Abu Bakr al-Siddiq of Jamaica and Borno?

Although our sources for Abu Bakr al-Siddiq's maternal ancestry consist solely of his short Arabic autobiographies translated into English, it is interesting to consider his life in a "Central Sudanic" context. Incorporating Borno and Katsina into his biography and family background illustrates how connected or integrated West Africa in the precolonial era truly was. Cities in the "Western Sudan" like Jenne and Timbuktu, where Abu Bakr al-Siddiq's family originated (though claiming descent from the Prophet), were closely tied to trading and learning centers such as Kong and Bouna. The ancient cities of Timbuktu and Jenne were also integrated into "Sudanic" trading routes to the east, through Hausaland and Borno all the way to the Red Sea. Abu Bakr al-Siddiq's family history exemplifies this in a variety of ways. Therefore, one can view the family of al-Siddiq in various contexts: Atlantic World, Caribbean chattel slavery, Saharan and Sahelian Africa, and Dar al-Islam. 

First, who was Abu Bakr al-Siddiq's mother? Named Naghodi in one of his autobiographies, a Hausa term meaning "I am thankful," her Islamic name was Hafsa. She was likely a later wife of his father, Kara Musa. Indeed, al-Siddiq's autobiography lists several half-siblings, indicating that his father had numerous children with at least one other woman or wife. His mother was born in the capital of Borno, presumably some time in the second half of the 18th century. However, her Hausa personal name and links to Katsina suggest Hausa heritage. In consideration of the close economic ties between Borno and Katsina, as well as the past history of Katsina as a tributary state of Kanem-Borno, we cannot rule out a Kanuri origin or affiliation for Naghodi through her father. Indeed, both Katsina and Gazargamo were major trading stops for trans-Saharan caravans coming crossing through the Fezzan and Agadez to reach the "Sudan." Migration of traders, Islamic scholars, and other groups between Katsina and Borno must have occurred on a large scale.

As for the identity of his maternal grandfather, al-Siddiq identified him as al-Hajj Muhammad Tafsir of Borno AND Katsina. His mother was an infant during the pilgrimage of her father, and the pilgrimage to Mecca would have left Naghodi and her mother in Gazargamo for an extended period of time. This makes one think her maternal grandfather may have been a native of Gazargamo and perhaps from a large household with dependents, relatives, and economic means to support his children while abroad. Moreover, the inclusion of tafsir in his name points to a scholar with a background in Quranic exegesis. Furthermore, the fact that he went on the hajj at least once would have significantly increased his standing in Borno. Indeed, those who went on the hajj were even absolved of taxes by the Sayfawa rulers of Borno. Consequently, Muhammad Tafsir must have been of means, respected in Borno and Katsina, as well as someone who benefitted from the privileges of the hajj through tax incentives that Mai Ali maintained. Even if he was a Hausa or Fulani from Katsina, performing the hajj undoubtedly aided his business or trading concerns in Borno and beyond.

So, how exactly did al-Siddiq's father, Kara Musa, meet Naghodi? According to al-Siddiq, his father traveled to Katsina and Borno frequently, likely as a trader. A man from a reputable lineage in Timbuktu and the Middle Niger was likely an attractive prospect for al-Hajj Muhammad Tafsir's daughter. Both men were probably traders, and the marriage of Naghodi to Kara Musa would have helped cement trading ties between them. One can surmise that Kara Musa was older than Naghodi and may have already possessed trade connections to Kong and sources of gold and kola nuts through his connections to Dyula trading and scholarly networks. Perhaps a marriage helped ensure honest dealings or trading partnership between Naghodi's father and Kara Musa? Evidence in favor of this can be found in al-Siddiq's allusion to his father sending gold, Egyptian silks, horses, mules, and other goods to his father-in-law. 

This may have been initially part of a dowry, but his father's past of "always" traveling to Katsina and Borno hints at trade in goods, such as gold, motivating his travels from Jenne to Kong, Ghonah, and, eventually Katsina and Gazargamo. Evidence for traders from the Fezzan, Hausaland, and Borno knowing of Kong, Bouna, Dagomba, and the "Gold Coast" can be found in other sources, but the Dyula networks of Kara Musa would have been an excellent network for Hausa and Kanuri traders from the east to tap into for opening up relations with that part of West Africa. Perhaps Kara Musa's network and access to gold (and the possibility of kola nuts) intersected with Muhammad Tafsir's connections to Borno's salt and natron exports to Hausa cities?

Our other references to Hausaland or the 'Central Sudan" in the context of Abu Siddiq are more problematic or impressionistic. John Davidson's Notes Taken During Travels in Africa reports confirmation for al-Siddiq's illustrious pedigree in Morocco and the Sahara. Other informants even claim al-Siddiq was related to the rulers of Timbuktu, Kong, and "Houssa," which must be Katsina or a generalized Hausaland. While one can surmise from the earlier autobiographical fragments that al-Siddiq came from a respectable family with roots in the ulama of Timbuktu and Jenne, the grandiose relations attributed to him may not reflect the realities of post-jihadist West Africa. For example, Borno's capital was destroyed and abandoned by the time al-Siddiq returned to West Africa via Morocco. Katsina was also in a period of decline. The Sokoto Caliphate changed the political map of the "Central Sudan" and al-Siddiq would have been in the dark for about 30 years during these momentous decades. Nevertheless, one can see that several years after his bondage in Jamaica, al-Siddiq could still believably call upon powerful and politically connected relatives in Timbuktu, Kong, and Hausaland. This illustrates just how overlapping the worlds of Islam, "Sudanic" Africa, and the Atlantic were.

Bibliography

Abú Bekr eṣ ṣiddíḳ. “Routes in North Africa, by Abú Bekr Eṣ Ṣiddíḳ.” The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 6 (1836): 100–113. https://doi.org/10.2307/1797559.

Barth, Heinrich. Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa: Being a Journal of an Expedition Undertaken Under the Auspices of H.B.M.'s Government in the Years 1849-1855. New York: D. Appleton, 1857.

Cohen, Ronald. The Kanuri of Bornu. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967.

Curtin, Philip D. Africa Remembered; Narratives by West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967.

Davidson, John. Notes Taken During Travels in Africa. London: J.L. Cox and Sons, 1839.

Dewière, Rémi. Du Lac Tchad À La Mecque: Le Sultanat Du Borno Et Son Monde (XVIe - XVIIe Siècle). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2017.

Gomez, Michael A. Black Crescent: The Experience and Legacy of African Muslims in the Americas. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005.

Lovejoy, Paul E. “The Kambarin Beriberi: The Formation of a Specialized Group of Hausa Kola Traders in the Nineteenth Century.” The Journal of African History 14, no. 4 (1973): 633–51. http://www.jstor.org/stable/180905.

Lucas, Paul, Lédyard, John, Lallemant, Antoine J. (trans.), Voyages de MM. Lédyard et Lucas en Afrique, entrepris et publiés par ordre de la Société anglaise d’Afrique ; avec le plan de fondation de cette Société, et une carte du nord de l’Afrique, par le major Rennel : suivis d’extraits de Voyages faits à la rivière de Gambie, par ordre de la Compagnie anglaise d’Afrique, et d’un mémoire écrit sous le règne de Charles II, concernant la grande quantité d’or qu’on trouve près de cette rivière ; avec une carte de ce fleuve et de ses environs, tracée sur les lieux. Paris: Xhrouet, 1804.

Wilks, Ivor. The Northern Factor in Ashanti History. [Legon]: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, 1961.

Kola Nut Trade in West Africa

Lovejoy's Caravans of Kola has been on this blog's reading list for quite some time. It seems to be a perfect companion to Lovejoy's even more detailed study of salt production and trade in the Central Sudan region during roughly the same period. Unfortunately for those interested in production, this study focuses more on exchange as the zone of kola growing was in the Volta basin under the rule of the Asante in the 18th and 19th centuries. Nonetheless, the two studies complement each other by illustrating how the market forces were related in the exchange of salt, natron, textiles, leather goods, and other products across a huge swathe of West Africa. Thus, as convincingly demonstrated by Lovejoy's study, the kola trade was one of the ways in which precolonial West African societies were shaped by market forces as well as linkages to the Atlantic and trans-Saharan systems. 

Even more intriguing is the analysis of the corporate kola traders of Hausaland in the 19th century, the Kambarin Beriberi, Tokarawa and Agalawa. These three groups, of Kanuri origin and "servile" backgrounds from the Tuareg lands to the north, took advantage of preexisting Islamic Hausa commercial diasporas in the Volta basin and the economic dynamism of Kano to become some of the wealthiest local traders in the Sokoto caliphate and northern Nigeria. Several chapters break down this development through the use of asali, Islam, Hausa language, large-scale caravan organization and networks established by previous Muslim traders who linked the Central Sudan with areas that later fell under the dominion of Asante. The ascent of these 3 groups points to the role of markets in upward social mobility in the Central Sudan for people of "servile" origin or those of Kanuri origin (Kambarin Beriberi) who emigrated to Hausaland in the late 18th century and early 19th century.

While we are more particularly interested in the earliest forms of this trade in kola between this region and Borno, the sources are richer for the period of 1700-1900. Consequently, our interest in how Borno's hegemonic position in the pre-jihad economy of the Central Sudan may have been linked to the kola trade before, say, 1759, remains somewhat obscure. Undoubtedly, the brief autobiographical texts of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq of Jamaica indicate a link between Jenne traders and those of Katsina and Borno by the late 18th century. Moreover, the problematic narrative of James Albert hints at links between Borno and the "Gold Coast" in the 18th century while the Fezzani trader cited by Lucas directly traveled to the region in question on behalf of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty. The Kano Chronicle likewise alludes trade in kola from Gonja to Borno through Hausaland by the 1400s or 1500s, and it is hard to imagine Borno traders not being involved with the trade in kola nuts at such early dates. This would be especially so if Borno was the dominant producer of textiles and leather products (or at least the main distribution center) for the Central Sudan before the Fulani jihad. 

Sudanese Memoirs

Although Herbert Richmond Palmer's scholarship on the history of Kanem-Borno and West Africa is horribly outdated and reflects a colonialist bias, one cannot avoid him. Just for his collection of primary sources (oral and textual) and the various translations of Arabic texts he published, his legacy in the study of the "Central Sudan" region of West Africa is strong. Unfortunately, his scholarship owes much to the Hamitic Hypothesis and fundamentally incorrect theories of ancient Elamite and Middle Eastern migration into West Africa that led to the formation of kingdoms like Kanem-Borno. 

His penchant for random linguistic connections based on unproven conclusions also weakens the analysis since he builds a grand theory of Berber or Tuareg origins for all the states of the Sudanic belt (but borrowing from Ibn Khaldun, Muhammad Bello and local West African sources to trace the origins of the "Tuareg" to the Blue Nile, Kordofan, Nubia) that relies on unproven links between Tuareg Tamashek and various words from Kanuri, Teda, Hausa, and other languages. Thus, Palmer sees the various states of precolonial West Africa as the creation of "Barbars" of "white" or "less negroid" origin. Indeed, in some cases entire ethnic groups are reduced to "servile" castes of their Berber conquerors or overlords.

In his defense, however, some of the local chronicles, mahrams, girgams, and oral traditions provided to Palmer by local elites in Borno or elsewhere in Nigeria made similar claims of ancient Near Eastern or Eastern origins in Yemen, the Nile Valley, Baghdad, or beyond. These local sources usually reflect an Islamic genealogy that stresses alleged descent from the kings of Himyar or prominent figures or places in the history of Islam, but one can see how tempting it was for colonial-era scholars like Palmer or Urvoy to interpret these local sources in their own highly racialized way. Where Palmer distinguishes himself from Yves Urvoy, however, is in his attempt at a more "nuanced" interpretation of the various waves of "Barbars" into the "Sudan" through Yemen, Ethiopia, and the Nile Valley. Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs suggests that ancient "Elamites" as well as Phoenicians penetrated the Sahara and Sudan in pre-Islamic times while the later wave of  Tuareg-like rulers from the East represented something with ties to the Nile Valley. 

Despite the lack of evidence for a "Barbar" origin of the Zaghawa, Teda, Kanembu or Kanuri, Palmer problematically borrows what he needs from Ibn Khaldun or 19th century  West African scholars like Muhammad Bello to find the basic "proof" he needs for his theories. Nonetheless, Sudanese Memoirs is mostly local sources and is of great value for some of the mahrams, girgams, chronicles, and traditions that shed light on intricate or provocative points of inquiry. Furthermore, Palmer's rendition of the Kano Chronicle was republished in this collection, always a worthwhile read for those interested in Hausa history.

But for anyone interested in the history of Kanem-Borno and the Sayfawa dynasty, Sudanese Memoirs contains several useful sources and thought-provoking interpretations. For instance, some of the chapters provide a breakdown of Kanembu and Borno tribes and clans, such as the Magumi, N'gal, Mani Kangu, Kuburi, and Kajidi. The various mahrams present a mix of traditions and historical personages that give some details on power relations and land tenure in Kanem-Borno, such as the Mahram of Umme Jilmi from the late 11th century (but probably written down centuries after the events it described). The Tura Mahrams for the Beni Mukhtar for example, allude to the sometimes violent nature of relations between Kawar and Air (The Dirku Tubu and Tuareg of Air) during the time of mai Bikir (c.1184, according to Palmer's chronology), who was almost certainly the mai Abdallah Bakuru of Lange's chronology. If accurate, these Tura mahrams and the Mahram of Umme Jilmi for the descendants of Muhammad b. Mani and the Tura Tuzan suggest the Kawar region and traders of Tubu (and Arab?) origin were very important for Kanem by the late 11th century, and Kanem's rulers were mediators in conflicts among the Saharan populations nearby. This can be corroborated by the Diwan giving several examples of early mais whose mothers came from Kay (Koyam) and Tubu clans. 

A few of the later selections in Sudanese Memoirs also contain some interesting if not verifiable information on the Sayfawa dynasty's political history. Some of the girgams, such as the Saifawa Girgam in possession of Galadima Kashim Biri, provide names that do not appear in the formal Diwan. According to this document, Kashim Biri, who acted as regent during one of the pilgrimages of Ali b. Umar (r.1639-1679), tried to seize the throne but was defeated when Ali returned. His fate was to be blinded and exiled. It is highly likely that this Kashim Biri, son of Umar (perhaps Umar b. Idris, the father of Ali) was the figure behind the revolt in 1667 that resulted in Agadez attacking Borno and unknowingly selling Ali b. Umar's nephew into slavery in the Maghrib. 

The Masbarma family of wazirs and Islamic scholars also merit discussion. The chronological details are unclear in the text,, but wazir Umar Masbarma ibn Uthman ibn Ibrahim's influence on mai Ali b. Muhammad Dunama (Ali Ghaji, the builder of Gazargamo) was said to be so strong that it sparked opposition from other prominent members of the court. This very same Umar Masbarma would later go on to chronicle the exploits of Idris Katagarmabe. The source, unfortunately, gets some things wrong but offers one of our few detailed looks at the Masbarma and their close relationship with the Sayfawa dynasty, which included marriage to Mariam Hafsa, a daughter of Ali b. Muhammad Dunama. What stands out to us is the mention of Mariam Hafsa as well read, raising the question of women and education in precolonial Borno. 

Sadly, the Kindle edition of this text features excessive typos and should be avoided. Of course, if that is the only accessible edition of this important book, then we suggest purchasing it anyway just to have access to the text. Despite all the ideological problems of Palmer and the lack of the original Arabic documents, Sudanese Memoirs is required for the history of Kanem-Borno and Nigeria. 

Awlad Muhammad Dynasty of the Fezzan

 

Krause's tentative chart for the Awlad Muhammad dynasty

Although difficult to research, the political history of the Fezzan after (and during) the period of the Garamantes is fascinating. Most intriguing to our purposes is the link to Kanem-Borno and trans-Saharan trade. Besides B.G. Martin's articles and G.A. Krause's German article on the Awlad Muhammad dynasty (borrowing heavily from a Tripoli source from the 18th century), finding details on the Fezzan's relationship with Kanem-Borno is difficult. External Arabic sources attest to Kanem's expansion into the Fezzan in the 1200s under Dunama Dibalemi, while later Tripoli sources mention the Awlad Muhammad dynasty and aspects of the Fezzan's relationship with Agadez, Katsina, and Borno. All things considered, it is fascinating to consider how a dynasty claiming descent from the Prophet Muhammad, via a Moroccan (or Mauritanian?) migrant who stayed in the Fezzan after returning from Mecca, was quite "Sudanese" in many aspects.

What is most interesting to observe, however, is the maintenance of Kanem-Borno influences in the Fezzan long after Dunama Dibalemi and the fall from power of Kanem's viceroy appointed in Traghen. According to Hornemann, the Awlad Muhammad rulers, who took power by the 16th century and ruled until the 19th, retained Kanuri political titles in their administration. Their capital, Murzuk, has also been described as a "Sudanese" city in its urban design, with a prominent dendal. Indeed, the Kanuri language was once widely spoken and Kanuri place names survived for centuries. Some European sources even describe the people of the Fezzan as "black" or dark-skinned and with manners and customs similar to those of the "Sudan" to the south. In fact, one 1705 European source even mentions the ruler of Fezzan as a cousin of the mai of Borno while others believed the Awlad Muhammad rulers sent tribute to Borno and Tripoli. Whether or not that was literally or always true, we know Idris Alooma of Borno did venture into the Fezzan. Moreover, the father of Ali b. Umar put to death Tahir, the Fezzani sultan who fled south after the pashalik of Tripoli invaded over the cessation of tribute. Undoubtedly, Borno remained very influential in the affairs of the Fezzan during the period of Awlad Muhammad rule. 

While much of the "Sudanic" influence in the Fezzan was probably due to trans-Saharan slave trading, pilgrimage routes, and the period of Kanem-Borno suzerainty of the Fezzan (not to mention the era of the Garamantes, which seems to have already engaged in trans-Saharan trade), it seems to resemble its "Sudanic" neighbors in a number of remarkable ways. Not only as a zone of influence for Kanem-Borno's northern expansion, but one whose rulers frequently found refuge in Agadez and Katsina. Trade, cultural, political and economic ties brought the people of Fezzan into close relations with the "Land of the Blacks," and the history of the Fezzan seems to be one heavily shaped by Kanem-Borno for several centuries. In that respect, it is interesting to consider the region as one uniquely shaped by northern expansion of a "Sudanic" state, and perhaps the northernmost area of influence for Kanem-Borno. Thus, if one can get away with it, the Fezzan joins Hausaland, the Lake Chad Region, Kawar, Wadai, Bagirmi and possibly Darfur as a vast region under the influence of Kanem-Borno. While we certainly would not want to diminish the influences from Tripoli and the Mediterranean, the Fezzan before the 19th century seems to resemble the "Sudan" in more ways than we hitherto thought. 

Tamerlan and Borno?

Bivar and Shinnie's Plan of Borno's Capital

Let us examine the case of a literate African named Tamerlan in Saint Domingue (Haiti) for evidence of another link between Haiti and Kanem-Borno. We have attempted an analysis of Tamerlan in a previous post. For those who don't remember, Tamerlan is mentioned in a book by Colonel Malenfant. In one anecdote, after mentioning Arabic amulets in Saint Domingue, he describes meeting Tamerlan, in 1791, a man who could read and write in his own language, as well as that of a type of "mulattoes" with long hair. Tamerlan wrote a prayer and the name of his language on a piece of paper for Malenfant, who later lost it.

At first he thought Tamerlan wrote something in Arabic, but he said no. So, there's some mystery about Tamerlan's writing. If we look at other clues in his story, however, it seems likely he wrote in ajami for his own language, possibly Kanembu or Kanuri. The writing of the long-haired mulattoes may have been the Tuareg Tifinagh, something he could have picked up from being an educated man of Borno who interacted with Tuaregs. Perhaps a mere coincidence, but Niebuhr's description of Borno uses the Kanuri word for Tuareg, and describes them as long-haired, suggesting Kanuri descriptions of Tuareg in the 18th century also linked them to long-hair. Additional clues suggest Tamerlan was from the interior of western Africa (it took more than 3 months for him to reach the coast after being taken captive). He also described himself as the teacher of a prince and as someone who produced books or texts. This would suggest a respected scholar or royal tutor, which would have been a common practice in Borno, as various mais aligned themselves with scholars and supported students. In West Africa, such a person would almost certainly be of a Muslim background and probably from a region with a long tradition of scholarship. Borno would fit the bill quite well.

He also describes the royal town as being a vast city, estimating it to have as many inhabitants as Port-au-Prince, the Cul-de-Sac plain, Arcahaie, and Leogane. Malenfant takes this to mean the city of Tamerlan had around 300,000 people, but a more reasonable estimate would be far less, as those areas of Saint Domingue probably didn't have a total population of 300,000 people in 1791. The towns would have been usually small, with a very large enslaved population in the Cul-de-Sac plain near Port-au-Prince (tens of thousands). But something on the scale of 100,000-200,000 would be more realistic, which could easily have been the case if Gazargamu had around 10,000 houses in the late 18th century. Either way, Tamerlan describes himself coming from the African interior, being literate in 2 writing systems (one possibly Tifinagh), and coming from a vast capital city ruled by a powerful king who would pay a fortune to have him back. We know in other incidences that Borno's rulers paid ransoms for the return of relatives or valuable persons, exemplified by Ali ibn. Umar and his nephew or as Nicholas Said reveals in his autobiography.

I don't know about you, but we could see Tamerlan being from Borno. While people from Borno were not very common in Saint Domingue, "Bernon" or "Beurnon" Africans were in Saint Domingue. Indeed, Descourtilz wrote about Borno based on discussions with "Beurnon" people in the colony, who told him how highly valued religious texts were in their homeland. In addition, Hausa captives were also there, so perhaps Tamerlan could have been from Katsina or Kano, or a tributary state of Borno. Yet the vast metropolis of his king sounds like Borno's capital. Of course, Malenfant remembers Tamerlan describing a well aligned city built of wood, where most of the houses were a single story. Gazargamu would have included brick and clay structures, but very likely a lot of wooden structures or "huts" as part of household compounds or the housing of the less fortunate. Perhaps Tamerlan was exaggerating how well-aligned the streets of the city were, as North African sources suggest Gazargamu had an irregular layout without proper "streets." Indeed, with the exception of the dendal and the street leading to the principal mosque, we find it hard to believe the city of Gazargamu was well aligned. 

With these caveats, we still think there's a good chance Tamerlan was indeed a native of Borno. Perhaps someone with a thorough education, who could understand Tuareg Tifinagh, and was respected and supported by the ruler of his state. While he could have been from other parts of West Africa, the fact that he claimed to be from a vast city in the African interior and comes from a society where scholarship, ajami writing, and books were highly valued, suggests a Borno origin. The enormous city he described may have been the Gazargamu said to have had 200,000 inhabitants. If so, Tamerlan's story of his origin can be additional evidence for the substantial urban civilization of Borno under the Sefuwa dynasty. In order to confirm this story, we would need to find a source that mentions a royal prince of Borno being killed in the attack that led to Tamerlan's enslavement, perhaps the very same cruel prince mentioned by Descourtilz? Alternatively, Tamerlan could have hailed from East Africa, perhaps Ethiopia or Sudan, but we consider that less likely due to the much higher numbers of West and Central Africans in Saint Domingue. 

Ulama and the State in Borno

In our quest here at the blog to read all the relevant Nigerian scholarship on Borno, we finally read Bobboyi's dissertation, The 'Ulama of Borno: A study of the relations between scholars and state under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808. Due to their local proximity, access to oral and written sources, and a deeper familiarity with Kanuri history and culture, we have been trying to find more of the often inaccessible studies on Kanem-Borno by African scholars. Sadly, these excellent secondary sources are not easy to find. Lamentably, some of the precious primary sources at Nigerian archives or museums are not cited enough by outsiders, so we have to rely on Kanuri and other Nigerian scholars who have read the documents and have access to excellent sources on oral history to add context and fill in the gaps in our knowledge. 

For instance, Bobboyi's dissertation, and other studies by Nigerian scholars, cite late Sayfawa-era primary sources excluded in other studies, particularly two texts by Maina Muhammad Yanbu. These sources, although late in the history of the dynasty, should be more widely known, cited, and translated to add to the list of known internal textual sources on Kanem. But besides the use of important oral and written sources, Bobboyi's study establishes a clearer idea of who and what the ulama of Kanem-Borno were during the Borno period of the dynasty, with hints of continuity from their earlier Kanem phase. We get an inkling of the reputable scholars and their disciplines, the educational curriculum, how they were fully integrated into the state apparatus of Kanem-Borno as an Islamic administration, the role of the mahrams in shaping ulama-state relations, and Borno Sufism. This last chapter was probably the weakest, but given the limitations of the sources, a step forward in contextualizing the earlier history of Sufism in Kanem-Borno. Once we have read more of the Nigerian scholarship, we shall return to these topics in light of other perspectives on the administration of Kanem-Borno and Islamic influences. 

Borno and Salt in the Central Sudan

Paul Lovejoy's Salt of the Desert Sun: A History of Salt Production and Trade in the Central Sudan is required reading for anyone interested in the production and trade of one of the major commodities used in the "Central Sudan" region of West Africa. Although mostly based on 19th century and colonial-era sources on salt production, markets, social relations, and political economy, Lovejoy's important study elucidates the importance of salts in the regional economy. If one can stomach the somewhat duller early chapters, the second half of the book contains rich details and references for specifics on social relations, labor, proprietorship, political factors, and changes in the development of salt production. While technologically quite "primitive" and limited by climactic variables and transportation, the role of salt in the region's economy was significant. It even contributed to Hausa and Central Sudan trade with the Volta Basin, especially for kola nuts. Indeed, the full scale of it can only be glimpsed because of our limited sources which largely date from the 19th and 20th centuries.

So, how did the Central Sudan's salt trade impact the development of Borno and Borno's hegemony in the region? For much of the precolonial era, particularly before the c.1759, Borno was the closest to creating a quasi-monopoly of salts in the region. Due to Borno's control of the Kawar desert salines as well as Sahelian and Lake Chad sources (salt and natron), it became the dominant player in the salt trade for centuries, probably as early as the 16th century. Salt was used for livestock, medicinal purposes, culinary tastes and industrial uses (tanning), so it was directly linked to agriculture, textiles, leatherwork, and long-distance trade. By controlling most of the sources of salts in the region before the Tuareg affiliated with Agadez seized control of the trade of Bilma by 1759, Borno was in a tremendous position to dominate the larger economy of the area. Borno's salt works in Mangari, or Gourbei, for instance, were relatively close to the capital city and its populous district. This district, according to Lovejoy, was also an agricultural center with a local textile industry. Lake Chad also served as a center for livestock-raising, which profited Borno's economy as it still dominated Kanem on the eastern shores of Lake Chad. 

Although the control of Kawar was central to Borno's interests in trans-Saharan trade, Lovejoy's text convincingly illustrates how the desert salines of Bilma and Fachi contributed to the bustling trade in salt across the Central Sudan. Additional sources of salt in the Sahelian region of Borno also contributed to the strong regional economy, which surely contributed to Borno's preeminence as the predominant power in the region. As Barkindo argued in the UNESCO series, Borno in the 1500s-1700s possessed a strong regional economy and salt surely played a role. Despite the limited sources, Lovejoy speculates that control of salines in the semi-arid Sahel zone of Borno was likely distributed through fiefs, whose holders were mostly based in Birni Gazargamo. Fief-holders and others who jostled for lucrative grants of fiefs may have relied on slave labor in Gourbei and other regions, suggesting that slaves procured via raids and trade with Bagirmi could have found local uses in Borno's local industries. Consequently, one can see how trans-Saharan and regional trade supported each other through various linkages. 

Unfortunately, this strong regional economy began to decay by the 18th century. The main victor of this process was the Sokoto Caliphate and the Hausa traders (though many were actually of Kanuri and Tuareg origins). The Tuareg of Agadez were able to seize control of the distribution of salt from Bilma and Fachi while continuing to supply salt from Teguidda to Hausaland. Increasingly, after 1759, the trade routes reoriented through the Tuareg networks in the desert to Hausa cities like Kano. Hausa traders, who were active in the kola trade, textile manufacturing and exports, and, through Kanuri-descended "Beriberi" traders, had access to salts from Borno and Foli in Kanem, were able to become the dominant market for salts while supplanting Borno's role. As convincingly laid out by Lovejoy, Borno gradually became an economic satellite of the Sokoto Caliphate, despite still occupying some importance from its Sahelian and Lake Chad salines. One would think the rise of Hausa traders moving kola nuts into the Central Sudan, plus the increase in textile production in areas such as Kano further eroded what remained of Borno's textiles and trade network. 

Thus, the Tuareg, by defeating the Koyam and nomadic allies of the Sayfawa rulers in the 18th century, replaced the Kanuri in the movement of desert salts to the savanna lands further south. Hausa traders and networks gradually replaced Borno merchants while incorporating some into their networks. Borno gradually became dependent on the Sokoto Caliphate after losing western territories, the Kawar, and, eventually, Kanem. Despite only being one of the major commodities exchanged in the Central Sudan, the loss of dominance of the salt trade was undeniably linked to Borno's gradual decline in the 18th and 19th centuries. Exactly how and why Borno's nomadic allies were defeated by the Tuareg and the Sayfawa rulers did not make more consistently forceful attempts to reassert their authority in Kawar is not clear. Regardless, their lack of forceful action in the late 18th century probably contributed to the weakness of the Sayfawa rulers in the face of Fulani jihadist attacks in the early 19th century. The Great Drought of 1738-1753, the defeat of Borno by Mandara in 1781, and possibly another drought in the 1790s or early 1800s must have also played a role in the long decline of the Sayfawa rulers.

The Tuareg and Islam in the Sahel

Due to this blog's current obsession with Kanem-Borno, we have been reading studies of other parts of the Sahel and "Sudanic" Africa. Looking at Kanem-Borno in its larger regional context can shed light on our area of interest, and lead to other sources and ideas. Nonetheless, we were disappointed by Norris's The Tuaregs. While it definitely could have used better editing, the main problem is the paucity of sources for earlier eras, such as Tadamakkat, and the author's reliance on significantly later oral traditions or excerpts from Tuareg intellectuals and writers of the 19th and 20th centuries. 

Norris has done a favor for the rest of us by translating excerpts from several of these lesser known works by local authors, but the overall narrative on Islam among the Tuareg of the Sahel is disjointed and perhaps weakened by so much speculation. To his credit, he translated some of the same material from Agadez used by Yves Urvoy, so Anglophone readers do not have to rely solely on Urvoy's French translation of the Agadez Chronicles. One also gains deeper insights on the relationship between Tuareg Ineslemen and their counterparts among other groups, such as the Arabic-speaking Moors, the Kunta, and, perhaps, Hausa and Fulani Muslim reformers like Muhammad Bello. 

Unfortunately, one cannot help but think a book of this nature could benefit from a rewrite that incorporates data from archaeological excavations at sites like Tadamakkat and the epigraphic sources studied by Moraes de Farias. Some of these more recently uncovered or analyzed types of data could shed light on the nature of Tuareg and Sahelian Berber Muslim communities in the late first millennium, as well as their relationship with kingdoms and cities to the south (Gao, for instance). The younger scholarship seems to adopt a more critical stance with regard to chronicles like those of Agadez, too. 

Gronniosaw and Borno?

We here at the blog finally read the brief autobiography of James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw. Said to be from Borno, we thought it mandatory to examine his autobiography as another potential source on the history of Kanem-Borno. Unfortunately, upon closer examination, the fascinating character which emerges in this autobiography could not have been from Borno. Too many inconsistencies and errors suggest that James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw was probably from another part of West Africa, perhaps a region closer to the Gold Coast than his narrative suggests.

While Borno certainly did have trading links to the Gold Coast in the 18th century, which may have involved ivory, it is remarkable that Gronniosaw's autobiography creates a portrait of a Borno which couldn't have been in the 18th century. Claiming to be the grandson of the king of Borno, one would expect Gronniosaw to have been a Muslim, or at least familiar with Islam. Unless his mother married a non-Muslim, he would have definitely been raised in the faith and possibly received at least a basic Koranic education. Instead, Gronniosaw fails to mention Islam, but mentions the worship of the Moon, Sun, and stars. Further, Gronniosaw was astonished when he first saw a man (the Dutchman who purchased him on the Slave Coast) read a book. If he was indeed from Borno's capital, and of royal blood, one would expect him to have familiarity with literacy and books. 

Furthermore, when describing their congregations of worship, he only mentions worshipping under trees in the city. Supposedly their day of Sabbath was on Saturday, not the expected Friday of Muslims. How could he not have been familiar with the mosques of Birni Gazargamo or the rituals of Islamic worship? Was his Islamic background erased by the Christian writer who recorded his narrative? Or, as we think more likely, was he from another part of West Africa? That might elucidate the autobiography's allusion to palm wine consumption in Gronniosaw's homeland. It would also explain the use of bark to produce cloth. After all, in our experience with the sources on textiles in Borno, most was produced with cotton.

Despite these flaws and questions of its accuracy for the origin of Gronniosaw, one should still read it. As an autobiography, filtered through the Christian propaganda and symbolism of his interlocutor, it provides some insights into the experiences of West Africans in the "Atlantic World" in the 18th century. Gronniosaw visited Martinique, Barbados, and Havana and lived in New York, Holland, London, and other parts of Britain. He experienced the life of a privateer in the Caribbean, as well as a difficult life of poverty in Britain. Indeed, his white wife, Betty, a weaver, experienced hardship due to labor unrest in her field. Thus, one can see elements of 3 forces that defined the increasingly closer "Atlantic World" of Africa, Europe and the Americas through the lens of race, class, and colonialism in the life of Gronniosaw.

Autobiography of Nicholas Said

Said, via Wikipedia

Nicholas Said's relatively short autobiography is one of the most interesting textual sources produced by a native of Borno. The author of this slave narrative was kidnapped by Tuaregs and sold into slavery in North Africa. From Tripoli, Said accompanied a Turkish master who ran a tobacco shop, on the pilgrimage to Mecca. Along the way, Said traveled to Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia, today's Saudi Arabia, Somalia, and Muscat. One almost wishes he told us more about the Ethiopian traders he met in Khartoum, or about the African pilgrims en route to Mecca in Sudan and Ethiopia. Alas, that was not his focus, but it would have been interesting if he met others from Borno in Sudan and Ethiopia. After his master's shop is burned down (with half of Tripoli's Turkish bazaar), our protagonist is sent to Izmir, where he is sold to a politically connected Turk who then takes him to Constantinople. After brushing shoulders with the cosmopolitan elites of Constantinople, he is acquired by a Russian diplomat and aristocrat who takes him to the Russian Empire. 

Via travels with a Russian employer, he traverses Europe, experiencing all the aesthetic, technological, and cultural advances of mid-19th century West. Eventually, when in London and planning a return to Borno, a Dutch client offers him employment for an extended trip to North America and the Caribbean. Visiting US cities, the Bahamas, Haiti, and Jamaica, Said and his employer return to the US and Canada, where Said is abandoned after loaning his boss funds. Stranded in Canada, he is encouraged to go to Buffalo, New York, where there are more "colored" people. Thus began Said's experiences in the US on a permanent basis. Perhaps due to the delicate post-Civil War conditions in the US South, Said does not disclose his service in the Union Army. One is also struck by the number of elite or royal people Said claims to have met or served, including receiving a gift from the Czar Nicholas I. One almost senses in this a Kanuri cultural practice of dependents seeking wealthy or powerful men as patrons, and perhaps Said's namedropping was a reflection of that. Or perhaps it served as a counter to US racism, as a "black" man, though in a servile position, was valued and respected by cosmopolitan European elites and experienced little to no racial prejudice. One can sense some tensions, perhaps tied to his race, with European domestics in Russia, and we can be sure there was a lot more that happened to Said in Europe or Turkey than he's willing to admit. Alternatively, Said may have looked to the famous "Negro" of Peter the Great as a model for refashioning his life in the Russian Empire.

So, what does Nicholas Said's biography tell us about Borno and the experience of Borno's peoples in the modern world? First, Said himself represents Borno as a political project encompassing a variety of ethnic groups, including the Kanuri, Shuwa, Kanembu, and, in the case of Said, "Mandra" (Mandara) and Molgoy. Molgoy were a people whose ruling chief accepted a tributary relationship with Borno under Mai Barnoma. Said's mother, Dalla, was the daughter of a Mandra chief. Yet despite these non-Kanuri origins, Said seems to identify wholeheartedly with Borno and refers to the Borno or Kanuri language as his vernacular. Perhaps this a reflection of his father's military service under Shehu al-Kanemi, which meant Said grew up in Kukawa, the capital, and socialized with a son of Shehu Omar. Either way, this is an interesting example of how multiethnic the empire of Borno was, and to what extent people from "pagan" tributary or vassal states in the region could ascend the ranks of the military and social status. 

After all, Mohammad Ali ben Said was the son of Barca Gana, a famous general who defended Borno against the Fulani, Bagirmi, Wadai, and other enemies or raiders. Indeed, it was presumably through his father's prominence and connections with al-Kanemi and his successor that Said was sent for schooling to Malam Katory, a reputed scholar described as being well-versed in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish. Presumably having such a respectable teacher in Arabic was expected for people of elite origins in Borno. Moreover, it was open to people who were not of Kanuri, Kanembu, or Shuwa origins, though Said clearly thought the Kanuri were the ruling class or caste and not above oppressing Shuwa, Kanembu, or other groups.

After establishing how internally diverse and dynamic Borno society was in the 19th century, it's important to consider Said as a native of Borno in the volatile 19th century world, experiencing steamships, railroads, European architecture and science. There is a long-running, underlying current of racial uplift in Said's autobiography, perhaps acquired from his experience in the US with African-Americans and whites. In his own manner, he attacks the argument of African inferiority, while implicitly casting Africans as primitive and the "race" as one in need of elevation through education and uplift. This is the basis for sensing some ambivalence in Said's experience of 'modernity' and tradition, one in which he can praise aspects of Borno and the Ottoman Turks while cursing African Islam as retrograde. Indeed, in Said's retelling of Borno's past and the history of African achievements in technology and handicrafts, he seems to think the palace ruins at Gambaru and Ngazargamu were the achievements of pre-Islamic Borno. Consequently, one can sense an ambivalence in Said's autobiography in terms of religion and race in a changing world. Thus, he can praise the example of the Haitian Revolution as an achievement for our race while wishing Haiti remained colony.

Experiencing the trans-Saharan slave trade first-hand, and 2 distinct but connected routes that carried him from Tripoli to Mecca and back), it is fascinating to see how someone who was reared Muslim and received an Islamic education for at least 2 years struggled with Islam. After baptism in Riga, at the pressure of his Russian aristocratic employer, Said appears to have gradually adopted more severe and dismissive attitudes to Islam. The religion of his homeland, indeed, is blamed for bringing destruction, fanaticism, and slave raiding. Since his audience for the autobiography consisted of Christian Americans in the 19h century, perhaps one can see Said embellishing or exaggerating his religious sentiments or identity. Yet he could have been sincere in those beliefs, and struggled to make sense of the "contest" between Christianity and Islam, the former better for Africa (and the "race"). In this light, it is interesting to compare Said with Edward Blyden. Unlike Blyden, who was not a product of an Islamic West African society, Said presented himself as a Christian who rejects Islam's influence in the continent. Blyden, on the other hand, saw Islam as preparing Africa for eventual Christianization, and in the meantime, promoting education and moderation for moral uplift. Like Said, Blyden did not truck with "fetishism" but both claimed to be for the race. Both also saw in the "mulatto" an implacable obstacle to countries like Haiti. How is it that two men with extensive traveling and education, both in favor of improving the "race," develop ambivalent attitudes toward Africa in the modern world while stressing the benefits of opposing religions? And what does this suggest for the role of Borno in the larger theme of Islam and modern Africa?

A History of Islam in West Africa

Trimingham's A History of Islam in West Africa is quite dated. For instance, it relies on problematic older assumptions typical of the scholarship of its era. For example, the Almoravids are assumed without question to have sacked or defeated ancient Ghana. In addition, the author relies on problematic assumptions of "Hamitic" races and "Negro" (while also considering all Berbers "white") while also describing colonialism as largely beneficial. Indeed, based on the rise of theocratic Islamic states in the 19th century and the endless wars and slave-raiding created by these theocratic states and the military adventurers like al-Hajj Umar, Trimingham appears to see in European colonialism as saving West Africa from endless wars.

Nontheless, Trimingham's work provides an excellent synthesis of the historical knowledge of its era. One sees exactly what the dominant trends were based on oral history and internal and external textual sources to reconstruct the origins of trans-Saharan trade, the spread of Islam, and the various polities and kingdoms of the "Sudanese" style that developed in the western and central Sudan, from Senegal to Chad. Despise the author's misgivings about the reliability of the oral sources for earlier moments in the development of states like Takrur, Ghana, and Songhay/Kawkaw, they add a wide array of new details to the cultural and historical development of the various peoples of the region. 

Surprisingly, we learn less about Islam in this region than the history of kingdoms, traders, and trading centers like Jenne or Timbuktu, but Trimingham rightly sees Islam in pre-19th century West Africa as mainly limited to towns, traders, and kings who professed it but did not impose it on their subjects (although this is contradicted by states like Takrur, whose first king, War Jabi, did compel his subjects to Islam). Overall, Trimingham's study is more about political and social history with appropriate emphasis on Islam for certain key moments, developments, or changes in religious practice, such as the rise of Sufism, jihadist 19th century movements, and colonialism aiding Islam's expansion amongst "pagan" peoples. Sometimes one thinks Trimingham sees in West African "traditional" religion something anti-universalist (unlike Islam) and closed off to the wider world, so perhaps more recent scholarship has approached the delicate question of Islam and "traditional" religion more convincingly.

Ali Eisami of Borno

For our long-term project on the history of Kanem-Borno, we assigned ourselves Koelle's  African Native Literature, or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu language. Written in Sierra Leone with the aid of Borno native Ali Eisami, the work consists of several fables, stories, historical narratives, and a glossary of Kanuri words. Eisami, the son of an Islamic scholar, was from a town or village near the old capital, Birni Gazargamo. He received at least a Quranic schooling, and experienced the upheaval of the fall of Gazargamo to the Fulani jihadist forces in 1808. By 1810s, he was captured by a group of Fulani, sold into slavery, and was relatively well-treated by a Yoruba master before Spaniards purchased him for the horrific trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. Fortunately for him, a British ship used to suppress the slave trade intercepted the Spanish vessel and shipped the recaptives to Sierra Leone,. 

Although Eisami had arrived in Sierra Leone in 1818 and was thus away from Borno for over 30 years by the time Koelle's book was published in 1854, Eisami's dictated stories are an invaluable source for anyone interested in oral traditions and the history of the region and what we are calling the "Late Sayfawa Period." And while the presence of other Kanuris in Sierra Leone after 1818 provided updated information on events in Borno after Eisami's capture, it is clear that the major value of his experience is the plethora of oral traditions or folktales and his perspective on the early impact of the Fulani jihadist attacks which ushered in several political, economic, and social changes across the region before he became "lost" in captivity. 

Thus, the various short stories, fables, and historical fragments of the text shed light on a Borno that was lost with the fading Sayfawa dynasty and the declining political and economic fortunes of Borno across the turbulent 19th century. In a sense, Ali Eisami is an important final witness to to Borno as a civilization prior to the rise of al-Kanemi. His short stories and fables, which often reflect misogynistic views, also surprise. Some of the proverbs explicitly recognize slaves as untrustworthy. One tale, of a Muslim scholar and his heathen friend, exemplifies the ways in which oral traditions might reflect general social attitudes about religion and social obligation, challenging Islamic holymen on their character and not their adherence to tenets of the faith. His first tale, on the friendship between a rich man and a poor man, seems to reflect the importance of patron-client relations between superiors and inferiors, which could lead to long-lasting and surprising obligations. 

Eisami's tales and historical narratives likewise shed light on family and marriage relations, diet, the relationship between Islamic scholars and elites, and crises that struck Borno on the eve of the 1808 jihadist attack. For instance, we learn of Mai Ahmad's struggles with the vassal state or town of "Deia" which illustrates what might have been the incompetence of some kaygamas in the late 1700s and early 1800s. Or, to take another case, a famine and pestilence which struck Borno before 1808 and must have surely contributed to the weakness of Ahmad to defeat the invasion. Mai Ahmad, perhaps too old himself to have led the Twelve Regiments in person, abdicated and gave the crown to his son, Dunoma. However, according to Eisami, Dunoma was only able to retake Gazargamo thanks to the prayers, ability and "charm-water" of Sheikh al-Kanemi, the Kanembu mallam who would eventually seize effective political power in Borno. Much of this was witnessed by Eisami, or at least he was close enough to have heard the details before he left Borno. Unfortunately, his sources of information on events after his capture are sometimes conflicting, and in some cases, incorrect (the final end of the Sayfawa, for instance).

We shall revisit Eisami later on in a long-term project at the blog. We hope to explore in detail the oral traditions, proverbs, and stories he shared with Koelle. A related project is a comparative approach to Eisami, Nicholas Said, and James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw as authors of slave narratives written by men from Borno. To what extent were all three authors modified or misunderstood by their interlocutors or, in the case of Said, publisher? How did they come to represent Borno and Islam? To what extent were racialization and Western racial concepts shaping their narratives? These and other questions will be addressed in our future project. 

Borno and Brazil

Although we here at the blog have been interested in the history of Kanem-Borno and exploring the existence of links between Haiti and that ancient African civilization, it would be foolish to omit the Borno diaspora elsewhere in the Americas. In the case of Brazil, we can thank Francis Comte de Castelnau for his recording of interviews with various West Africans in mid-19th century Bahia. While many were Hausa and other West Africans, a number of his informants on the interior of  Africa were from Borno. Their names were Karo, Damoutourou, Aba-Hama, Suleman, Ali, Mammarou, and Ibrahim. A sketch of one, presumably Mammarou of Mounao (in Borno), appears in the image above, as Figure 1. While the Borno informants had arrived in Brazil at different times and in at least one case was in Brazil for over 30 years, their testimonies provides some context on Borno's turbulent 19th century. The wars with the Fulani, slave raids, tensions with Bagirmi, and their own brutal path to Bahia show the ways in which Borno was integrated into the larger world. 

In the case of Damoutourou, who had been in Brazil over 30 years, and could speak Hausa, Kanuri, "Begharmi" and "Wadei," it's possible he did not know of the fall of the Sayfawa dynasty. Karo, from Angoumati, another "Bernou" in Bahia, provides information of a fantastic sort on the so-called Niam-Niam cannibals. Mammarou, of Mounao, on the other hand, was a soldier who had traveled around Borno and its environs. Last, but certainly not least, Ibrahim of Borno claimed to have traveled to the east on the Mecca Route. He also claimed to have seen people who were cannibals in the lands south of Darfur....which probably goes to show how some Bornoans exaggerated and promoted tales of cannibals or humans with tails to gullible outsiders. Son of a Borno father and Hausa mother, Ibrahim's life is an additional example of the various ways in which the peoples of Borno were tied to their neighbors and beyond, from West Africa to the Red Sea. 

The other Africans interviewed by de Castelnau were not from Borno, but provide a number of details about it. Aboubakar of Bagirmi, for example, saw his homeland as a tributary of Borno. Born in Massenya, the capital, he knew of the eastern routes through Waday, Darfur, and "Zambulma." As one of the central lands on east-west "Sudanic" route that went from the Atlantic coast to the Red Sea, people from Baghirmi were well-situated to know of and encounter various African peoples, especially people from Borno who passed through en route to Sudan, Egypt, and Mecca. Oddly, Aboubakar did not recognize words like Kordofan, Abyssinia, or Nubia, perhaps reflecting unfamiliarity with terms not used in Baghirmi for eastern lands.

So, Brazil is definitely on the list of places with connections to Borno. While we have a lot of work to do before one can attempt an analysis of the experiences of "Borno" Africans in Bahia or other parts of the Latin American nation, they were clearly not alone among Muslims living in the region. Perhaps more were in Bahia and the Northeast than any in Rio de Janeiro, and they presumably participated in the cultural and religious community of African Muslims. We suspect that they may have joined hands with Hausa and Muslim Yoruba in the 1835 uprising, and perhaps in acts of marronage. If events in Saint Domingue were analogous, there may have been group activities tied to marronage and slave resistance that united the "Borno" Africans with their Hausa, Fulani, and Bagirmi "foes" and friends in Brazil.

Timeline for Kanem-Borno Civilization

Bodyguard of Shaykh al-Kanemi as depicted in Narrative of travels and discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: in the years 1822, 1823, and 1824

What follows below is our preliminary timeline for the history of Kanem-Borno. While by no means exhaustive, we hope to include dates and key events that impacted Kanem, Borno, Chad, and the Lake Chad Basin over the last several thousands of years. Some of the events included here may have no direct connection to the civilization we are interested in, but we include it for possible links, influences, and African historical contexts. We hope to update and correct any errors, as well as include more events that pertain to Borno's relationship with its neighbors and beyond. As for sources, we relied mostly on what has been cited in this previous post as well as the works of Jean-Claude Zeltner, Levtzion & Hopkins, Graham Connah, B.G. Martin, Heinrich Barth, H.R Palmer, Hamidu Bobboyi, Paul Lovejoy and Louis Brenner.

-2345 BCE – 2181 BCE: 6th Dynasty Old Kingdom Egypt contacts and trade with the polity of Yam, which was possibly located in Chad (southwest of Gebel Uweinat); Yam described in Autobiographical inscriptions of Harkhuf. Possible linguistic evidence of ancient Egyptian influence on Teda language as well as Teda words in ancient Egyptian (very speculative at this stage)

-c.1800-1200 BCE: Early Gajiganna Culture

-c.600-400 BCE: Gajiganna culture in Lake Chad Basin develop larger settlements, including fortified sites like Zilum

-500 BCE-500 CE: spread of iron, walled sites in Lake Chad Region 

-c.2000 BP: Daima site shows evidence of iron, sorghum, goats, glass, beads

-c.90: Traveler Julius Maternus said to have reached Agisymba with Garamantes, possibly Kanem or another region around Lake Chad

-450 CE: Traces of mud wall at Daima site

-500s: Possible foundation of Kanem, according to Lange's chronology

-533-534: Pudentius revolts against Vandals in Tripolitania, Vandalic Wars

-c.550: Cosmas Indicopleustes authored Christian Topography, claiming Christian churches existed in land of the Garamantes

-569: King of Garamantes sent envoy to Byzantium; allegedly Christians 

-600s-700s: Islamization of Fezzan region

-600s: Humid phase in Sahel favored growth of kingdoms, trans-Saharan trade

-663-664: Uqba ibn Nafi in Kawar (land of the blacks); Jawan as citadel in Kawar

-before c.728/729 or 732/733: Wahb b. Munabbih mentions the Nubians, Zanj, Qazan (Fazzan?), Zaghawa, Habasha, Qibt (Copt), and Barbar (Berber) as the races of the “Sudan” (if authentic, this is earliest known reference to “Zaghawa” peoples among the Sudan)

-700s: Reign of Fune b. Duku seems to have taken place in 8th century, said to have died at M.lan (Manan?)

-by c.700-1050: figurative art, mud-brick architecture, iron, weaving industry attested in firki plains south of Lake Chad

-c.757: foundation of Sijilmasa (or city rebuilt), major trading town for trans-Saharan commerce through western Sahara

-759: Al-Mansur (caliph) sends expedition to Fezzan against Berber Ibadites

-761-762: Foundation of Tahart by Abd al-Rahman b. Rustam, trade to the “Land of the Blacks”

-762: Abbasid troops killed Ibadite chief, Abd Allah ben Hayyan, at Zawila in the Fezzan and took Waddan

-By 800s, evidence of bronze/brass, cooper, beads found south of Lake Chad; reign of Mai Katuri seemed to have been in 9th century

-c.811-812: Governor of Djabal Nafusa, Abu 'Ubayda Abd al-Hamid knew language of Kanem

-c.833: al-Khwarizmi mentions Ghana, Kawkaw (Gao), and “Zaghawa” in the relative positions of Ghana, Kawkaw/Gao and Kanem

-c.850-1172: Zuwayla as capital of Ibadi Berber Banu Khattub bin Izliten dynasty in Fezzan

-c.854: Sahnun's death; his al-Muwadana included a response from Malik b. Inas on the "blacks" of the Fezzan who should be offered chance to convert and if not, subjected to pay a tribute

-c.868-884: Oases route through Sahara to “Sudan” and “Maghrib” discontinued; route through oases west of Nile once prosperous, with “Rum” (Greeks) and Egyptians and Nubians traveling to the west/Northwest and another route to the Fazzan

-868-883: al-Fazzani and al-Zaghawi slaves reported in Iraq during Zanj Revolt

-872-3: al-Yaqubi wrote of Kanem, describing it as a Zaghawa kingdom whose inhabitants live in huts made of reeds, their king is called KAKRH, and another Zaghawa group is called al-HWDN but Kanem is opposed by another kingdom called Malal (ruled by MYWSY)

-889-890: al-Ya’qubi writes of Zawila, the slave trade: Zawila inhabited by Ibadiyya Muslims (some from Basra, Khurasan, al-Kufa) who go on pilgrimage to Mecca, and export black slaves from the Miriyyun, Zaghawiyyun, Marwiyyun and other “Sudan” peoples; also mention of Kawar (town in series of oases simply called Kawar), inhabited by Muslims from mostly Berber tribes, who bring “Sudan” slaves; between Zawila and the town of Kawar live the Lamta people, who resemble Berbers

-903: Ibn al-Faqih mentions route used by traders to travel from Egypt to Ghana, which passed through the Wahat Misr (Oases of Egypt) to Marawa, Maranda, Kawkaw (Gao), and Ghana)

-916-921: al-Mahdiyya, royal capital of Fatimids, built (which included a suburb called Zawila for the black soldiers of the state)

-918: Berber Banu Khatta take Zawila, establish a dynasty that rules about 250 years

-947 or 956: Al-Mas’udi’s Muruj al-dhahab wa-ma’adin al-jawhar mentions Kanem and the Zaghawa, distinguishing between the two

-Late 900s: al-Muhallabi wrote of Kanem and the “Zaghawa”: Zaghawa have 2 towns (Manan and Tarazki), Zaghawa live in reed huts, worship king, king wears silk/wool, king’s wealth consisted in cattle, sheep, camels, horses, worship of king believed to bring life, death, sickness, health

-Late 900s-early 1000s: Akhbar al-zaman mentions the kingdom of Zaghawa as vast, large and at war with Nubia

-987-1007: Reign of Ayuma b. Katar of Kanem (according to Lange’s chronology)

-c.988: final version of Ibn Hawqal’s Kitab Surat al-ard, which mentions past trade route used by Nubians and Egyptians to reach Fezzan, Barqa, and the “Sudan” (Land of the Blacks) through the Oases west of the Egyptian Nile (route discontinued sometime 868-884)

-c.990: al-Muqaddasi wrote that the “Qaramatiyyun” (Garamantes?) transact with salt, Nubians and Habasha (Abyssinians) with cloth

-992: Zirid Sultan Mansur (984-996) received a gift from Bilad al-Sudan as did Ibn Khattab, governor of Zawila

-1007-1023: Reign of Bulu b. Ayuma of Kanem

-c.1023-1067: Reign of Arku in Kanem, said to have established slave colonies in the Kawar region (300 slaves in D.r.ka, mosque of Sik.d.m, and Zaylan)

-1031: Zirid sultan Mu'izz (1016-1062) received a gift of slaves from a Sudan king (perhaps Kanem? Arku?)

-c.1067-1071: Reign of Hawa b. Arku of Kanem, to a Tomaghera mother T.f.su, daughter of Ar.kay.waw.n

-c.1068: al-Bakri writes of Kanem, calling them pagan, scarcely anyone reaches them, reports story of Ummayads in Kanem who fled there due to Abbasid persecution

-1071-1075: Reign of Abd al-Galil b. Ladsu (Hawa?)

-1075-1086: Alternative dates for reign of Mai Hume (Hume Jilmi) of Kanem

-1076-1086: Reign of Hummay b. Abd al-Galil, to a Kay mother and said to have died in Egypt

-1086-1140: Reign of Dunama b. Hummay of Kanem to a Tubu mother; died after performing the Hajj 3 times

-c.1100: Beginning of Sayfawa dynasty of Kanem (although it appears to be the same as the earlier “Duguwa” dynasty of pre-Islamic Kanem) with Mai Hume (Humme)

-c.1106-1107: Conversion of Kanem to Islam in period, according to Kitab al-Istibsar

-c.1140-1166: Reign of Sultan Biri b. Dunama of Kanem, said to have been punished by his mother F.sama of the Kay for misapplying sharia law in the execution of a thief. Remembered by Ahmad b. Furtu as a learned and God-fearing sultan.

-c.1154: al-Idrisi’s Book of Roger written, contains numerous details on Kanem, Kawar, Central “Sudan” and “Zaghawa” 

-c.1155/56: Birth of poet Ibrahim al-Kanemi in Bilma

-1166-1182: Reign of Abdallah Bakuru of Kanem; Borno mahrams collected by Palmer mention his mahram granted to the Beni Mukhtar Tura in the Kawar (Dirku), and mention of conflict between Air (Ahir) and Dirku Tura

-1176: Armenian mamluk adventurer Qaraqush invades Tripolitania, takes Zawila

-c.1182-1210: Reign of Sultan Salmama b. Hawa of Dabir (sedentary Kanembu origins), said to be the first black mai

-1200s-1300s: Fezzan region dominated by Kanem

-c.1210-1248: Muhammad ibn Jil (Dunama Dibale/Dibbalemi) king of Kanem, son of Dabali of the M.gh.r.ma (Magomi?); apogee of medieval Kanem (opening of mune, war against Ghayu b. L.f.r.d, rise of factions, war with Tubu)

-c.1212: Death of Kanem poet Abu Ishaq Ibrahim al-Kanemi, a poet and grammarian from Kanem (Bilma, in Kawar). Father was from the Dhakwan branch of the Banu Sulaym Arabs, and may have been educated in Ghana before moving to Marrakech. He eventually moved to Spain, where he seems to have died.

-1242: Madrasat in Cairo built by Kanem for pilgrims

-1248-1277: Reign of Mai Kade (Kaday) in Kanem, assassinated by a dignitary of his court in 1277

-1252/1253: Kanem raid on the Mabna people, according to al-Maqrizi

-1257: Kanem sent ambassador to Tunis, and a gift for Hafsid sultan Mustansir

-1258: Kanem’s king killed Qaraqush’s son, who had rebelled against al-Mustansir in Tunis and had seized Waddan in the Fezzan

-1260: Henry of Castile found refuge in Tunis

-1277-1296: Bir, brother of Mai Kade, reigned as mai of Kanem; 2 Fellata shaykhs from Mali arrived in Kanem during his reign

-1296-1315: Reign of Ibrahim b. Bir of Kanem

-before 1286: Ibn Sa’id al-Maghribi’s Book of Geography, borrowing from lost work, describes Kanem in great detail: King Muhammad, capital of Njimi, old capital was Manan, Kanem ruled over Fezzan, Tajuwa, Kawar, “Zaghawa” east of Manan

-1296-1315: Ibrahim Nikale king of Kanem (also known as Ibrahim b. Bir); his yerima Muhammad b. Ghadi threw his corpse into a river

-c.1300: Reigning king was al-Hajj Ibrahim, then al-Hajj Idris, then Daud b. Ibrahim, then Umar, then Uthman b. Idris (according to al-Maqrizi’s chronology)

1315-1335: Reign of Abdallah b. Kaday of Kanem, war with Ghayu b. D.r.gh.z.na (King of Bagirmi???)

-1335-1339: Reign of Salma b. Abdallah of Kanem, died in war with Sao

-1339-1340: Reign of Kuri le jeune in Kanem, died in war with Sao

-1340-1341: Reign of Kuri le aine (the elder) of Kanem, died in war with Sao

-1341-1342: Reign of Muhammad b. Abdallah of Kanem, died in war with Sao

-1342-1366: Reign of Idris b. Ibrahim of Kanem, made the Hajj

-by 1349: al-Umari writes about Kanem, mentions the ascetic shaykh Uthman al-Kanemi, related to the Kings of Kanem

-1366-1376: Reign of Dawud b. Ibrahim in Kanem, war with sons and war with Bulala (killed by Abd al-Jalil)

-1376-1379: Reign of Uthman b. Dawud in Kanem

-1379-1381: Uthman b. Idris as ruler of Kanem

-1381-1382: Reign of Abu Bakr Liyatu b. Dawud ruled Kanem

-c.1382-1387, Mai Umar b. Idris reigned, relocated to Kagha (Kaka?) in Borno, leaving Kanem; Umar was killed by Judham Arabs (according to Zeltner)

-1387-1388: Reign of Sa’id in Borno, a usurper

-1388-1389: Reign of Kaday Afnu b. Idris in Borno

-c.1389-1421: Reign of Mai Biri b. Idris; civil war with kaygama Muhammad b. Dalatu and said to have died in Bagirmi

-1391-1392: Letter of Sultan Uthman (Bir) b. Idris of Kanem-Borno to Mamluk Sultan Barquq, complaining of depredations of Judham Arabs and asking the Mamluk ruler to free any Kanem-Borno Muslims sold into slavery in Egypt, Syria. Judham Arabs are said to have killed the previous Borno king, Amr the Martyr b. Idris, son of al-Hajj Idris, son of al-Hajj Ibrahim

-c.1421-1438: Dagachi, Borno prince, came from South Borno with men and mallams to 

Kano

-1421-1422: Mai Uthman ibn Dawud reigned (Uthman K.l.n.ma), deposed by kaygama Nikali b. Ibrahim and yerima Kaday Ka'aku; died at Afnu Kunu (Kano)

-1422-1424: Reign of Dunama b. Umar in Borno

-c.1424-1431: Mai Abdallah b. Umar fought with Kaygama Abd Allah, who defeated him; he was later restored to the throne after the death of Mai Ibrahim b. Uthman, who was installed by the Kaygama

-1431-1439: Reign of Ibrahim b. Uthman in Borno, killed by Kaday

-c.1438-1452: Borno attacked Asben/Air during this period, but couldn’t find water, ended by receiving tribute from lands west of Borno; Kano gave tsare to Borno

-1439-1440: Reign of Kaday b. Uthman in Borno, fought war with Dunama b. Bir

-1440-1444: Dunama (Ahmad) reigned in Borno (also known as Dunama b. Bir)

-January 1440: Letter found at Zaglou in Touat from Borno urging them to renew trade with Borno (possibly sent by Kaday b. Uthman)

-1444: Brief reign of Muhammad b. Matala

-1444-1445: Reign of Amr b. A’isa in Borno

-1445-1449: Reign of Muhammad b. Kaday in Borno

-1449-1454: Reign of Ghadji b. Imata in Borno; killed by Kanem/Bulala leader Muhammad b. Abd Allah

-c.1450: Fra Mauro world map depicts some locations/place names in Lake Chad Region, including Bagirmi (Bargemin), Marghi, Mandera (Mandara), Bolala (Bulala)

-1452-1463: Fulani go to Borno, according to Kano Chronicle while Gwanja merchants arrived in Katsina, Kanuri came in larger numbers, and Asbenawa came to Gobir

-1454-1459: Reign of Uthman b. Kaday in Borno; war with Sultan Ali b. Dunama

-1459-1460: Reign of Umar b. Abdallah in Borno, not installed by princes

-c.1460: Agadez built, according to Marmol

-1460-1465: Reign of Muhammad b. Muhammad

-1465-1497: Reign of Ali b. Dunama in Borno; war with Uthman b. Kaday, ended wars among Banu Sayf, died at Gazargamo

-c.1472: establishment of Birni Gazargamo as capital of Borno by Mai Ali ibn. Dunama (r.1465-1497)

-1484: al-Suyuti writes of a "Takrur" sultan returning from Mecca, in Cairo who was invested by the nominal Abbasid caliph, possibly Ali b. Dunama (Ali Ghaji) of Borno

-July-August 1493: al-Suyuti of Egypt received a letter of questions from Muhammad al-Lamtuni (possibly of Agadez) of Takrur on bribery, legal studies, matrilineal descent, magic, spirit possession, music, talismans, unveiled women

-c.1497: Tripoli liberated itself from the Hafsids

-1497-1519: Reign of Idris Katagarmabe (Idris b. Ali) of Borno, whose reconquest of Kanem was chronicled by Shaykh Umar b. Uthman Masbarma, whose grandfather was from Waddan (Fezzan). Defeated Bulala sultan Dunama ibn Salma at Garni Kiyala.

-1499-1509: Reign of Abdulahi in Kano; Borno attacked Kano and Abdulahi and his mallams met with Borno's mai to humble themselves

-early 1500s: Awlad Muhammad Dynasty established in Fezzan by this time

-1509-1565: Sarki Kisoki in Kano; failed Borno attack on Kano; arrival of Shehu Karaski, Magumi, and Kabi from Borno to Kano

-1510: Spanish conquest of Tripoli

-1514-1515: Askia Muhammad of Songhay conquers/annexes Air region 

-1517: Ottoman conquest of Egypt

-1519-1538: Reign of Muhammad b. Idris in Borno, war with Kaday b. L.fiya

-By 1522, first mbang (king) of Bagirmi in place

-1530: Charles V gives Malta and Tripoli to the Chevaliers de Saint-Jean

-1538-1539: Reign of Ali b. Idris in Borno

-1539-1557: Dunama b. Muhammad reigns in Borno; war with Sultan Abd al-Djalil son of ghumsa, then famine struck, built fortifications of Gazargamo

-1551: Turghut takes Tripoli

-1555: Borno embassy to Dragut in Tripoli

-1557-1564: Reign of Abdallah b. Dunama in Borno; famine that lasted for 7 years

-c.1561: Borno-Kebbi War, Borno said to have fielded an army of 100,000 against Kebbi after Kebbi attacks on Air region, but Kebbi defeated Borno

-c.1564-1596: Reign of Idris Alooma of Borno, chronicles of his reign produced by Ahmad b. Furtu and his mother Aisha Kili Ngirmaramma was a regent (according to tradition)

-1571: Seizure of Amsaka by Idris Alooma

-1574: Idris Alooma of Borno sents ambassador to Constantinople (al-Hajj Yusuf) after Ottomans conquer Fezzan

-1574-1576: Kanem campaigns of Idris Alooma against Bulala sultan Abd al-Jalil, success 

achieved by 1576 as Bulala sultan appointed by Idris Alooma recognizes suzerainty of Borno

-1577/78: Idris Alooma’s ambassador al-Hajj Yusuf sent to Constantinople again, returns in 1578 with an Ottoman representative and a message of Ottoman refusal to cede the Fezzan

-1581-1583: Borno ambassador al-Hajj Yusuf sent to Morocco, bearing gifts (over 200 young slaves) and requesting troops, mustkets, and cannons for holy war

-1582-1585: Ottoman garrison in Fezzan is massacred, return of Fezzan sultanate (Awlad Muhammad)

-1585/1586: Embassy to Tripoli sent by Idris Alooma of Borno

-1591: Battle of Tondibi leads to Moroccoan victory over Songhai

-c.1593-1608: Ahmad Baba of Timbuktu in exile in Morocco, writes a response to questions from al-Isi which mention Idris Alooma's reconquest of the Bulala (Kanem); Ahmad Baba's answer also touches upon the unjust enslavement of Muslims by Idris Alooma (described as "unenlightened) as well the enslavement of Shuwa Arabs (descendants of the Judham) in Kano and Timbuktu (Hunwick)

-c.1595: Birth of Abu Abdallah b. Masani b. Muhammad al-Barnawi al-Kashinawi in Katsina, to Borno parents

-1596-1612: Reign of Muhammad b. Idris in Borno, said to be patient and of excellent character

-Early 1600s: Ibn al-Mubarak fled to Kazway in Borno during civil war with his cousin Yusuf, ruler of Agadez

-1607: Deposed Abd al-Qadir II of Sennar fled to Ethiopia, performed obeisance to Susenyos

-c.1611: Wadai state founded by Abd al-Karim

-1612-1619: Reign of Ibrahim b. Idris, whose mother was ghumsa of the Maghrama tribe (Magumi?)

-c.1616-1617: birth of Abd Allah b. Abd al-Aziz b. Umar (or Abd Allah al-Barnawi) in Borno, a scion of the Sayfawa dynasty and leader of Kulumbardo

-1618-1619: Ethiopian Emperor Susenyos campaigned against Sennar

-c1619-1639: Reign of al-hajj Umar b. Idris of Borno; Waldede-Jirmi Affair during his reign, in which Shaykh Jirmi was killed by Sultan Umar and Waldede fled to Bagirmi. Shaykh Umar Waldede was said to have traveled to Agadez and Timbuktu for study, was part of the Fulani diaspora

-1622-23: Sultan Tahir of Fezzan fled to Borno due to Ottomans in Tripoli invading, but Mai Umar al-Maqdisi had him killed for blinding 2 of his own nephews

-1626-1658: Reign of Muhammad ben Jehim as Sultan of Fezzan

-c.1630: First galadima established at Nguru (Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno)

-1630s: Tunjur arrival in Kanem (according to Zeltner's estimate)

-1632-1667: Reign of Fasiladas in Ethiopia

-1635-1665: King Kurkumanda I of Bagirmi reigns

-1636: Pasha of Tripoli sent European renegades or slaves to Borno

-1639-1677: Reign of Mai Ali b. Umar of Borno who killed 4 of his brothers when he ascended to the throne, recalled as great thinker and courageous but famine Dala Dama occurred during his reign. Shayk Abd Allah al-Barnawi accused of sedition by 'alim Abu Bakr al-Zakkaki in Gazargamo, had to defend himself against charges to Ali b. Umar.

-by 1642: Borno rulers established the Dala Afuno for Kanem at Mao (Zeltner)

-1644/5-1681: Reign of Badi II of Sennar (Funj Sultanate)

-1649-1672: Reign of Pasha Osman in Tripoli, who knew the Kanuri language and enjoyed cordial relations with Borno

-by 1650-1675, Bagirmi under rule of Borno

-1654-1687: Muhammad al-Mubarak's reign in Agadez

-1655: Pasha of Tripoli sent European slaves to Borno

-c.1657: Tuareg-Borno war; birth of Abu Bakar b. Al-Tahir Tashi, a Tuareg of Agadez and faqih

-1658-1681: Reign of Jehim in Fezzan

-c.1660-1680: Reign of Sulayman in Darfur

-1665-1674: Abd al-Raḥman reigns in Bagirmi

-Late 1660s: Shaykh Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Yamani, from the Nile Valley, visited Kulumbardo

-1667: Borno-Tuareg war; Borno prince Medicon sold into slavery after Agadez attacked Borno, but Mai Ali b. Umar was able to have the Pasha of Tripoli find and liberate Medicon

-1668-1675: Chirurgien esclave, French captive in Tripoli

-1669: Borno-Tuareg War

-1672: Plan to send Catholic mission to Nubia through the Fezzan aborted due to fall of Pasha Osman in Tripoli

-1674: Sultanate of Agadez conquers Ader/Adar

-1675: Prince al-Hajj Aknafaya of Agadez went on 2nd pilgrimage to Mecca

-1677: Death of Shaykh Abd Allah al-Barnawi, founder of Kulumbardo religious center

-1677-1696: Reign of Idris b. Ali in Borno, died at Taraghen (Fezzan)

-1679: Muhammad al-Mubarak, Sultan of Agadez, invades Borno, troops led by Muhammad b. al-Hajj Ibrahim, surnamed Amma Fatim, with Kel Away Tuaregs

-1680-1707: Reign of Abd al-Qadir in Bagirmi

-1681: al-Hajj Aknafay of Agadez made 3rd pilgrimage to Mecca

-1683: Muhammad al-Mubarak of Agadez brought about peace between Kel-Oui and Itissines at In-Teboraq

-1684: Borno-Tuareg War

-1685: Agadez war with Zanfara

-1687: Muhammad al-Mubarak of Agadez died during epidemic

-1688: Borno-Tuareg War

-1689: Successful counterattack of Muhammad Agabba (Agadez Sultanate) against Gobir

-early 1690s: Borno-Tuareg War

-1680s: Destruction of Kulumbardo religious center by Tuareg raiders

-1686: French consul Claude Lemaire wrote that 500-600 slaves passed through the Fezzan to Tripoli annually

-1696: King of Borno Mai “Dris fils de Mai Ali”, died in Fezzan en route to Mecca; fighting between Kel Ewey and Itisen Tuareg in Air

-1696-1715: Reign of Mai Dunama b. Ali of Borno, who was said to have offered lukewarm support to the ulama, which was perceived as a cause of famine (that lasted 7 years) and lack of success in his administration. Active Borno scholars during his reign included Shaykh Muhammad b. al-Hajj 'Abd al-Rahman (Shaykh Hajrami), who was imam of one of the Gazargamo Friday mosques which hosted a study circle including Shaykh Tahir, Umar Mama, Shaykh al-Yamani.

-1698-1700: Voyage of Charles Jacques Poncet to the Court of Iyasu I in Gondar, failed effort to establish embassy to France. But passage through Sennar to reach Gondar in Ethiopia

-1700-1702: Theodor Krump traveling from Sennar to Egypt with people from Borno and the Fezzan, reports caravans from Darfur, Borno, Fezzan reach Sennar

-1703: Fra Damiano da Rivoli tried to reach Borno from Sennar but didn’t pursue caravan route; a Borno caravan leader in Sennar told him the journey would take 60 days

-1705: Claude Lemaire, French consul in Tripoli, said he would ask the ruler of the Fezzan to write to his cousin, the king of Borno

-1706: Father Carlo Maria di Genova met 2 Borno princes in Cairo

-October 1710: Fra Carlo Maria de Genoa met an Agadez prince at Taraghen in the Fezzan

-August 1711: Death of Prefect of Borno Carlo Maria di Genova near Katsina. Never reached Borno or the allegedly Christian Kwararafa

-1714: Death of first Muslim king of Dagomba, Ya Na Muhammad Zangina, 17th king

-c. 1714, the Pasha of Tripoli defeated Fezzani sultan, demanded tribute

-1715-1729: Reign of al-Hajj Hamdun b. Dunama in Borno, his wazir was Nasr b. Maidalla

-1721: Muhammad Agabba of Agadez dethroned by brother al-Amin, fled to Adar and ruled among the Itisen from Birni-n-Ader until 1738

-1729-1744: Reign of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun in Borno, considered a scholar and said to have studied at al-Azhar in Cairo before taking the throne (but famine for 2 years)

-1731-1743: Reign of Mohamma Kumbari in Kano; Borno launched campaign against Kano but battle averted (may have occurred during reign of Mai Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama)

-1738-1753: Great Drought in Borno

-c.1740: Kel-Oui Tuareg as dominant group in Air region

-1741: Death of Muhammad al-Katsinawi, who studied in Borno

-1744: Ethiopia-Funj Sultanate War during reign of Badi IV

-1744-1747: Reign of Dunama Gana; great famine

-1747-1792: Reign of Mai Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama of Borno, considered a scholar by Borno sources and said to have memorized the Koran, studied Quranic exegesis; also said by Heinrich Barth to have attempted to defeat Tuareg. Ali was married to Amina Talbamaran (daughter of the Talba)

-c.1752/3-1785/6: Sultan Muhammad Tayrab ruled Darfur; Borno faqih Tahir Jamus from Manawashi married his daughter, Fetessa, and advised Sultan Abd al-Rahman

-1754/1755: Birth of Goni Musa Burmama, scholar who married a daughter of Mai Ahmad b. Ali

-Nov 1755: Death of Shaykh Muhammad b. Abd al-Rahman Hajrami, who was imam of one of the Friday mosques in Gazargamo and led a study circle attended by Shaykh Tahir, Umar Mama, and Shaykh al-Yamani

-c. 1759: Bilma War between Tuareg of Air and Borno, resulting in Tuareg of Agadez confederation becoming the dominant player in the movement of Kawar salt to Hausaland

-1765: Kanuri massacred Kel Ewey Tuareg, leading to retaliation by Sultan Muhammad of Agadez who attacked Borno, marching to the gates of the capital

-c.1778: birth of Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi (according to Zeltner)

-1781: Borno defeated by Mandara

-c.1787-1792: Koyam defeated at Gaskeru, many massacred by Tuareg

-1789: Miss Tully met a “black prince” of Borno in Tripoli; "Bernon" (Borno) natives Christophe and Scipio listed in runaway slave ad in Saint-Domingue (Haiti)

-c.1792 famine in Borno (Kana nguraram according to Ali Eisami)

-1792-1808: Reign of Ahmad b. Ali of Borno, said to have been a scholar who supported scholarship, supported the poor

-1795: Joda, ruler of Wadai, raids Mao and Mondo in Kanem (Zeltner)

-1795-1832: Yusuf Qaramanli pasha of Tripoli

-1798-1799: Hornemann possibly reached Borno; Vivant Denon in Egypt, where he met a Darfur prince who reported Darfur and Borno were allies

-1799-1800: death of Shaykh Abu Hafs Umar Mama, renowned in Arabic specialization and fiqh (Bobboyi)

-1805-1815: Abd al-Karim Saboun of Wadai in power; invades and takes capital of Bagirmi after the mbang allegedly married his own sister. Also invades Kanem after a deposed alifa of Mao invites him (

-1806-1812: Fulani jihadists attack Borno capital, western provinces

-1808: Destruction of Birni Gazargamo (Goni Mokhtar), capital of Borno, by Fulani jihadists, city permanently abandoned in 1809; decline of Borno textile industry as workers migrate to Hausaland

-1808-1816: Reign of Dunama b. Ahmad of Sayfawa in Borno

-1811: Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi defeats another attack of Fulani jihadists led by Ibrahim Zaki; al-Mukni becomes "bey" of the Fezzan after taking Murzuq

-1810s: Burckhardt's travels in Nubia, met Borno native Hadji Aly el Bornawy, who had traveled as a slave trader in Turkey, Constantinople, and Syria and was now based in Kordofan as a trader

-c.1813: Shaykh al-Kanemi able to depose mai Ngileramua and restore Dunama to throne (Brenner)

-1815-1818: Sharif Ibrahim al-Barnawi in Kumase (Asante), and according to Lovejoy, was highly critical of local Muslims for attending Asante executions and ceremonies

-c.1816: al-Mukni raids Kanem from Fezzan

-c.1816-1820: Reign of Mai Muhammad Ngilerumma of Borno (also known as Muhammad b. Ali)

-1816-1824: Conflicts between Borno and Bagirmi

-1818: Ali Eisami arrived in Sierra Leone after the British intercepted Spanish slave ship carrying him

-1819: Pasha Yusuf of Tripoli secretly plans for invasion of Borno which doesn't happen

-1820-1830: About 200 “Bornu” people lived in Sierra Leone, according to Koelle

-1820-1846: Reign of figurehead Sayfawa sultan Ibrahim b. Ahmad in Borno

-1821-1825: Denham, Clapperton, and Oudney on Borno Mission sent by Great Britain

-1824: Pro-Sayfawa Manga rebellion against al-Kanemi (strongman with effective power/rule of Borno), led by Muslim cleric Fanaamy. Rebellion defeated by al-Kanemi and Fanaamy pardoned

-1830: Shaykh Muhammad al-Kanemi campaigned against galadima of Borno in the west

-1835: End of Qaramanli Pashas in Tripoli

-1836: “Routes in North Africa” published, drawing on autobiography of Abu Bakr al-Saddik, which mentions his father (18th century) who traveled from Jenne and Timbuktu to Katsina, Birni Borno; Pablo Peratta, Borno native and slave on a Spanish ship, used British law to claim his freedom in Freetown (Sierra Leone); birth of Nicholas Said of Borno

-1845-1846: Manga rebellion against Shehus/government of Borno; by 1845, Borno's rule of Kanem over

-1846: Wadai invaded Kanem, marched on Kukawa but were defeated at Kusseri; also, final attempt by Sayfawa dynasty to retake power in Borno, but defeated by Shehu Umar (death of Ibrahim b. Ahmad and Ali b. Ibrahim, last of Sayfawa sultans)

-1850: Catholic priest Filippo da Segni visits Kukawa (capital of Borno), meets with a resident Maltese family but doesn't engage in any proselytizing

-1850-1855: Heinrich Barth’s travels in Borno and other parts of West Africa, Sahel, savanna

-1850-1851: James Richardson’s travels to Air region, reports Borno “fighis” traveling and teaching in Air/Ahir

-1853: Abba Abdurahman overthrew Shehu Umar because of favored status of vizier Hajj Bashir

-1870-1871: Gustav Nachtigal in Borno

-1883: Kumoreji excessive taxation in Borno under Shehu Bukar

-1890: Royal Niger Company's MacIntosh mission to Kukawa in 1890, failure to establish trade/relations with Borno

-1892: Bornoan Adem Mahanna interrogated in Tunis by the French for information on Borno

-by 1893, Borno was divided into 504 fiefs held by 104 chima kura

-1893-1900: Sudanese warlord Rabih conquers Borno (but faced Mallam Abu Gantar's failed resistance movement that relied on messianic appeal and the peasantry) and rules until defeated by French forces; Rabih maintained chima system

-c.1896: Koyam of Nganzai rebelled due to tax burden (Kyari Mohammad)

-1920s: Shaykh Al-Faki Ahmad Umar, of Borno, became prominent among Muslim Oromos in Ethiopia