites like Traghen also reshaped the towns and villages of the area based on their town and villages in Kanem and Borno. Perhaps this would explain the preponderance of Kanuri terms for castles, wells, springs, and other place names. It would also elucidate the appearance of a dendal at Murzuk. Further ties to Kanem and Borno may have developed through the Tura traders holding the position of Zeilama, who may have contributed to the growth of the trade in horses for Kanem's military expansion in the 1200s.

In summation, sufficient evidence for the survival of Kanem's rule in the Fazzan into the late 14^th or early 15th centuries has been preserved. The administration at Traghen likely mirrored aspects of the Sayfawa court and it is possible that the Awlad Muhammad partly borrowed Sayfawa court titles via the example of the Banu Nasur dynasty. Exactly when they became autonomous is ambiguous, but a breakdown of state authority must have occurred by the early 15^th century. Due to distance and the frequent conflicts of the Sayfawa with the Sao and Bulala in the 1300s, the Kanemi official posted at Traghen was possibly quite autonomous from an early date. His position may have been like the later galadimas of Borno who possessed great local autonomy on Borno's frontier. Then, the enigmatic Banu Khorman, who may have been of Berber or Arab extraction, were said to have defeated the Banu Nasur and made Zawila their capital. Traditions collected by Despois, however, hint at a possible alliance of the Awlad Muhammad and the Banu Nasur. The period of Kanem's rule in the Fazzan may have also facilitated economic growth with immigration and increases in trade through this vital trans-Saharan route. Since the oral traditions, sadly, are contradictory, much of the precise nature and developments that took place during the era of Kanem’s hegemony in the Fazzan cannot be explored further. Despite their limitations, they do, nonetheless, provide evidence for a relatively durable Kanemi government which shaped the subsequent Fazzani regime, the Awlad Muhammad. The few external Arabic sources on Kanem during this era likewise affirm a long-lasting Kanemi influence on the Fazzan. 

Borno and the Fazzan

Moving into the period of the Sayfawa state in Borno, an era when direct rule over the Fazzan was brief or limited, the Fazzan remained entwined with the south. Beginning with Kanuri placenames, political titles used by the Awlad Muhammad, and possible political legacies in the region, it is abundantly clear that the Fazzan retained its close links to Borno from the 16^th to 19^th centuries. Unfortunately, like the case of Kanem and the Fazzan, detailed sources on the specific nature of relations between the Awlad Muhammad and Borno are sadly limited in the details. Additional research is necessary, particularly revisiting written sources from the period of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty's period of power. Doing so may illuminate further aspects of the Awlad Muhammad as a "Sudanic" state in the middle of the Sahara.

First, the Kanuri toponyms in the Fazzan. Henri Duveyrier, traveling through the region in the 19^th century, found Kanuri placenames in use in the southern Fazzan. As examples he listed the following: Ngouroutou, Karakoura, Kerekerimi, Kangaroua and various wells with Kanuri names in Traghen.[23] In addition, Duveyrier mentions Barnawy cotton cultivated in the Fazzan, yet another aspect of cultural influence from the south. The famous tomb of the Sayfawa mai, Idris b. Ali, who died in the Fazzan in 1696, was also remembered by residents of Traghen and venerated.[24] Other parts of the southern Fazzan, unsurprisingly, have close ties to the Kanuri and Tubu. For instance, Lyon found Kanuri to be more widely spoken than Arabic in Gatrun. Tegerry was similar.[25] In addition, Murzuk, the capital of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty, had a dendal like Kanuri cities. Duveyrier was also told that the mode of the country was "black" under the Awlad Muhammad. Thus, the sultan had a black guard, Kanuri was spoken, and the city was very much shaped by the south.[26] According to Lethielleux, Murzuk even had a quarter along a street named after Kanem: Zenquet el-Kanmi.[27]

Besides places with Kanuri-derived names, the Fazzan's Awlad Muhammad dynasty was at least partly influenced by the Sayfawa state in its administrative structure. According to Hornemann, this ruling dynasty used Kanuri-derived political titles like kaigama. Although the actual wielders of power in the state by the late 18^th century were mamelukes of European descent and various black slaves, Hornemann's travels in the region reveal the dynasty's upper echelons included officials with names of Kanuri or Kanem-Borno origin.[28] Something similar can be found in Agades, the Hausa states, Kotoko states, Bagirmi, and even as far as Darfur, where titles of Kanuri origin were found.[29] Nonetheless, the Awlad Muhammad dynasty of the Fazzan may have adopted and adapted these titles through direct contact with Kanem-Borno, perhaps beginning with the local Banu Nasur dynasty installed by Kanem in the 13^th century. In addition, the title of yerima was similarly used by the Awlad Muhammad dynasty according to documents translated by el-Hesnawi.[30] Possible evidence of the creation of titled officials based on the cardinal directions may have also existed in the Fazzan. The main evidence for it, however, is the position of "Sultan of the East" at Traghen, a post held by the brother of the sultan. George Francis Lyon described this post as "Sultan el Shirghi."[31] This may be an echo of an old official in Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa, the mustrema.

Besides influencing the administrative structure of the Awlad Muhammad rulers, the Kanuri influence may have even shaped the rise of the dynasty to power. According to problematic traditions collected by Despois in the 1940s, Murzuk rose to prominence from a gasr of the Banu Nasr, who were said to have been in conflict with the Banu Khorman.[32] This suggests that the early rise to power of the Awlad Muhammad may have involved an alliance with pro-Nasur forces against the Khorman and Jahma, the latter an unknown group or faction vying for control of the region. An early alliance with a faction of Kanuri origin could elucidate the laying out of Murzuk with a dendal, the adoption of titles of Kanuri origin, and the close relationship the Awlad Muhammad had with Borno. In fact, such a notion was supported by oral traditions from Chati collected by Lethielleux, who was told the Awlad Muhammad received support from Borno.[33] Local Fazzan forces of southern origins likely played a pivotal role in this process, too. Indeed, families with descent from the era of Kanem's suzerainty may have still been around at Traghen and other sites. The “black” Oualad Kassoun of Traghen, for example, were considered the most ancient lineage group there when Despois conducted his research.[34] Lethiellux, on the other hand, reported a qabila Nessour family near Wadi 'atba.[35] Was this a branch of the Banu Nasur dynasty?

Of course, the Awlad Muhammad's own origins in the west as holy figures and sharifs placed them in an advantageous position to be mediators for the restoration of peace in the Fazzan. Indeed, Despois found that many towns or settlements in the region included marabout lineages claiming origins in the west, often the area of Morocco or modern Mauritania. For instance, the Oulad Tameur (or Awlad Tamir) of Traghen, were said to be the descendants of a marabout who settled in the region by the 1400s, according to el-Hesnawi. The arrival of prominent lineages of Islamic clerics and descendants of the Prophet attests to the region's importance for both the pilgrimage traffic to Mecca as well as its commercial importance. A close alliance with the Sayfawa to the south made perfect sense for securing the commercial and pilgrim routes. The fact that they were able to maintain stability and security for trade routes passing through this vital trans-Saharan artery, often against nomadic groups (Tubu, Arab, and Tuareg) and intervention from Tripoli is a testament to their effectiveness as rulers. Islamic scholarship and pilgrimage would unquestionably have played a role in positive relations between the Awlad Muhammad and the Sayfawa, too.

Although later sources allude to Katsina and occasionally Agadez as frequent places of refuge for the Awlad Muhammad dynasty during its conflicts with the Pashalik of Tripoli, the relationship with Borno was undoubtedly maintained. Indeed, Lemaire, the French consul at Tripoli, was told by the Fazzan's sultan that Borno's mai was his “cousin.”[36] Moreover, in the late 16^th century, Idris b. Ali of Borno attacked Brak (Burak) and requested the Ottomans cede a Fazzan fortress to him.[37] In other words, the Sayfawa dynasty continued to intervene in the Fazzan and close economic ties necessitated Bornoan communication with the Awlad Muhammad rulers to the north. While those relations were occasionally strained and no marriage alliance or tributary relationship between the Fazzan and Borno has been found for the 1500s and 1600s, the evidence for an ongoing Kanuri influence is undeniable. Particularly strong in Murzuk, Traghen, Gatrun, and Tejeri, Borno continued to influence the Fazzan. A cultural influence may also be found in the use of ostrich eggs to ornament mosques and graves. In the Fazzan, Lyon noted its use for such reasons in cities like Waddan. In Murzuk, Lyon similarly noticed the use of ostrich eggs to decorate mosques.[38] In Borno, ostrich eggs were placed on the top of homes, although the use of it in the Fazzan may have deviated from Borno influences.[39]

In conclusion, the autonomy of the Awlad Muhammad from Borno did not cease influences from the south. Indeed, the Awlad Muhammad may have risen to power through an alliance with forces aligned with Borno. Ongoing economic, cultural, and political relations were maintained throughout the Fazzani dynasty’s existence. Some of the political or administrative structure and the layout of the capital evince signs of Bornoan influence. While they were usually tributaries of the Pashalik of Tripoli, the Awlad Muhammad formed a Saharan state at least partly indebted to Borno’s legacy in the region.

Reflecting on the Fazzan and Kanem-Borno

Upon examination of the history of the Fazzan and Kanem-Borno from the 1200s to the early 1800s, one sees a clear instance of how a southern state’s political expansion to the north heavily influenced a Saharan region. As the late John Lavers has questioned, the Fazzan as a Sudanic or Saharan state is an important question related to the centuries-long relations with Kanem and, later, Borno. In circumstances that remain understudied, Kanem during the 13^th century incorporated Fazzan into its vast domains. This period of Kanemi suzerainty of the region led to the establishment of a local dynasty of rulers based in Traghen. Although the exact chronology remains unknown, by the late 1400s, the Fazzan was no longer a tributary region or zone of the Sayfawa state in Kanem. But, during the interlude between the fall of the Banu Nasur rulers based in Traghen and the rise of the Awlad Muhammad, a faction possibly of Kanemi or Bornoan origin may have assisted the Awlad Muhammad. Signs of this influence can be found in Kanuri toponyms in parts of the Fazzan, the use of the Kanuri language, and in the political titles used by the Awlad Muhammad court. In addition, the use of ostrich eggs on buildings, the establishment of a dendal in the capital of Murzuk, and ongoing economic, religious, and political ties made the Kanuri influence one that was continuous over many centuries. Even as the Awlad Muhammad fell into the orbit of the Ottoman Pashalik of Tripoli, ties with the south remained of paramount importance for the revenue to pay tribute. In moments of conflict, several Awlad Muhammad rulers even fled to the south (although usually Katsina or Agades, with the one known example of a ruler fleeing to Borno culminating in his execution during the reign of Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639).

Despite this hiccup in relations, the need for the Fazzan as a secure zone for the trans-Saharan trade and pilgrim traffic required the Awlad Muhammad to be secure and able administrators. Their central position between Borno and Tripoli, the shortest trans-Saharan route, was undoubtedly another factor in the interests of Kanem and Borno in the Saharan region. Through cultural, economic, political, and religious ties, Kanem (and later, Borno) were able to maintain a durable Kanem and Bornoan influence in the Fazzan that persisted for centuries while shaping the character of a local dynasty claiming descent from a sharif from the west. In so doing, Kanem-Borno helped establish the Fazzan as a northern extension of the Sudanic world, thereby exemplifying the Sahara as a connective space in which influences from the south could be just as potent as those from north. 

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[1] This is to be expected when traditions collected in the 1800s and 1900s were several centuries removed from the earliest period taken into consideration here. Nevertheless, careful consideration of these traditions as reported by Lyon, Duveyrier, Barth, Nachtigal, Despois and others is unavoidable. At the very least, they indicate how Fazzani people in recent times remember the distant past. For the last five centuries or so, chronicles, letters, and other sources provide a better picture of historical developments in the region. Sadly, the specific nature of Kanem’s period of rule in the Fazzan, occurring in the medieval period, is not represented well in the extant corpus. For relations with Borno, scholars benefit from the more voluminous written sources which survive, including European language materials touching upon Borno in relation to Tripoli and the Fazzan. Thus, B.G. Martin’s study of the Fazzan route in connection with Kanem-Borno is relatively strong on the Borno phase of the Sayfawa state, but relatively weaker on the earlier Kanem sultanate. This article endeavors to explore, albeit speculatively based on the available sources, the earlier phase of Kanem rule as establishing a pattern of longue durée changes in the Fazzan that persisted into the early 19^th century. Careful consideration of the traditions recorded by European travelers, researchers, and colonial officials can be cautiously triangulated with written sources and traditions on Kanem and Borno to attempt a more comprehensive history of Kanem-Borno’s relations with the Fazzan.

[2] Jean Despois, Géographie humaine in Mémoires de la Mission scientifique du Fezzân, Vol. 3, 96.

[3] Henri Duveyrier, Les Touareg du Nord, 276.

[4] Jean Chapelle, Nomades noirs du Sahara, 50.

[5] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan, Vol 1, 50. For Lange’s study of the Diwan, see Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem) Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808.

[6] But even this is ambiguous. The Kanuri toponyms may have come into use more recently, perhaps during the period when the Sayfawa had permanently relocated to Borno.

[7] Naturally, this is assuming the chronology of Lange is likely accurate, and that the account of Ibn Fatima was describing Kanem during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi.

[8] Ibn Sa’id in J.F.P.  Hopkins, and Nehemia Levtzion (editors), Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 188, 194. Although Ibn Sa’id had not traveled to Kanem, he repeated information from a source which had been to Kanem earlier in the 1200s. Thus, his testimony is precious for reconstructing a sketch of what medieval Kanem at its apogee looked like.

[9] Ibid., 215.

[10] Ibid., 337.

[11] Ibid., 260-261.

[12] Ibid., 354.

[13] H.W. El-Hesnawi, Fazzan under the rule of Awlad Muhammad. A Study in Political, Economic, Social and Intellectual History, 320, 322. Due to the severe nature of the political crises, civil wars, and conflict with the Bulala, it is likely that the Sayfawa lost the Fazzan by the second half of the 1400s.

[14] Henri Duveyrier, Les Touareg du Nord, 277.

[15] Gustav Nachtigal and J. Gourdault (trans). Sahara et Soudan, 103.

[16] Jean Despois, Géographie humaine in Mémoires de la Mission scientifique du Fezzân, Vol. 3, 108.

[17] J. Lethielleux, Le Fezzan, ses jardins, ses palmiers, 17.

[18] Jean Despois, Géographie humaine in Mémoires de la Mission scientifique du Fezzân, Vol. 3, 61.

[19] Lange, Dierk.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer, 117-118. It is highly likely the place in the Fazzan referred to by Ahmad b. Furtu and the attack from “Kanem” remembered in Fazzan tradition refer to the same incident, although the association of it with “Kanem” rather than Borno leaves open the possibility of an earlier attack.

[20] H.W. El-Hesnawi, Fazzan under the rule of Awlad Muhammad. A Study in Political, Economic, Social and Intellectual History, 318.

[21] George Francis Lyon, A Narrative of Travels in Northern Africa in the Years 1818, 19 and 20, Accompanied by Geographical Notices of Soudan and the Course of the Niger, 207.

[22] Jean Despois, Géographie humaine in Mémoires de la Mission scientifique du Fezzân, Vol. 3, 250.

[23] Henri Duveyrier, Les Touareg du Nord, 279.

[24] Dierk Lange, “Les lieux de sépulture des rois Sēfuwa (Kānem-Bornū): textes écrits et traditions orales,” 156.

[25] George Francis Lyon, A Narrative of Travels in Northern Africa in the Years 1818, 19 and 20, Accompanied by Geographical Notices of Soudan and the Course of the Niger, 224, 238.

[26] Henri Duveyrier, Les Touareg du Nord, 280.

[27] J. Lethielleux, Le Fezzan, ses jardins, ses palmiers, 19.

[28] Friedrich Hornemann, The Journal of Frederick Hornemann's Travels, from Cairo to Mourzouk: The Capital of the Kingdom of Fezzan, in Africa in the Years 1797-1798, 67. As mentioned previously, some of these titles may have been introduced in the region by the Banu Nasur dynasty during the height of medieval Kanem in the 13^th century.

[29] This dissemination of court titles likely derived from Kanem or Borno in many parts of the Central Sudan and as far east as Darfur was unquestionably a complex process.

[30] el-Hesnawi’s thesis includes several translated official documents from the period of the Awlad Muhammad’s reign in the Fazzan. Included is a document referring to the passage through the Fazzan of Ali b. Umar of Borno during one of his pilgrimages to Mecca.

[31] George Francis Lyon, A Narrative of Travels in Northern Africa in the Years 1818, 19 and 20, Accompanied by Geographical Notices of Soudan and the Course of the Niger, 207.

[32] Jean Despois, Géographie humaine in Mémoires de la Mission scientifique du Fezzân, Vol. 3, 108.

[33] J. Lethielleux, Le Fezzan, ses jardins, ses palmiers, 18

[34] Jean Despois, Géographie humaine in Mémoires de la Mission scientifique du Fezzân, Vol. 3, 250.

[35] J. Lethielleux, Le Fezzan, ses jardins, ses palmiers, 18.

[36] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 384.

[37] B.G. Martin, “Kanem, Bornu, and the Fazzan: Notes on the Political History of a Trade Route,” 24. The issue of Brak or Burak has been raised earlier in the essay in the context of Fazzani historical memories of Kanem.

[38] George Francis Lyon, A Narrative of Travels in Northern Africa in the Years 1818, 19 and 20, Accompanied by Geographical Notices of Soudan and the Course of the Niger, 76, 99.

[39] Travelers such as Heinrich Barth noted the decorative use of ostrich eggs on buildings in the Central Sudan.

Vodou's Transatlantic History

Although it took a while, we have finally finished A Transatlantic History of Haitian Vodou: Rasin Figuier, Rasin Bwa Kayiman, and the Rada and Gede Rites by Benjamin Hebblethwaite. An ambitious work, Hebblethwaite explores the African background of the Rada and Gede rites in Haitian Vodou. Using what he terms Vodou hermeneutics, Hebblethwaite draws from ethnomusicology, linguistics, history, and other fields to explore Vodun in Benin as a source (and foil) for Vodou in Saint Domingue (and Haiti). Although previous generations of Haitian ethnologists or foreign academics have explored the African background of Vodou, observable to some extent already in Duverneau Trouillot's ethnographic sketch, Hebblethwaite seeks to explore more seriously African history and religious cultures. This means that the book is structurally divided into two halves, focusing on Vodun in Benin and Vodou songs in Haiti read through the author's "Vodou hermeneutics.'

The first two chapters focus on the historical context of Vodun in Benin, particularly Allada, Hueda and Dahomey. This historical context is key for understanding what the author sees as royalist Vodun tied to the slave trading states of Dahomey, Allada and Vodou versus the communal or local Vodun cults or traditions of victims of the slave raids. Unsurprisingly, in Haiti, where many victims of these slave raids were eventually trafficked through the French slave traders on the Slave Coast, the more familial or communal aspects of Vodun were more relevant for the development of Vodou. That said, elements of Haitian Vodou retain, perhaps, memories of Agaja of Dahomey. But this intervention here is key for understanding why some African "traditional" religions in Saint Domingue were associated with rebellion, as dissident Vodun priests or groups were sometimes targeted by Dahomey for enslavement and export. Indeed, Hebblethwaite compares the royalist Vodun slave trading states like Dahomey to the royalist Catholic French slave traders and enslavers, with our ancestors as the victims of both. Of course, one could also explore why, if what became Vodou in Haiti was not marked by royalist sentiments, why is it that many of the hieratic titles used in Vodouist groups, rara bands or other manifestations of Haitian popular culture featured kings, queens, generals, and the like?

Overall, these two chapters on the politics and practice of Vodun in the Slave Coast are the richest chapters of the text. While one has some quibbles over the author's interpretation of Dahomey's origins and its relations with Allada, Hueda and other polities, he demonstrates how Vodun was inextricably tied to power and community (Law and other historians specializing in this region seem more skeptical or ambivalent on the traditions of Dahomey tying their royal dynasty to Allada, as well as other traditions of origin). This included slave raids, conquests, the incorporation of foreign Vodun into the expansionist Dahomey state, and the proliferation of Vodun cults through migration and refuge. In Saint Domingue, the victims of these processes who were sold to the French inherited these practices. As for why the Rada and Gede rites became so prominent in Sèvis Ginen, the structure of Vodun and its ability to incorporate new or "foreign" ideas and concepts provided a foundation for Vodou. This surely cannot be merely a result of the timing of the arrival of huge numbers of "Arada" captives in Saint Domingue (though it probably played a role). After all, if the timing of arrival was such a significant factor, why is it that the Senegambian and Upper Guinean African "nations" have less influence in the formation of Vodou? 

This is also relevant to the Central African influence, which the author admits has a huge legacy in Haitian Vodou. And while their numbers may have increased exponentially later in the 1700s, the impact of Kongo Catholicism and other religious traditions from West Central Africa must be considered as foundational to the development of Haitian religion. Indeed, even Allada, whose own history of relations with Portugal and Catholicism are worth exploring, may provide signs of Catholic influence in the formation of Vodou in the African past. We can only hope Hebblethwaite or other writers explore these dimensions of Haitian Vodou's transatlantic past.

The last two sections of the book shift to analysis of songs. The Rasin Figuier recordings are fascinating examples of not only retentions of Vodun spirits, Fon or Aja words, but reworkings of Aja-Fon concept and theology. The fourth chapter's analysis of songs from the Gede Rite, however, are less successful. Despite offering a persuasive case for a Gedevi or Gedevi-Yoruba origin for the rite, the historical Gedevi are less visible in the book's historical chapters. Although undoubtedly due to their conquest, absorption and sale to Europeans, the lack of clarity regarding these peoples hinders a deeper historical context for them. The Gede spirits are numerous in Haiti, and while they too reflect African origins, they appear very much Creolized with Miragoane being the source of some (according to Vodou myth). Despite their prominence and their irreverent allusions to sexuality, death, or taboo-busting possessions, the Gedevi connection appears elusive. It also didn't help that many of the Gede songs analyzed here, while lamenting or criticizing social inequality, remind one of the role of "signifying" and tricksters in African American culture. In short, it's less revolutionary or egalitarian than some would like to think...

In spite of the issues with the final two chapters, it is wise to see Hebblethwaite's Vodou Hermeneutics as an analytical tool for a work in progress. With so many rites and traditions of Haitian Vodou to explore, as well as the larger histories of West and Central Africa to help contextualize it, one can only hope the Nago, Kongo, and other rites receive their due for a more comprehensive study of Vodou. One should also extend the field of analysis to more sections of Haiti to see which areas have preserved or maintained some traditions rather than others, and what the impact of urbanization and migration was on those regions. As always, the analysis must include linguistics, African and Haitian history, religious studies, and other fields for an interdisciplinary approach.

Mbang Burkomanda I: Bagirmi's 17th Century Rise

Lancer of the Sultan of Begharmi.

          Investigating the history of Bagirmi before the 19^th century is an arduous task. Due to the lack of detailed sources on the history of this part of the Chad Basin before the 1800s, Bagirmi receives less attention than its more famous neighboring polities, Kanem and Borno. Moreover, the 19^th and 20^th centuries provide far richer source materials, consisting of travel reports, al-Tunisi’s account of Sabun’s invasion of Bagirmi, and a plethora of colonial-era publications and reports. This material, naturally, makes it far easier to research Bagirmi in the 1800s whilst its earlier period remains somewhat shadowy. In an attempt to explore early Bagirmi history, this brief article will analyze the reign of mbang Burkomanda I of Bagirmi, whose reign has been tentatively dated c. 1635-1665 by Gustav Nachtigal. In spite of the paucity of written sources from this time, one can triangulate various traditions from Bagirmi, Wadai and its neighbors to create a fuller narrative of Burkomanda’s reign. Moreover, Burkomanda I’s reign was part of a much larger trend of dynamic political leadership across much of the Chad Basin and the Central Sudan in the 1600s. Indeed, Burkomanda’s reign overlapped with a period of political change and unrest to the east of Lake Chad, one which Bagirmi endeavored to profit from through far-flung raids and political interventions. Symbolically and materially, this was represented by the erection of brick walls around the palace in Massenya, cementing the ascent of the mbang in the wider region.

A Commentary on the Sources

          Whilst a few important works have been written by Anglophone and Francophone scholars on Bagirmi’s royal genealogy, much remains to be done. Even so, studies of the kingdom’s cosmological symbolism, political structure or its model of predatory accumulation have been produced. Still, little has been done to advance the study of pre-1800 Bagirmi. John Lavers, in a brief essay published in Annals of Borno tentatively sketched this lengthy period of Bagirmi history (c. 1500-1800), but largely repeated Nachtigal. Besides Lavers, of course, many colonial-era writers wrote studies on Bagirmi kingship, history, the Barma language, or the specific Melfi district. But few have been able to advance beyond this due to the contradictions in the oral traditions, which all the sources ultimately rely upon. In other words, unless new textual sources come to light, historians will not progress from Nachtigal’s schematic view of Bagirmi history.[1] Indeed, some scholars, such as Viviana Pâques, have even gone as far as to challenge simple assumptions of linear historical narratives in the oral materials. In a move that recalls the ways in which Zuidema interpreted the Spanish cronistas on the history of the Incas, Pâques seems to believe that much of what is reported in the traditions reported to Nachtigal, Barth, and others is ultimately tied to a mythological and cosmological order of thinking.

            However, close examination of the various 19^th century and colonial-era reports and texts can be triangulated for a deeper understanding of Burkomanda I’s reign. For instance, the various lists of Bagirmi kings produced by Nachtigal, Escayrac de Lauture, Barth, Lanier, and Palmer can be subjected to greater scrutiny. This can unveil commonalities and patterns.[2] Using Henri Carbou’s writings on the Bulala and Wadai, as well as al-Tunisi, highlight some of Wadai’s traditions as relevant for reconstructing Bagirmi history. Abadie, Palmer, Tubiana, Barkindo, and Hagenbucher on the history of Bagirmi’s neighbors and rival polities can shed further light. For example, a number of Bagirmi-oriented sources allude to ephemeral reigns of Wadai kings usually omitted from the Wadai kings lists. By using the general dates for Wadai, the Bulala sultans in Fitri, Mandara, as well as Kanem and Borno, one can better contextualize the events associated with Burkomanda’s reign. In addition, utilizing these sources permits a likely more accurate reading of Bagirmi’s attempts to assert itself in a politically dynamic Chad Basin and Central Sudan during the 1600s.

Mbang Burkomanda I’s Rise to Power

          Although little is known of Burkomanda’s early life, he is intriguingly remembered by the name of his mother, Aisa Bele. Furthermore, he was reportedly the son of Omar, who reigned from c. 1608-1625 in Nachtigal’s chronology. Surprisingly, Burkomanda was tchiroma during the reign of his uncle, Dalai (r. 1625-1635).[3] One can surmise from this that Burkomanda’s mother may have hailed from a powerful faction or family in Bagirmi, if Burkomanda’s maternal kin helped him succeed his uncle.

          Burkomanda also benefited from the political reforms and accomplishments of Abdallah (r. 1568-1608). This powerful mbang promoted Islamic reforms in Bagirmi’s state structure and created several powerful posts held by individuals of slave origin. Indeed, Nachtigal seemingly believed that the powerful military officer, the fatsha, was held by a slave since the time of Abdallah. This may have been done to weaken the influence of brothers, uncles and other relations in Bagirmi’s royal disputes and military leadership. Abdallah was also believed by Nachtigal to have completely reversed the tributary relationship with the Bulala sultans, too. By 1608, this seminal Bagirmi ruler was allegedly responsible for imposing a small tribute on Middogo and receiving annual presents from the Bulala, Logon, and Kousseri.[4]

          In short, Bagirmi had already demonstrated signs of greater political centralization and expansion during the reign of Abdallah. Indeed, this may have triggered a campaign from Borno’s Idris b. Ali (r. 1564-1596) which led to his death.[5] Undoubtedly, Burkomanda benefitted from the reforms of his grandfather and may have sought to surpass his predecessor, Dalai, who was less successful in his military raid against the Musgo (Musgun).[6] Burkomanda later succeeded in expanding the scale of military actions, intervened in Fitri, and even struck Borno territory in Kawar.

Raiding Far and Wide for Three Years

          Believed to have begun a long series of campaigns soon after his reign began, Burkomanda led his troops far and wide. Targeting Burlum, Bayo, and Bolongo districts, Burkomanda threatened the Kenga. Crossing to Middogo and Fitri, Burkomanda went even further afield. His troops crossed Batha and the Bahr el-Ghazal to Kanem, then moved to the Karka region. Then, Bagirmi raiders struck Borku and Kawar, before passing to the south and plundering the Shuwa in the Kotoko principalities. This was followed by another attack, this time against Mandara. Fellata to the south of Mandara were also targeted before Burkomanda camped his troops in Musgo territory. Due to the wishes of his soldiers to return, Burkomanda eventually agreed.[7] Given that tradition remembers this taking place over the course of three years, one must ask why the ruler of Bagirmi was eager to launch several punitive raids and actions against Bagirmi’s neighbors. Given the volatile conditions in Kanem around this time and the formation of Wadai, perhaps in c. 1635 (to use Nachtigal’s chronology), one can best interpret Burkomanda’s actions as an attempt to profit from and exert Bagirmi’s status as a regional power.

Beginning with Kanem, a political vacuum made raids and possible expansion attractive. The Bulala sultans were defeated by the Tunjur and were no longer relevant here. Borno, whose ruler, Umar b. Idris, likely appointed Dala Afuno to oversee Kanem around this time, relied on the alifas to ensure the tribute from Kanem. However, Dala Afuno was remembered in Kanem for having to wage war on various groups to receive any tribute. Indeed, Dala Afuno had to fight the Tubu, Daganas, El-Lassalas, Shuwas and Koukas to the west of Lake Fitri to pay tribute.[8]

Besides trouble receiving tribute, conflict with the recently arrived Tunjur, migrating after Wadai’s foundation in c. 1635, soon arose. Tunjur tradition, according to Gros, remembers conflict between the Tunjur and Bulala occurring at Mao during the time of Dawud’s grandson, Smain. While the Tunjur eventually seized Mao, Tunjur tradition specifically named their leader, Ramadan, as dying in conflict with the Dala Afuno.[9] In other words, Kanem during the 1630s was politically volatile and unstable as the first alifa sent by the Sayfawa was engaged in conflict with various groups refusing to pay tribute. Sensing this insecurity and instability, Burkomanda may have viewed Kanem as relatively easy to raid. This would explain why he was able to reach beyond to Borku and Kawar.

As for the raids on Borku and Kawar, one sees another aspect of Bagirmi’s long-term regional aspirations. Due to its geographic position, the kingdom lacked direct access to towns in the southern Sahara used for profitable trans-Saharan trade. Bagirmi needed access to these to become less dependent on Borno for North African, European, and other goods. Thus, it is likely Burkomanda envisioned long-term acquisitions to the far north.[10] Lavers was correct to note this possible motive for Burkomanda’s actions, perhaps aiming to maintain Kanem’s openness for commerce or to assert Bagirmi control over routes to the north.[11] The ultimate failure of this strategy may be explained by the distance involved and the eventual restoration of Sayfawa authority in Kanem through the consolidation of the alifas. Nonetheless, memories of this Bagirmi raid in Bilma were vivid enough when Maurice Abadie reported it. In Kawar tradition, however, the Bagirmi attack which resulted in a massacre of the town’s population was the result of a Bulala attack.[12] This may have been a result of Burkomanda’s close relationship with the Bulala sultans in Fitri, particularly as his sister, Zara, was married to the Bulala ruler.

Afterwards, Burkomanda’s forces moved south and west. Attacks against the Shuwa certainly included many cattle and horses among the booty. The assault directed against Mandara, which may have been ruled by Abale at the time, was probably inspired by Mandara expansion into the Musgo (Musgun) territories. Burkomanda’s goal was undoubtedly intended to minimize the expansion of rival polities into Bagirmi’s own raiding zones and tributary regions. Mandara, at the time not yet Islamic, was possibly also attacked by Borno during the reign of Ali b. Umar (c. 1639-1677). This suggests that Mandara’s rulers were expansionist at this time or threatening its peer polities. In fact, according to Barkindo, Bagirmi’s attack “appears to have had the purpose of checking Wandala expansion into what was assumed by Bagirmi, to be her own area of influence.”[13]

Lastly, Burkomanda’s whirlwind campaigns included the Fitri region for an important reason. Heading toward that direction was important for the alliance between the Bulala sultans and Bagirmi at this time. Sealed through the marriage of Burkomanda’s sister to the Bulala sultan, this seemingly developed after the Bulala already established the dynasty in the Fitri region, after defeating the Kuka. Bulala oral traditions attribute this to a half-Tubu Bulala prince, Djil Esa Tubo, or Djili Esa Toubo. According to traditions not cited by Carbou, this Djil Esa Tubo actually lived in Bagirmi with his mother for some time. If so, it is no wonder that Djil Esa Toubou was likely the Bulala ruler who married Burkomanda’s sister. He was already raised there and probably connected to Bagirmi elites.[14] Carbou, presumably drawing on oral traditions as well as the earlier work of Nachtigal, provides strong evidence for a Bulala-Bagirmi alliance around the time of Burkomanda, confirmed through the marriage of Burkomanda’s sister to Djil Esa Tubo. This, in turn, explains why Burkomanda may have included the Fitri area in his lengthy military excursions during his reign.

By contextualizing this seemingly random series of attacks within the wider political changes affecting Kanem as well as the foundation of Wadai to the east, one can perceive how Bagirmi’s actions were likely done in response to a politically volatile moment. Burkomanda sought to strengthen his position within the Central Sudan through raids, political expansion, and achieving long-term economic goals through access to Kawar and Borku. Attacking Mandara due to the latter’s expansion into Musgun lands was designed to ensure Bagirmi’s own sphere of influence there and source of captives. Bagirmi interests in Fitri were tied to their relationship with the Bulala and, perhaps, a desire to keep an eye on developments further east in Wadai.

The Later Years of Burkomanda I

Unfortunately, the remainder of Burkomanda I’s reign becomes much harder to contextualize. Besides campaigns against the Sarua and Ndamm about 3 years later, little else is known, except for a war with Wadai. Nonetheless, one can detect Burkomanda’s continued interests in expansion and promoting his own position across the region with brick walls for the palace. A later war with Waday suggests Bagirmi was, at this time, still a stronger power.

 Nachtigal, one of the better sources, wrote of subsequent campaigns led by the mbarma and fatsha. Directed against the Sarua and Ndamm, they were not especially successful.[15] Burkomanda’s later execution of his fatsha and mbarma due to a small offense is not explained by Nachtigal but may be connected to this. Perhaps their failure to achieve success like Burkomanda’s earlier campaigns aroused his anger. Or the two were involved in a plot. Given the vast military authority these figures held, it is difficult to imagine Burkomanda ordering their execution on a simple offense. Lack of success in military ventures or a political conflict may have been part of it.

Developments in architecture or the material expression of royal authority also occurred at this time. Burkomanda appears to have been the first to construct a brick wall for the palace in Massenya. According to Nachtigal, at least.[16] The use of brick for royal or elite structures has a longer history in Kanem and Borno, areas which influenced the development of the Bagirmi state. To see them used here in Burkomanda’s reign must be interpreted as an expression of the state’s political ascent in the Central Sudan. After all, besides Bagirmi, the use of fired-brick had been practiced by the Bulala and Sayfawa, rival dynasties which had once dominated Burkomanda’s polity. By employing them in his own palace, Burkomanda demonstrated Bagirmi’s ascending status as a Sudanic power.[17]

Finally, Bagirmi’s war with Waday during Burkomanda’s reign raises more tantalizing questions. Sparked by Waday’s attacks on the Bulala state in Fitri, which led to the capture of Burkomanda’s sister, they clearly indicate the importance of the Fitri area for Wadai and Bagirmi. Nachtigal wrote that Burkomanda freed his sister after a battle at Rabbana on the west bank of the Fitri.[18] Carbou, on the other hand, saw a possible Kuka role in fostering a Waday attack in Fitri, perhaps to force the Bulala sultans out of the region.[19]

With Lanier, likely drawing from Escayrac de Lauture, one learns more about Wadai’s leader during this war. Apparently, Wadai’s troops were led by a king named Mohamed ez Zaouni, who supposedly attacked twice. In the second attack, at Middogo, Wadai forces captured Burkomanda’s sister. But Burkumanda was able to “refouler les Ouadaiens.”[20] In Escayrac de Lauture’s version of events, Burkomanda’s victory against Wadai took place at a place called Sadao. His version emphasized that after the capture of Wadai’s Mohammed-Zaouni, “qui avait occupé le trône pendant six mois,” Wadai replaced him with a king named Issa. But, tellingly, any war with Bagirmi was finished by an unspecified epidemic.[21] In other words, Bagirmi not only captured the Wadai king, but the conflict continued until an outbreak of disease or pestilence forced an end.[22]

Unfortunately, none of the Wadai king lists mention this Mohammed-Zaouni or Issa, but Lauture’s list of Wadai rulers places them after Abd el-Kerim and a king named Edris (Idris).[23] As it appears quite likely that the standard lists of Wadai kings tend to omit names of rulers who only lasted briefly on the throne, Mohammed-Zaouni and Issa may have been very brief rulers sometime in the 1650s or 1660s. Indeed, Lauture’s list places Issa right before Saleh-Dered, clearly omitting many Wadai kings of the 1700s. Another writer, Carbou, likewise noted at least one king often not included in the Wadai kingslist: El Djezam, who succeeded Kharif.[24] If, as Lauture indicates, Mohamed-Zaouni and Edris ruled for less than a year while Issa reigned for under 2 years, it is possible they briefly occupied the throne after c. 1655, when Abd el-Kerim likely died (according to Nachtigal’s chronology).[25]

Undoubtedly, much of Burkomanda’s relatively long reign of 30 years has not survived in traditions. Nevertheless, the later annals of his reign included the use of brick walls, the victory against Wadai, and Burkomanda’s actions regarding the Surua and Ndamm. Of course, the executions of his fatsha and mbarma raise a number of tantalizing questions, too. The victory against Wadai raises important manners related to the known chronology and list of kings of this state in the 17^th century. Despite the unexplained factors in the rest of his reign, the use of brick attests to a regional aspiration to status and power in the Central Sudan. Likewise, the ruler’s continued interest in Bagirmi’s expansion and influence in neighboring peoples demonstrates an ongoing interest in “predatory accumulation.”

Conclusions on Bagirmi in the Pivotal 17^th Century

Despite the limited written sources for this period in Bagirmi history, deep investigations into the earlier centuries of Bagirmi’s political history are feasible. Endeavors to make sense of the contradictions must keep in mind the importance of looking to traditions from neighboring societies and rival polities, too. Whilst some contradictions and gaps will remain unresolved, one can approach a holistic view of pivotal Bagirmi mbang reigns prior to the 19^th century.

This tentative analysis of Burkomanda I’s reign was an attempt to do so. By contextualizing what is reported about Bagirmi’s neighbors and rival states in the middle decades of the 17^th century, one can make sense of (or at least approach a reasonable interpretation) how Bagirmi, for some time during the dynamic 17^th century, asserted itself as a major state in the Central Sudan. This was accomplished or attempted through military raids and wars, the adoption of brick buildings, interventions in Fitri and Kanem, and Bagirmi success against Wadai. Future scholarship on this period of Bagirmi history must examine more closely the question of religion, particularly in the aftermath of Umar b. Idris of Borno’s termination of the first Kalumbardo. Subsequent research must thoroughly revisit the list of kings for Waday, the Bulala in Fitri, the alifas of Kanem and the Tunjur to better understand how the Bulala sultans losing Kanem led to Bagirmi’s attempt to fill a political void.

---

[1] Of course, Nachtigal’s retelling of Bagirmi history was based on what may have been relatively informal conditions in the 1870s. His claim to have spoken with multiple descendants of elite lineages in Bagirmi who could recount specific details of various campaigns their forebears participated in throughout Bagirmi history is undoubtedly useful. However, like Sarmiento de Gamboa, whose interviews with various panaqa Inca descent groups was methodogically sound, descendants of different branches of the royal family and elite groups can disagree on many relevant historical questions. One wonders if, despite Nachtigal’s travels to Bagirmi predating European colonialism, his elite informants told him contradictory narratives about their past or the larger history of the Bagirmi royal dynasty. If so, Nachtigal’s retelling of it is far too “neat” and free of contradictions.

[2] See Alain Vivien, “Essai de concordance de cinq tables généalogiques du Baguirmi (Tchad)” in Journal de la Société des Africanistes, 1967, tome 37, fascicule 1. pp. 25-40.

[3] See Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 3, 405. In other kings lists of Bagirmi, Burkomanda I is not listed, or he is conflated with Burkomanda Tad Lele, who reigned in the 1700s. See H. Lanier, “L’ancien royaume du Bagirmi” in Bulletin du Comité de l'Afrique française 35, 1925 for an example of Burkomanda possibly listed as Osman, succeeding Omar (Oumar) and reigning 1612-1631. Escayrac de Lauture also evinced signs of confusion in his list of Bagirmi kings. For instance, his list of Bagirmi kings places Bourkoumanda, or Osman, after Abdala (Abdallah), and only assigns him a reign of 9 years. Yet his informant, presumably the Shaykh Ibrahim he met in Cairo who was believed to be a relative of the Bagirmi royal line, reported to him that Burkomanda defeated Wadai and captured their king. See Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, géographie naturelle et politique, histoire et ethnographie, moeurs et institutions de l'Empire des Fellatas, du Bornou, du Baguermi, du Waday, du Dar-Four, rédigé, d'après des renseignements entièrement nouveaux et accompagné d'une esquisse du Soudan oriental, 74-75.

[4] Ibid., 328, 403-404. For a different perspective on Bagirmi-Bulala relations, see Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai, Premier Tome, 298. In Carbou’s mind, it was the Kuka who once imposed tribute on the Fulani in what became Bagirmi during the 1400s. However, given the likely Fitri origins of the Bulala sultans ruling Kanem, they too may have exercised a loose suzerainty or influence on the Kuka state in the 1400s and early 1500s.

[5] John Lavers, “An Introduction to the History of Bagirmi,” Annals of Borno 1, 31.

[6] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 3, 404.

[7] Ibid., 405.

[8] See Landeroin, “Notice historique,” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 380.

[9] See Behique Dunama, “Siècles Obscurs: The Alifas of Kanem and the Tunjur in the 17th and 18th Centuries,”  https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/11/siecles-obscurs-alifas-of-kanem-and.html. Tunjur traditions in Kanem suggest conflict with the Dala Afuno and Ramadan occurred in c. 1735, which is likely a century too late. A c. 1635 date is more plausible given the genealogy of the Kanem alifas based in Mao.

[10] See Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries (1890), 86.

[11] John Lavers, “An Introduction to the History of Bagirmi,” 34.

[12] Maurice Abadie, Afrique centrale: la colonie du Niger, 133. This could also be possible evidence of Bagirmi’s forces incorporating additional soldiers from their Bulala allies.

[13] See Bawuro M. Barkindo, The Mandara Sultanate to 1902: History of the Evolution, Development and Collapse of a Central Sudanese Kingdom, 107, 111-112.

[14] Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai, Tome Premier, 307-308, 311. While Hagenbucher’s “Notes sur les Bilala” is essential reading, he dates Djil Esa Tubo to c. 1536 based on a problematic Bulala royal genealogy. Hagenbucher’s dates are too problematic and difficult to reconcile with the wider regional history of Fitri, Kanem, and Bagirmi during the 1530s. Instead, Djil Esa Tubo was more likely to arrive in the Fitri area during the 1630s, which matches the general c. 1630 dating for the arrival of the Tunjur in Kanem. After their defeat at the hands of the incoming Tunjur, the Bulala may have spent some time in Massoa, to the east of the Bahr el-Ghazal, before moving to Fitri. Whether or not the Bulala were asked to intervene there against the Kuka is unclear, but it could very well have involved Bagirmi military assistance. As for the question of Bagirmi interests in Kanem possibly being related to their ties to the Bulala sultans, the question remains ambiguous. Bagirmi sources certainly suggest the Bulala were reduced to vassals or tributaries, so it would seem Bagirmi’s actions in Kanem and Kawar were not motivated by a desire to restore the Bulala sultanate in Kanem. For a reference to Bagirmi’s overt conquest of the Bulala, see H. Lanier, “L’ancien royaume du Baguirmi,” 460. According to Lanier, who confused Burkomanda I with Burkomanda Tad Lele, “Il fit la guerre au sultans des Boulalas, conquit son pays, le soumit et donna à son nouveau vassal une de ses soeurs en mariage.” Either way, Burkomanda exerted some degree of influence over the Bulala in Fitri.

[15] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 3, 405.

[16] Ibid., 406. For a speculative attempt at contextualizing the usage of bricks in Massenya, see Behique Dunama, “Speculating on Massenya and Bricks in Bagirmi,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/speculating-on-massenya-and-bricks-in.html.

[17] Religion may have provided an additional avenue for Bagirmi to assert its position within the Sudan. Umar b. Idris (c. 1619-1639) of Borno’s destruction of the first Kalumbardo forced Shaykh Waldede to flee for his life, returning to Bagirmi where the town of Bidderi had a long history of ties to Islamic scholarship (and the rulers of Bagirmi). See Behique Dunama, “Umar b. Idris (r.1619-1639) and the First Kalumbardo,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/umar-b-idris-r1619-1639-and-first.html. Though Nachtigal and other sources do not mention this in the context of Burkomanda’s reign, it would be interesting to explore how Umar b. Idris’s assault against the first Kalumbardo may have had political repercussions in Bagirmi. After all, if Waldede came from Bagirmi and had long-established ties to Bagirmi, including one associated with designing the palace, would Bagirmi’s rulers continue to look positively upon the Sayfawa? In terms of their own state’s Islamic legitimacy, they may have began to harbor more animosity against Borno’s ruler. Even more intriguing in this context is Wadai tradition linking the founder of the state, Abd el-Kerim, with Kalumbardo’s other leader as well as Bidderi in Bagirmi.

[18] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, Vol 3., 405.

[19] Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai, Tome Premier, 312.

[20] Henri Lanier, “L’ancien royaume du Baguirmi,” 460.

[21] Comte Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, 74-75.

[22] The only reference to anything close to a plague early in Wadai history is a cattle pestilence and drought during the reign of Ya’qub Arus (1681-1707, in Nachtigal’s chronology). See Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 4, 208.

[23] Comte Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, 77.

[24] Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai, Tome Premier, 111.

[25] Comte Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, 77.

Das Reich Bornu

Whilst revisiting various sources on Bagirmi and Wadai, we were reminded of a German article by Ulrich Seetzen. Based on interviews with natives of Waday in 1808 who passed through Cairo, Seetzen's informants provide a glimpse of parts of Sudanic Africa not well known in Europe. One of his informants, Hassan, helped Seetzen "map" out the larger region as he conceived it. Intriguingly, this Waday native seems to place Sennar, Fez (Morocco), and various other places within a larger Borno "empire." Clearly, as late as 1808, the stature and reputation of the Sayfawa across much of the African continent was still recognized, even from tributary or vassal states which were striking against Borno.

Favorite Pictures from Montilus's Le vodou fon dans le Royaume d'Allada (Bas-Dahomey): ses images et ses symboles

 

Although the quality of the images and the binding of the book made it difficult to use or interpret all the photos in Le vodou fon dans le Royaume d'Allada (Bas-Dahomey): ses images et ses symboles, we had some favorites from the bunch. A very short book comprised of photographs by Montilus and short captions describing them, all centered on Fon Vodou in Allada, there are some striking images. Some depict animal sacrifice, temples, various types of priests or priestesses, hunsi and sacred drums, or people tied to the Allada court. Unsurprisingly, the priests affiliated with royal cults seem to have the finest and most elaborate styles of dress.

The "traditional king" of Allada even appears in one photo. Presumably this is a Adjahuto, descendants of a figure appointed by the king of Dahomey after the Dahomian conquest of Allada in the 1720s.

One photo that was partly cut off by the binding showed a vast crowed gathered for a prayer by a temple associated with the kings of Allada. 

Some of the photos of Vodou temples were grainy, but this one is quite clear. It appears to lack any figurative paintings but the different patterns on the exterior wall presumably have some meaning not explained by Montilus.

The dokpe of Allada are sort of our like cumbite but in the Fon context also involved in burials or funeral services.

A bokono is also included. In the Fon context, they are specialists in Fa or Ifa divination. We still consider it intriguing that this sense of the word has been lost in Haiti and boko became a term for sorcerers.

Unfortunately, Montilus did not provide much detail on the Allada king's traditional court and their role in the ancestral cults.