Gambaru

Migeod 1924

One of the most illustrious sites associated with the Sayfawa dynasty of Borno is Gambaru. Located only a few kilometers from the royal capital, Birni Gazargamo, Gambaru was said to have been a favorite retreat of the Sayfawa rulers. The site is also remembered traditionally as the construction of a magira named Aisa Kili N'girmaramma. According to H.R. Palmer, this queen-mother ordered the construction of Gambaru for Idris Alooma (r. 1564-1596). Others, referring to Idris Alooma's mother as Amsa, attribute the site to Amsa. Despite the contradictory traditions on the mother of this famous mai, Gambaru was apparently in use until c. 1808 or 1809, when the attacking forces of the jihad pillaged Gazargamo and other sites in the region. In an attempt to reconstruct the history of Gambaru, we shall share our own thoughts on the site based on studies by historians, archaeologists, and travelers. Understanding Gambaru's origins and its function as a palace site will elucidate how the Sayfawa maiwa utilized brick for elite architecture. It may also reveal a Bornoan example of how a small royal center could coexist with a much larger birni 5 kilometers away that was the real economic and political core of the state. 

Migeod (1924)

Naturally, one must begin with the origins. Since Gambaru was referenced multiple times by Ahmad b. Furtu, including an allusion to a mosque there, the site was already established by the reign of Idris Alooma (Lange 131). Traditions collected by Landeroin extend the origins of Gambaru as a Sayfawa center further back in time, to the 15th century. Per tradition, the area of Gambaru was where a Sao hunter, Gouma Kandira (also called Dala Gomami) lived. When the Sayfawa arrived in the region, he granted them permission to settle nearby. Over time, the Sayfawa (or their followers from Kanem) used their abundant merchandise to acquire additional lands from the local Sao. Over time, Gouma Kandira was tricked into buying too many goods on credit that he could not repay. This led to Gouma leaving the region and the Sayfawa making Gambaru their capital. However, they found the region was too densely wooded, too close to the river (causing frequent flooding) and the site was not favorable for horses (Landeroin 356). Interesting, this Sao chief, Gouma Kandira, may be identified with the Sao hunter who settled in Machena, Bolo Kandira (also known as Guma Kerbina). Although C.J. Lethem recorded a version of events which attributed Gouma Kerbina's departure from Borno to his father, the traditions of Gouma Kandira/Bolo Kandira (or Dala Gomami) were known as far west as Machina. By their own traditions, the ruling dynasty of Machina were said to be descendants of this man. 

Graham Connah (1981)

A different version of this tradition was reported by Palmer. In Sudanese Memoirs, Palmer wrote of the "So" Dala N'Gumami, clearly the same Sao leader Dala Gomami. However, instead of Gambaru, Palmer wrote that Dala lived at the town of Gaji Dibun. The followers of the Sayfawa were already using land nearby for pastureland, amazing the gigantic Sao leader due to their small size and horses (Palmer 66). This Sao hunter subsequently led the Sayfawa to the area of Gazargamo. The familiar tale of the trick of the henna was then used to defeat the Sao and kill nearly all, except for Dala N'Gumami. This Sao leader was said to have been a friend of the Sayfawa (67-68). Despite the absence of Gambaru in Palmer's version of this event, it should be remembered that Gambaru was located quite near to the site of Gazargamo. The lack of the toponym in Palmer's version may have been due to different informants attributing the Sao hunter's town to the general vicinity of Gazargamo and Gambaru, along the Komadugu Yobe. Undoubtedly, further evidence is necessary, but a Sau-Gafata connection for these communities may be assumed since they were still living near Gazargamo in places like Damasak at the time of Idris Alooma's reign.

Thurstan Shaw (1978)

Since oral traditions associate Gambaru with the Sao leader who led or welcomed the Sayfawa to the area of Gazargamo, the area was inhabited by Sao peoples long before Gambaru became a royal retreat for the rulers of Borno. Traditions are still imprecise for the exact process in which Gambaru became Sayfawa royal center. For example, Lange heard traditions in the region that reported the site was constructed by Aisa for Ali Gaji or Dunama Dibalemi. Furthermore, one of these kings did not like Gambaru because it lacked adequate space for horse racing (Lange 133). This is clearly an instance of modern tradition recalling the names of two of the most prominent Sayfawa monarchs and anachronistically turning Aisa into the mother or magira of them. Migeod, writing in the 1920s, also recorded that the mai rejected Gambaru as a capital, thereby leading to it becoming the magira's town (226). Palmer, in Bornu Sahara and Sudan, wrote of Aisa Kili N'Girmaramma having great difficulty in protecting the life of Idris Alooma from his cousin, Dunama Fannami and Abdallah. As regent for her son, after Abdallah's death, she was said to have built the palace and mosque at Gambaru to so Idris would not be corrupted by the manners of Gazargamo (Palmer 232). 

Seidensticker's Plan

Muhammad Nur Alkali similarly attributed the construction of Gambaru to the queen Amsa, mother of Idris Alooma, based on a praise song for her (Alkali 145). Likewise, Bivar and Shinnie, in "Old Kanuri Capitals," also reported the tradition of Amsa (or Aisa) as the builder of Gambaru (Bivar & Shinnie 3). Even a problematic praise song in J.R. Patterson's Kanuri Songs, for a magira named Aisa, referred to her as owner of Gambaru. Overall, most traditions concur on the identity (Amsa or Aisa) of the magira who built Gazargamo, although some attribute the son for whom it was built to Ali Gaji. The sense of the mai rejecting Gambaru as a capital may be an interpolation of the other traditions in which the Sayfawa rejected Gambaru (or its environs) earlier in the 15th century. Lamentably, the method in which the magira sponsored the brick buildings or walls of Gambaru is ambiguous. Traditions of craftsmen imported from Tripoli to complete the project may be unreliable. After all, the Sayfawa had sponsored brick buildings since the 12th century in Kanem. It is possible that workers were local artisans using skills that the Sayfawa had long sponsored for elite structures. Possible evidence of this can be found in the existence of a mai jalabvube in Gazargamo, the head of brickmakers (Seidensticker 245). In terms of the construction of the brick walls, Migeod did note that the bricks showed evidence that not all the bricklayers were equally skilled (Migeod 227). Nonetheless, a magira like Aisa Kili N'girmaramma possessed ample resources and had the structures built. Gambaru is the only known site with fired-brick ruins believed to have been built by a woman.

Palmer (1936)

Due to the consensus on the builder of Gambaru, what can we infer on the site's history from the 16th century to the early 19th century? Lange noted the reference to horses in oral traditions on the site, which brought to mind J.R. Patterson's district report on Borsari from the colonial period. If the mulima, a slave official in charge of the royal horse stables, was based at Gambaru, oral tradition may be alluding to this official. According to Patterson, the mulima collected the taxes from the villages or towns of Sage, Gilbossu, and Jaba. The mulima was based at Gambaru in the past. If Nachtigal was correct to identify the post of mulima as one held by slaves, this official was also at Gambaru and received the right to collect taxes or tribute from villages in the area. Of course, in the days before the abandonment of Gazargamo, the metropolitan district was densely populated and full of villages and towns. This means that in the past, the mulima may have held tax rights over a large population. Provisioning members of the royal family staying at Gambaru may have also entailed some fiefs or administrative rights over villages in the region. Sadly, it is unclear if the fiefs held by the magira were also included among those tied to Gambaru.

Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs

Indeed, a possible hint of Gambaru's past connections to the larger region can be seen in Denham's brief description of the site. Denham, presumably drawing on oral tradition, was told the nearby river was once very actively used by boats moving from Gambaru to Kabshary. The surrounding area was also once extensively cultivated (Denham, Clapperton, Oudney 156). This account, though brief, was based on traditions only a little over a decade after the site was abandoned, so it has a degree of reliability. The active river traffic, well-cultivated surroundings, and proximity to Gazargamo meant an economically dynamic regional economy. In fact, farms along the Komadugu Yobe were sometimes irrigated, according to Patterson. This facilitated the growth of cotton and food crops. Lastly, given that horses were of major importance for the military capacity of the state, one can be also be sure that the Sayfawa rulers who occasionally stayed at Gambaru kept a close eye on the mulima. In truth, the name of Aisa Kili N'girmaramma may also be a reference to horses or horse racing (Lange 133). This is highly suggestive of a link between horses, the magira, and Gambaru. Being in an economically prosperous regional economy that was densely settled meant Gambaru could draw on these ample resources.

Sassoon's photo of Gambaru ruins 

Unfortunately, little remains of the site of Gambaru besides the brick walls. Luckily, Musa Hambolu, who partly excavated Gambaru in the 1990s, focused on a few areas that shed additional light. One of them, a Yobe-type archaeological mound was a 2x2 excavation north of the palace. Another spot excavated was 4x4 in the southeast quadrant of one of the round hut foundations within the palace (Hambolu 221). In terms of the actual palace, Hambolu described it as oblong-shaped and featuring 10 compartments or sections. Overall, it measured 24 meters long from the southwest to southeast, 12 meters from southeast to northeast, 27 meters from northeast to northwest and 10.5 meters from its northwest to southwest axis, a total of 243 square meters. In addition, 5 possible hut foundations were detected, 4 of which were located within one of the 10 compartments (Hambolu 223). While less impressive when compared to the palace complex at Gazargamo (100,000 square meters), Gambaru's buildings with circular brick foundations provide possible clues to the use of space between the walled areas, or compartments. Hambolu's excavation of a hut foundation in the southeast quadrant revealed a structure with a diameter 4.4 and 5 meters for its inner and outer dimensions. The wall was 60 centimeters thick but Hambolu did not excavate the entire structure (Hambolu 224). A possible purpose of the site where 4 of these structures were found could have been for the use of the harem or women of the mai. Perhaps one of the circular structures was similar to what can be seen at Machina today, apparently used for giving audiences in front of it. 

Another picture by Sassoon

Besides Hambolu, other descriptions of the site are based on the ruins of the walls still standing. The earliest, based on a description by a Borno native to a European who never saw Gambaru, dated to the 1810s. This brief account merely alluded to the remains of "castles" and houses erected by "Christians" in the past. The association of the site with Christians is certainly perplexing, but Gronenborn has suggested this may be due to a past presence of European slaves or captives in the region. In this light, it is intriguing to note that the original article, published in The Quarterly Review, referred to copper coins used by the Christians being dug up at Gambaro. The use of the word "Christian" in Borno to refer to "pagans" or kirdi should not be forgotten. The association with "Christians" may very well refer to a non-Muslim group in the area or perhaps forcibly resettled nearby. Alternatively, the presence of European slaves and renegades in precolonial Borno, allegedly highly esteemed by the Sayfawa, could also have been present at Gambaru in the 16th and 17th centuries. 

Sassoon picture of standing wall

After The Quarterly Review, travelers who visited the site described Gambaru. Denham was the next to write of his visit to Gambaru's ruins. Noting the mosque walls enclosing a space of 20 square yards, he also observed the house of the sultan with gates opening toward the river. The private mosque attached to the sultan's house was also still observable, as well as other buildings of brick. Barth, who came next several years later, was only able to distinguish 1 wall and a building he believed was part of a mosque (Lange 131). Unmentioned by Lange are the allusions to artificial basins or lakes near Gambaru. Denham, for instance, wrote that Gambaru was located northwest of Lake Muggaby (Denham, Clapperton, Oudney 155). Barth observed what he thought were artificial basins or lakes in the area near Gambaru, too (Barth 345). Consequently, the capital district may have used canals or irrigation ditches that fed artificial lakes or basins of water for agricultural or other purposes. Gambaru, located near a major river, may have benefited from this as water was rerouted to the agricultural settlements whose farmers paid taxes or tribute.

Photo of Gambaru in Bivar & Shinnie's "Old Kanuri Capitals"

Moving into the 20th century, more detailed descriptions of the site emerged. The valuable insights and observations by 20th century visitors and archaeologists are weakened by the plundering of the site for bricks. Nevertheless, some walls still stood to an impressive height in the 1920s. When Migeod visited, he described the palace as 250 yards by 150 yards, with walls of burnt brick. The brick walls were supposedly used to divide the space into multiple yards or sections used for walking, horses, or gardens (Migeod 226). The Gambaru walls impressively still stood up to 8 feet in some sections. However, he did not see evidence of a great palatial house structure, writing, "A great palace in the form of a house did not exist." But, he did view the foundation of a round structure or hut of a large diameter in the northwestern corner of the site (Migeod 227). Even by the 1960s, Bivar and Shinnie viewed walls that still stood up to 3 meters (Bivar & Shinnie 4). Some sections may have been partly restored during the colonial era, but probably not in any way that substantially altered the layout. Even by the 1980s, when Wilhelm Seidensticker produced the only plan of Gambaru, some of the brick walls survived. Seidensticker's plan and study indicates the site's palace was really 10 interior courtyard divided by brick walls. These walls, 1 meter wide with the width of 7-8 stretchers, were differently fired since they were much darker in color (Seidensticker 65). 

Another image of Gambaru's remaining walls in Bivar & Shinnie

As evidenced by the contradictory reports of Gambaru, much of the site's history and architecture remain enigmatic. Even the question of a palatial house or brick house is ambiguous. While Denham, who saw the site a little over a decade after its abandonment, believed there was a large sultan's house and private mosque, later visitors were less confident. Migeod, in the 20th century, believed the brick walls were mainly used to separate the 10 or so compartments or sections, which each had their particular uses or purposes. Gambaru's possible "Sao" origins and link to the Dala Gumami or Gouma Kandira of Borno oral tradition is additionally ambiguous. Thankfully, traditions concur on the magira who ordered the construction of Gambaru. Likely the mother of Idris Alooma, this makes Gambaru one of the few (if not the only) Sayfawa fired-brick site which can be linked to a woman ruler. The site's location and proximity to Birni Gazargamo, the Sayfawa capital established by Ali Gaji, made it a part of a populous and prosperous region that engaged in irrigated agriculture, trade on the Komadugu and overland, and possibly the use of canals or ditches to create artificial lakes or ponds. Gambaru's connection with the mulima and occasional use by the Sayfawa rulers likely made it a popular site for the mai to escape the crowds at Gazargamo. Access to the mulima may have also facilitated the organizing of the horses for military expeditions. In short, the site was well-positioned and functioned as another manifestation of Sayfawa elite architecture in the history of Kanem-Borno. As a smaller royal site near Gazargamo, one cannot help but wonder which, if any, fired-brick ruins in Kanem served a similar purpose. If the antiquity of the birni can be traced to medieval Kanem, then it is difficult to imagine that Tié was the royal capital of Njimi. Was it not, perhaps, akin to Gambaru as a royal center visited by the rulers but not the large town or city sometimes implied in medieval Arabic sources? 

Bibliography

Alkali, Mohammad Nur. 2013. Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846) . Nigeria: University of Maiduguri.

Barth, Heinrich. Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa: Including accounts of Tripoli, the Sahara, the remarkable kingdom of Bornu, and the countries around Lake Chad. London: Ward, Lock, and Co., 1890.

Bivar, A. D. H., and P. L. Shinnie. “Old Kanuri Capitals.” The Journal of African History 3, no. 1 (1962): 1–10. http://www.jstor.org/stable/179796.

Connah, Graham. Three Thousand Years in Africa: Man and His Environment in the Lake Chad Region of Nigeria. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981. 

Denham, Dixon, Hugh Clapperton, Walter Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824. 2d ed. London: John Murray, 1826.

Gronenborg, Detlef. "Kanem-Borno: a Brief Summary of the History and Archaeology of an Empire in the Central Bilad-el-Sudan" in West Africa during the Atlantic Slave Trade, edited by Christopher R. Decorse. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018.

Hambolu, Musa. "Recent Excavations Along the Yobe Valley." Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268 (1996): 215-229. 

Lange, Dierk.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

Migeod, Frederick William Hugh. Through Nigeria to Lake Chad. London: Heath Cranton Limited, 1924.

Nachtigal, Gustav, Allan G. B. Fisher, and Humphrey J (trans.). Fisher. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 2. Berkeley and ; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

Palmer, H.R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

__________. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. 1st ed., new impression. London: Cass, 1967.

Patterson, J.R. Kanuri Praise Songs. Lagos: Government Printer, 1926.

Seidensticker, Wilhelm. "A Note on the Site of Gambaru, Borno State," Zaria Archaeology Papers 5 (1983): 65-67.

__________. "Borno and the East: Notes and Hypotheses on the Technology of Burnt Bricks" in  Lionel Bender and Thilo C. Schadeberg (editors), Nilo-Saharan Proceedings: Proceedings of the First Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Conference, Leiden, the Netherlands, September 8-10 1980.

Shaw, Thurstan. Nigeria: It's Archaeology and Early History. London: Thames and Hudson, 1978.

Tilho, Jean (editor). Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1910.

Chima and the Peasantry

A Kanuri village in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan.

Although we have still not been able to procure a copy of Hauwa Mahdi's MA Thesis, we believe her essay, "A Tentative Reconstruction of the Political Economy of Metropolitan Borno in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries" is a worthy endeavor. In this essay, Mahdi endeavored to develop a more robust explanation for the political economy of Borno during what we consider the Late Sayfawa Period. In so doing, Mahdi highlights the exploitative system of taxation and tribute imposed on farmers, or peasants. Unsurprisingly, she disagrees with the racist and condescending approach of Palmer, whose racialized lens turned the Sayfawa into enslavers on a massive scale. Yet she also took issue with Muhammad Nur Alkali's work for not properly addressing Palmer's comments on slavery and the slave trade within Borno. We shall begin with a brief overview of Mahdi's argument before addressing an early, colonial-era report on the chima system. 

For Mahdi, the basic unit of production was the peasant family. In a family plot, household labor was obviously key. On the general plot worked by the family, everyone contributed their labor. However, the wives of the male head of the household had their own smaller plots they were expected to work on. This meant that women were expected to provide labor on the general plot of their husband whilst also working on their own lands (Mahdi 4). Fortunately, a peasant farmer had the right to leave the land they worked to their children (5). But in terms of private ownership of the land, the peasant was not so secure in their rights. Moreover, they were also compelled to pay a number of taxes to the holder of the fief in which their lands fell. They could also be conscripted for military service or coerced into providing labor with other peasants on the lands held by the chima. This practice of forced labor on lands held by the elite was called surwa. Mahdi was told by oral informants that peasants had no real way to refuse this practice. After all, "Who are you to refuse?" In addition, the lands held by the elite were also worked by slaves (6).

The chima system of fief allocations usually favored elites based in Gazargamo (or, later, Kukawa). This group of absentee fief-holders appointed chima gana, or representatives to oversee the districts they held as fiefs. In terms of actual administration of these territories, the local representatives for the fief-holder were responsible for collecting taxes and the administrative, military, and legal apparatus overseeing the territory. The taxes were numerous: gidiram, biniram, zakat, sadaqa and various market, toll, and customs taxes. The first was a general tax on peasants, a ground tax, of up to 10% of their produce. The second, a cold season tax, and zakat, a corn tithe were also collected. The sadaqa was also a cold season tax. The market taxes and others would have had more of an impact in the towns or market centers that attracted traders and artisans (9-10). Besides these taxes, peasants could also be compelled to send gifts to the the higher classes. Needless to say, those responsible for administering the fiefs relied on the appropriation of the surplus of farmers. In other words, notables of Borno who allegedly provided protection of the state to peasant communities were also the very forces that consumed the surplus of the peasantry. As the dominant sector of society, this group could further their own interests and increase tribute or tax obligations or administer "justice" in ways that were opposed to the peasant producers.

Since Alkali did not properly respond to Palmer's mischaracterization of precolonial Borno's political economy and emphasized the Sayfawa's "protection" of the people without analysis of the exploitative nature of the fief system, Mahdi is very critical. Indeed, she accuses Alkali of substituting the Sayfawa for the "nation" of Borno and minimizing the coercive nature of the surwa system. After all, if the chima could appoint local agents who then imposed several taxes on peasants and forced them to labor on the lands of the elite, there was a system of class exploitation in place. Consequently, even if one agrees with Mahdi that private land tenure as such as perhaps on the cusp of developing in Borno, those who held land titles from the mai and received fiefs could extract labor from free peasants, impose taxes, and also exploit slave labor to increase their wealth. That the holders of the fief were expected to stay in Gazargamo perhaps made it even easier for their local agents to extract additional surplus through various "gifts" peasants were expected to give. Mahdi's attempt to link this exploitative system and peasant discontent with the uprisings at Misau and Marte, unfortunately, are underdeveloped though worthy of exploration (18).

What about J.R. Patterson's views of the chima system and the peasantry in Borno? Writing in c. 1918, Patterson traveled around the Borsari District to gather information for a report. This district, now in Yobe State, included Gambaru and other sites close to Gazargamo. The area was named after the town of Mbursari, once the headquarters of a kachella named Mbursa. This kachella once owned large fiefs in the area. The chimas, lamentably, lacked any surviving records from the period of Sayfawa rule. Informants told Patterson that the records were destroyed or stolen when Rabeh conquered Borno in the 1890s (Patterson 9). But for the period of the 19th century when the al-Kanemi dynasty ruled, oral tradition provided some clues. Thus, the chimas in this period were held by the royal family, chief slaves, and councilors of the Shehu. In other words, the political elit, who were lon-resident landlords based in Kukawa. Some were even able to become hereditary fief holders passing on their lands to an heir (10). These powerful people also chose the village chiefs, collected taxes, and appointed mallams for judicial affairs through their chima gana. Moreover, they also derived additional wealth through the kariari, or slave, settlements, whose residents paid a portion of their produce to their "owner" (13). 

In terms of actual village-level administration and taxation, the headmen were appointed by the chima gana. They were under constant pressure from them. These village headmen often bought their position by giving rich presents to the chima gana (14-15). Naturally, this meant that a village headmen (the bulama or marumawa) could just as easily lose their post if someone else gave richer gifts to the chima gana. The buying and selling of village leadership positions may have pressured the headmen to overtax or exploit their positions. Even the chima gana and their messengers demanded gifts on top of the biniram tax (42). The farm rent, or Keskaram tax, was another way for the chima gana and village headmen to demand additional payments of gifts or money from the talakawa. This even included the expectation for additional gifts at festivals or other times for the chimas to redistribute the "gifts" upwards to the Shehu (43). In short, the taxation or tribute system included several opportunities for unfair expectations of "gifts" or extra payment from the peasantry. Since the holder of the fief was based in Kukawa (or, earlier, in Gazargamo), they likely relied on their chima gana to maximize surplus appropriation in their various fiefs. The fact that village leadership could be bought by paying the chima gana could have put the bulama and maruma in a position where they too had to rely on coercive measures to extract additional taxes or "gifts" from the talakawa. 

But was the system of taxation always so oppressively exploitative? Surprisingly, Patterson's report suggests that the village headmen were indeed accountable to their village community. According to Patterson, "Obliged, as he was, to respond to the exorbitant and incessant demands of the Chima Gana and at the same time to keep on good terms with his 'talakawa' to whom he was often little better than a peg on which to hang their ills, a headman's term of office was usually only as long as his purse" (14). If this characterization is generalizable, then only in large villages where a headman was wealthy and more powerful than the chima gana were they able to occupy their office for a long period of time. In most cases, the village headmen were under pressure from both the peasantry and the chima gana, indicating that the talakawa could and did resist their exploitation. How exactly this took form is unclear, but they presumably expected the headmen to convey their discontent or grievances to the chima gana or even higher up the hierarchical administrative chain. One thinks of a word translated by Ali Eisami and Koelle, burguma, that is often associated with crying out for help to the king due to oppression. In this case, it may have also been addressed to charismatic mallams or reformers. As the Manga Revolt of the 1820s illustrates, mallams could become leaders in peasant movements against central authority. Of course, the political context of the Manga Revolt was complex as it involved a pro-Sayfawa movement against the leadership of al-Kanemi.

Unlike the chimas, other parts of Borno were mallam's towns, the so-called mallamti. They were founded by a mallam who received the land titles from the Shehu. They were not supposed to add subsidiary towns or farms to their land nor receive people. They also paid no taxes to the chimas near them. However, the leaders of mallam settlements or lands were expected to pray visit Kukawa to give a present to the Shehu and say the al fatia (13). Although they were not expected to take in newcomers and add more land to their domains, the mallamti settlements could grow to be prosperous communities over time. Undoubtedly, it was in the interests of the chimas to stop them from growing or threatening their control of the population living on their fiefs. To what extent this was possible to enforce in the centuries before the 1800s is unclear. One can easily imagine situations in which ineffective chima ganas could not prevent peasants from flocking to mallam settlements or villages, or perhaps escaping clandestinely to join these settlements away from oppressive chima taxation. Further study of mallamtis could illuminate this aspect of rural Borno's tensions between mallams and secular/state-affiliated land title holders eager to bleed the peasantry.

To return to Mahdi's analysis, there is an undeniable exploitative nature of the chima system. It relied on the appropriation of the surplus of farmers. These peasants could access land in a village, but by doing so were obligated to pay taxes or tribute in various guises to the recipient of the land title based in Gazargamo (or Kukawa, after the fall of the old capital). This meant that the peasant household production system was forced into an unequal relationship with the state's officials. These officials, supposedly providing protection to the farming communities in their fiefs, used a coterie of officials, local village headmen, and messengers to impose taxation. This taxation and tribute could also include coerced or forced labor on the private lands within the fief held by the chima. At various moments, the peasant could also be expected to provide "gifts" to these aforementioned officials. As for the local side of the equation, the rotating door of village headmen meant that the chima ganas and talakawa were likely engaged in constant struggle. The former sold the position of village headmen to whoever gave them the richest gifts. The latter continued to expect the headmen to represent the interests of the community and likely resisted him. Thus, the chima ganas and their messengers occasionally faced resistance from farmers who revolted or, as we suspect, fled to settlements of the mallams or sought redress from the mai. While the overall picture is more consistent with the analysis of Mahdi, documentation from the Sayfawa period is sorely lacking to confirm a number of details. Nonetheless, we believe it likely that the peasantry resisted their unfair oppression in a plethora of ways. To what extent peasant discontent really fueled the fall of the Sayfawa dynasty and the jihad remains to be seen. 

Revisiting the Song to the Gumsu (Amina)

Although we have already attempted to write about a gumsu named Amina from 17th century Borno, we believe revisiting the topic was necessary. As a silence on the roles of women in Borno weakens our written sources, Kanuri oral tradition and song contains references to queens, queen-mothers, and other women who hold various high positions in society. Though these same oral traditions and praise songs often ignore women from the peasantry or enslaved women, they nonetheless require closer attention for any comprehension of women of the elite. As a senior wife to one of the most pivotal figures in the history of the Sayfawa, Ali b. Umar, Amina's contributions to this period in Borno's history is often overlooked. The following is a brief attempt at using various sources to corroborate details of her life. Admittedly, much of it is speculative given the paucity of sources. Revisiting this theme also reveals certain details about the relationship between the Sayfawa and the talba, a likely hereditary office of great importance for the royal council. The frequent intermarriage between the daughters of the likely hereditary post of talba and the Sayfawa rulers aids in understanding who was in the royal court and how this custom may have started as early as the 1200s if not earlier. 

Even if the name of the gumsu, Amina, frequently appears in other sources as the name of mothers of various Sayfawa rulers over the centuries, there does seem to have been a consistent pattern of daughters of the talba marrying the mai. Indeed, we have proposed that such a custom may have begun as early as the 13th century, when Dunama Dibalemi married the daughter of a talba named Yunus. Muhammad Nur Alkali has also suggested that the gumsu was usually a daughter of the Talba based on the girgams (Alkali 96-97). Unfortunately, we could not locate any documents from the 17th century that named Ali b. Umar's first wife as Amina, but the likelihood that she was indeed the daughter of the talba is very high. Caution is still necessary since there was a gumsu named Amina Talbaram who was said to have been the mother of Brem Gumsumi, or Ibrahim b. Idris (Alkali 255). Intriguingly, his mother was said to have been a gumsu of the "Maghrama tribe" in the Diwan. Lange has suggested this was the Magumi (Lange 81). However, this would mean that the gumsu of Idris Alooma was the daughter of the talba just like the gumsu of Ali b. Umar, his grandson.

Luckily, we do have some written sources that shed light on the family and court of Ali b. Umar (r. 1639-1677). For example, a mahram translated in H.R. Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan names the talba in 1647 as Talit ibn Fasam. This information identifies the talba by his maternal ancestry and yet lacks a first name. The Yuroma listed in the mahram, Biu, bears a name that could be connected to the Bitku in the song (Palmer 32). Since the yuroma was usually a eunuch official who also held responsibility for the women taken along on military or other journeys of the mai, he would have been close to the gumsu (Nachtigal 256). Of course, it would be necessary to verify this Bitku=Biu theory by examining the Arabic original of the mahram. Only then would it be possible to confirm that the Bitku named in Palmer's translation is perhaps a mistaken rendering of Bitku (or vice versa). Nonetheless, we at least know the name of the talba in 1647, who was probably the mother of the gumsu of Ali b. Umar.

The above aids us in establishing the probable origins of Amina. Other sources on elite women in Borno hint at not only their political influence, but travels abroad, great wealth, and ties with Islam. For instance, a sister of Idris b. Ali (Idris Alooma) accompanied him on the Hajj in 1565 (Hadrien 193). In the late 18th century, Miss Tully met a black prince from Borno who traveled to Tunis and Tripoli. Among his party were 3 of his wives, including one who learned the Italian laguage (Miss Tully 206). Whilst passing through Cairo during one of his pilgrimages, Ali b. Umar was seen by Evliya Çelebi. Although we do not know if the gumsu accompanied him on his pilgrimages, he came with 1000 camels carrying his retinue. Women and kings from Borno were also described as wearing strings of beads around their heads (Hodgkin 184). The implication is that elite women were undoubtedly part of Ali b. Umar's entourage that traveled to Mecca. Consequently, the gumsu Amina may have also traveled to Cairo and Mecca during one of these pilgrimages. We were unable to confirm this, but Girard, describing Borno from Tripoli, was told the mai had many women in his harem (Dewière 616, f.321v). Thus, it is possible that Amina had traveled abroad, performed the pilgrimage, and was far more worldly than contemporary sources indicate.

Certainly as gumsu, Amina's powers were likely extensive in Borno's royal court. According to Alkali, the gumsu was primarily responsible for the administration of the royal palace and overseeing the princesses. As a titled member of the court, she also received fiefs (Usman 107). In addition, Alkali wrote of the gumsu recommending to the mai which slave girls should be given kambe, or free-born status (122). A sense of the power and wealth of can be found in the praise song translated by Patterson. According to this song, Amina held the following lands: Dugumaram, Bamma, Banna, Asaga and riverain towns. Banna may have been the village of Bana, a town once inhabited by the Sau Gafata that was described in Lange's A Sudanic Chronicle (112). Anyway, these riverain settlements and towns were administered by the yiroma Bitku (Patterson 19). It is very likely that these riverain areas held as fiefs by the gumsu were near the Komadugu. She also held the town of Dillawa, Gizawa, Maradi Town, Yam, Yemen, Gazargamo and Njimi (20). Some of this may be hyperbole, yet it suggests the queen held fiefs scattered throughout the state. This scattered distribution of fiefs appears to have been common for chima recipients. Perhaps it was designed to prevent one person from accumulating too much power or influence in a region? Either way, the praise song (probably with great exaggeration) also indicates Amina had access to soldiers or musketeers. The number given, 500, is actually how many gunmen Idris Alooma was said to have had at his disposal in the late 16th century. Likewise, the song stresses her ownership of a silver pestle, clearly an indication of luxury. Yet military power is suggested by the praise song's reference to the queen's ownership of a Yambal sword from the north.

Besides the song in Patterson's Kanuri Songs, Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan is the most detailed source on this queen. According to a document translated and dated to 1658, the gumsu was the first lady of Ali b. Umar's household. She was also the one who told the mai about the Islamic holy man and scholar, Umr ibn Othman, whose prayers on behalf of various people in the capital were particularly effective. According to this account of the capital, the Gumsu had 60 courtiers, 40 slaves, and 20,000 slave soldiers (Palmer 34). While these numbers are perhaps best if not interpreted literally, it nonetheless supports the image of the queen in the praise song. Access to many dependents, wealth, and even military power are clear. The same source also mentioned Ali b. Umar wanting 1000 slaves and asking Umr ibn Othman to pray for him. Unsurprisingly, the king later received 10,000 slaves with the death of his mother (magira). Although there is probably no connection, the praise song referred to Ali b. Umar reconciling Amina with 1000 slaves after divorcing her (Patterson 20). Is it possible he was looking for 1000 captives to reconcile with Amina?

Further evidence of Amina's power and influence during this period may be glimpsed through the history of her husband's reign. Since it is unclear if she accompanied him on each hajj, she may have been important for assisting in the maintenance of the state during Ali b. Umar's many extended absences. For instance, when rebels in Borno took up arms during one of his pilgrimages and the Sultanate of Agadez launched an attack that reached the capital, loyalists to the mai held the city. It is possible Amina and her father, the talba, helped in resisting the rebels. After all, the talba was often given administration of the state when the mai left on long military campaigns (Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno 119). If the talba and Amina were still in Gazargamo at this time, they presumably would have helped or led the loyalists against the rebels and the forces of Agadez. Likewise, when Kashim Biri attempted to usurp power when Ali b. Umar was on the pilgrimage (assuming this was not the same rebellion mentioned previously), it is possible that Amina and her father, the talba, led forces loyal to the mai against him. Indeed, Amina's father may have assisted when Ali b. Umar ascended to the throne in c. 1639. According to one source, the mai had 4 brothers put to death as soon as he became mai, certainly due to contested succession of Umar b. Idris and fears of another revolt. Amina's father, as part of the Mainin Kenandi, could have been part of the smooth succession and assisted the young mai. Amina, as the daughter of the talba, would have occupied a key position in ensuring this alliance.

In spite of the close relationship between the gumsu and the mai as both marriage partners and the function of the talba in the royal administration, the praise song cited earlier hints at tensions. According to the song, "The Babuma said to him (the Sultan): Do not do as your wife wishes." The song also warns the mai, "Leave behind the pleasures your wife wishes for." It is difficult to tell specifically what pleasures the narrator meant, but Amina allegedly prevented the sultan from riding out to war (Patterson 20). This is presumably an allusion to the queen endeavoring to stop Ali b. Umar from going to war or engaging in raids, but it is impossible to tell where. The song's reference to the Shari and El Ebeit rivers suggest it may have been a campaign against an area south of Lake Chad. Regardless of this disagreement, Ali b. Umar later reconciled her. We would suggest this was due to her own recognized power and the possible influence of her father at court. Maintaining an alliance with such a powerful woman with connections in the royal court made her a key ally. Indeed, it is possible her forces may have been counted among those who supported his government when he traveled abroad. 

Though our own thoughts on this powerful queen are necessarily speculative, we believe they are still plausible. In fact, they may account for descriptions of Amina in the praise song as "Ruler of Islam." Her position included a number of fiefs and administrators, providing ample resources for her while she oversaw the royal household and the princesses. Moreover, her father's position as talba meant the mai likely had to consider her position and connections at court. In the case of Ali b. Umar, this may have been even more important since he faced a period of contested succession and was frequently abroad for pilgrimages. Further confirmation of her parentage is required, perhaps through the Arabic original of the 1647 mahram and any alternative girgams. That said, the praise song, despite its occasional hyperbole, points to a woman of political and economic power and legitimacy. Indeed, her position was so admirable she was compared to the Sultan. Even after separating, Ali b. Umar was said to have reconciled her, perhaps in recognition of this. 

Bibliography

Alkali, Mohammad Nur. 2013. Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846) . Nigeria: University of Maiduguri.

Chirurgien esclave. "Passages sur le Borno de l’Histoire chronologique du chirurgien esclave, 1685" in Rémi Dewière, L’esclave, le savant et le sultan Représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles), PhD diss., Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2015.

Hadrien, Collet. “Royal Pilgrims from Takrūr According to ʿAbd Al-Qādir al-Jazīrī (12^th–16^th Century).” Islamic Africa 10, no. 1–2 (2019): 181–203. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26670347.

Hodgkin, Thomas (editor). Nigerian Perspectives: An Historical Anthology. London: Oxford University Press, 1975.

Lange, Dierk.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

__________. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

Nachtigal, Gustav, Allan G. B. Fisher, and Humphrey J (trans.). Fisher. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 2. Berkeley and ; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

Palmer, H.R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

Patterson, J.R. Kanuri Praise Songs. Lagos: Government Printer, 1926.

Miss Tully. Narrative of a Ten Years' Residence at Tripoli in Africa. London: H. Colburn, 1817. 

Usman, Yusufu Bala, and Nur Alkali (editors). 1983. Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno. Zaria: Northern Nigerian Pub. Co.

Bornoan River Ceremony

A photograph of the Komadugu near Gazargamo (Borno Sahara and Sudan).

Whilst perusing Frauke Jäger's "Maiduguri–Twentieth Century Capital with Ancient Roots" in From Bulamari to Yerwa to Metropolitan Maiduguri, we found some intriguing references to ancient customs maintained in Borno's current capital. One of these practices is of deep antiquity in Borno, beginning under the Sayfawa dynasty. According to Jäger this water ritual took place when the river reached the dry riverbed during the rainy season. Afterwards, the Shehu threw a silver ring inside the river. The courtiers believe this is a blessing for a good harvest for the year. The crowd in attendance also took water from the river home. Under the Sayfawa maiwa, this custom was once celebrated with the slaughtering of an ox, prayers for a good harvest and commerce and even an oracle at the Komadugu Yobe (Jäger 28). Apparently, vassal kingdoms of Borno engaged in the same rite, too (29). In terms of her analysis of this ceremony, Jäger drew from field notes, Lukas, Seidensticker and Palmer. In the case of Palmer, she merely refers, indirectly no doubt, to Muhammad Bello's Infaq al-maysur. Unfortunately, Palmer did not cite his source for the quotation, merely referring to it as a "Bornu Fellata manuscript" (Palmer 105). But based on the brief extract used by Palmer, the text was likely that of Bello or someone whose work was perhaps based on his.

Moving on Lukas, whose study of the grammar and vocabulary of the Kanuri language was published in 1937, one finds another reference to the same ceremony. In this case it is for the river (Ngadda?) flowing near Yerwa (Maiduguri) in a translated passage (based on oral tradition?). Lukas reported that, in former times, the Shehu came to the river with attendants when the nearby river filled up during the rainy season. Riding on a horse, the Shehu threw a silver ring into the river and people brought other items to throw into it as offerings or sacrifices (Lukas 177). However, some people practiced more superstitious customs when this ceremony took place. Women hoping to have children prayed at the river and rolled naked in the river. In addition, at the source of the river, "fetish" practices were done by others (178). Clearly, the river was linked to fertility (of land and people) and some of the customs done in Borno were not Islamic. Yet the ceremony led by the Shehu was seen as distinct, and presumably did not include "fetish" practices.

A translation of Muhammad Bello's work referring to improper customs in Borno (translated by Salahudeen Yusuf).

Besides Jäger and Lukas, Muhammad Bello's 19th century description of the ceremony is the most interesting. Used in a context of justifying the jihad's attacks on Borno under the Sayfawa, Bello needed to portray the ceremony as idolatrous or pagan. Thus, the customs of Borno, despite Islam being widespread, made the people unbelievers. The Sayfawa rulers, despite their status as Islamic kings, failed to condemn idolatrous or "pagan" practices and therefore were legitimate targets. While Bello also included the custom of sacrificing animals and sprinkling blood at the gates of cities as among their acts of disbelief, his reference to the practice of offering sacrifices to snakes brings to mind Machina (Bello 72). Since some of what he described may have been more specific to vassals of Borno rather than the Sayfawa rulers themselves, his brief sentence on the river ceremony is probably the easiest to relate to the ruling dynasty. Sadly, his description is too short, but comparing how they do to the river what the Copts did to the Nile in the "days of ignorance" is telling. Clearly, superstitious practices were taking place at rivers and the Sayfawa were guilty of participating them as customs inherited from their forefathers. If the river ceremony was an ancient one of the Sayfawa, it may even have roots in Kanem when the king was seen as the source of sustenance (possibly through a similar ritual involving rivers or streams associated with the wet season and fertility). 

The annual river rite was probably performed at Gambaru, too. According to Ritchie, whose report on Borno was published in 1820 based on informants who had been there, a virgin was sacrificed to the river flowing near Gambaru. Relying on an informant named Hadji Hamet, allegedly a Borno native, the story suggests that a virgin was sacrificed every year when the river inundated near Gambaru. That Hamet's account was at least somewhat believable is the mention of castles erected at Gambaru. Although attributed to Christians, this is probably an allusion to the fired-brick ruins at the site. Moreover, Burckhardt, in his Travels in Nubia, was informed by a Borno native that the mai ordered a virgin thrown into the river (Burckhardt 444). It is somewhat muddled whether or not the ceremony took place both near Gazargamo and at Gambaru, but it is clearly tied to the rainy season ceremony of prayer and rituals at the river. The throwing of a virgin (slave?) into it also seems to be another clear allusion to the river's association with fertility. 

Unfortunately, the throwing of a virgin into the river brings to mind human sacrifice. Moreover, that Borno natives were the sources of this information does incline one to believe there is some truth to it. But were these women actually drowned in the river? Or was it more akin to the women who, praying for children, waded in the river? Certainly, the slaughter of an animal and prayers for a good harvest are remembered in Borno tradition, but it is difficult to imagine the Sayfawa rulers sanctioning human sacrifice. The ceremony was likely of deep antiquity but associated with the Islamic prayers and practices of the ruling elite. That, of course, still made them infidels to Muhammad Bello. For even one act of disbelief can outweigh one's other actions. But the throwing of a virgin into the flooded river sounds like the later tradition of women praying for children entering it or others using foam from the river to wash themselves.

Intriguingly, Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi agreed that the visits of the Sayfawa kings to special places to give alms or conduct ceremonies was condemnable. He also wrote, "But its performer should not be imputed with unbelief, since no one claims that it has any impact (on them) nor do they intend to shirk (polytheism) (with such acts), rather their claim, because of ignorance is that giving alms at these places is better than in other places" (Bello 300). While not directly commenting on the annual river ceremony, al-Kanemi's letter suggests it was associated with the other places where the mai gave alms and performed sacrifices. It was not acceptable from an Islamic point of view, but not due to disbelief. Instead, it was through ignorance and innovation in the faith. If al-Kanemi saw human sacrifice as part of these rites, which is not mentioned by either Bello or himself, it was possibly due to the ideological conflict between Bello and himself. Or, as we believe to be more likely, human sacrifice was not part of the rites. Despite his condemnation of it, the annual river custom was later practiced by the al-Kanemi dynasty anyway. Popular traditions and rituals can become Islamic. The antiquity of this custom may also stretch back in time to pre-Islamic Kanem. It was certainly a custom associated with the rulers that could incorporate Islamic prayer and rituals while still honoring ancestral tradition. 

The Brick Palace of Machina

One of the disappointing aspects of the study of Sayfawa royal architecture is the absence of adequate photographs, plans, and sketches of the old palace complex at Machina, Nigeria. Long known to be the only fired-brick construction sponsored by the Sayfawa that is still in use (the others have been plundered for building material or ravaged by time and sackings), Machina's palace structure has undoubtedly been modernized or restored in the 20th century (and likely the 21st, too). But finding photographs of what the palace complex looked like has led us to Google and social media accounts by Nigerians from Yobe State or Machina itself. These images, however, do not provide a complete overview of the palace complex. Nor does Google Earth clearly display an outline of the palace complex. 

In spite of these aforementioned limitations, the photographs online do offer some clues as to how the brick structure might have looked in the past. In addition, it was also similar to other sites in Borno and possibly the larger "Central Sudan" region. For instance, the circular structure in which the Machinama (king of Machina) is seated while talking to guests may be how circular, brick structures were used in Birni Gazargamo, Gambaru, and other sites. These brick buildings with a courtyard for hosting visitors or relatives were part of a larger palatial complex of buildings with brick walls. Besides this feature, the old brick walls for a structure that appears to have been retained in front of newer concrete walls may have been the reception space for larger audiences. Alternatively, it may have once been part of the walls of the original house for the king, possibly lost when the ruling family favored concrete and other materials to modernize the palace.

In terms of historical sources and studies, Machina's palace was noted by colonial-era officials, travelers, and subsequent, post-colonial scholars. C.J. Lethem, whose 1919 report on the Marchena District report has been digitized, was told the palace was unique for having a main gate facing the east rather than the west. Supposedly, this was done so the palace's gate could face toward Birni Gazargamo. Moreover, Lethem believed the bricks at Machina's palace were smaller than those of Gazargamo and Gambaru. Yet despite its smaller size, the structure in the early 20th century had one hall, which was 20 feet high, plus 54 layers of brick in its walls. The structure was in need of repair, however, especially the roof and arches. Unfortunately, Lethem did not include a sketch or plan for the palace. To his credit, however, he recorded an early version of Machina history based on a chronicle lost when Zinder attacked the town in c. 1896 (or was it just a girgam?). This chronicle, rewritten based on memory, extended the history of the town 988 years. It similarly made the original rulers of the town Sao (So). 

But the chronicle sought to connect Machina with the origin of Sayfawa consolidation at Gazargamo in the 15th century. According to this tradition, the first mai to settle at Gazargamo sent troops to the west to capture a woman who could bear a son for him (no previous wife had sons). The woman the Bornoan forces seized was actually a Machina woman who was the wife of the Machina Sao hunter, Bolo. Unbeknownst to the ruler of Borno, this Machina woman was already pregnant with a son, born in Borno. She later bears the Sayfawa king another child, named Arigu like her previous son. Then, in a case of mistaken identity, her first son succeeded to the throne. After calamity, people in Borno realize her second son was the legitimate heir. With his half-brother on the throne, the son of the Machina chief returns to Machina. But missed by his dear half-brother in Gazargamo, he is visited by the Sayfawa mai. In order to make sure his brother lives in an appropriately royal setting, the Sayfawa mai "sent for a supply of the famous Birni bricks, or, according to another account, hade them made at Mijirik, near Gumsi "(Lethem 4). If taken at face value, this account would make Ali Gaji the step-father of Arigu, the first Machina leader to live in a brick palace. Since there are no sources to corroborate what is clearly a legend of origin, and we have no records of a Sayfawa mai named Arigu who ruled after Ali Gaji, this account is nonetheless interesting for not claiming direct descent from a Sayfawa mai. Even if its attempts to connect the Machina dynastic line to an earlier period in Borno history, the fact that they don't assert a Sayfawa origin may represent some historical truth. Indeed, according to Lethem, the chiefs of Machina were Walu, a group possibly tied to the Dagira peoples.

The next person to describe the palace of Machina was Migeod, whose Through Nigeria to Lake Chad was published in 1924. Migeod saw the palace, describing it as a brick house with a brick wall around it. He also thought the bricks were carried from Gazargamo a little over 100 years ago, when the Sayfawa capital was abandoned. Moreover, the Machina palace was in poor condition by the time Migeod saw it. Consequently, the Machinama was in the process of rebuilding it. Nonetheless, Migeod still observed large pillars and arches and a square-shaped reception hall with 4 arches (Migeod 278). Is it possible this is the most imposing of the brick structures seen today? It is quite clear that Migeod was wrong to suggest the brick palace was only built in the 1800s and with plundered bricks from Gazargamo. This is contradicted by Lethem's sources and may have been a reflection of the limited knowledge of fired-brick structures west of Lake Chad at the time. Interesting, Migeod's book included 2 photos of walls from the Gambaru palace structure, whose bricks do bear a resemblance to those of Machina. 

With the exception of John Lavers, whose research on Machina's palace is difficult to find, Wilhelm Seidensticker seems to the most recent scholar to investigate the site. In a short essay on brick technology in Borno ("Borno and the East: Notes and Hypotheses on the Technology of Burnt Bricks"), he referred to Machina's palace as a complex with several impressive brick buildings. Furthermore, Machina tradition attributes the bricks to Gazargamo. The people there even described the bricks differently, based on color. In another essay, entitled "Archaeometric investigations on burnt bricks from six archaeological sites in Nigeria and Niger," Seidensticker et al. wrote of preliminary chemical analysis of bricks from different parts of Borno. The Machina bricks, though said to have come from Gazargamo by oral tradition, were actually unlike the samples from every other site (Lergam, Gazargamo, Gambaru, Kukawa graves of al-Kanemi shehus, Garumele, Garukime). Although further analysis is necessary, the chemical analysis of the bricks from these sites may suggest that masons and bricklayers sponsored by the Sayfawa were sent to various locations. These artisans may have used local materials for their bricks. In fact, this theory is the most sensible since it is difficult to imagine large quantities of bricks being moved from across vast distances if local materials could be sourced and prepared to complete elite structures at Machina, Gambaru, Garumele, Lergam, Garukime, and other sites. Of course, actually dating the bricks and a more thorough chemical analysis are required to understand the chronology and when Machina's palace came into being. 

Ultimately, we can only hope for complete photographs of the site, dating of the bricks, and further study and comparison with Borno and Kanem fired-brick sites. The traditions of Machina suggest that the palace was built by a Sayfawa mai for a half-brother who ruled at Machina. This tradition may not stand up to scrutiny, but is interesting nonetheless for providing an example of Sayfawa elite agriculture "extended" to Machina. This brings to mind the Sayfawa sponsorship of a brick mosque for the Kalumbardo community, although possible Sayfawa descent for the second movement's founder has been suggested by Bobboyi. Further, the Machina palace structure, despite modernization, has elements comparable to other fired-brick structures in the Central Sudan. Further study of the largest brick building and the use of arches or pillars may help us understand how Gazargamo, Gambaru or Njimi structures looked. Since the bricks used at Gazargamo and Gambaru were larger, we should probably expect Machina's palace to have been much smaller than what the Sayfawa rulers used for their own elite residences. 

Ouara, ville perdue (Tchad)

Jean-Paul Lebeuf and Johannes Hermann Immo Kirsh's Ouara, ville perdue (Tchad) is a study of the elite palatial complex at Wadai's former capital, Wara. Unfortunately, the site does not seem to have received further investigation and one wonders about the current conditions of the palace, mosque, and other structures. As elite architecture made of bricks in the Central Sudan, one cannot help but wonder to what extent the earlier fired-brick building traditions of Kanem and Borno influenced Wadai. Lebeuf and Kirsch did not fully explore this question, but they raised a number of intriguing theories about parallels with Kotoko architecture and African royal architectural traditions. 

Using the few written sources, oral sources, and past and contemporary plans, photographs, and sketches, the authors did endeavor a basic overview of the site. That said, given the paucity of written sources from the period when Wara was occupied by the ruling dynasty of Wadai, one must interpret the sources carefully. Nonetheless, a general overview is possible. The larger site includes an area attributed to the period of the Tunjur, but the site is most associated with Abd al-Karim and his descendants. A royal cemetery, a maison de marabout brick structure, the palace structure, elite residences for upper-echelon dignitaries like the djerma and the counsel hall structure are still impressive ruins. A partially ruined pyramidal structure on Mount Treya and a central tower that may have been an observatory aligned with the Pleiades indicate some intriguing possible motives for the site's design. Unfortunately, precise dating of many of these structures has not been attempted, although a brick from the mosque structure dated to 1796 was found. It would seem that successive kings of Wadai built or sponsored the construction of some brick buildings over the centuries the site served as a royal capital. Furthermore, it was likely not a large city, with its growth circumscribed by the mountainous terrain. 

Despite its small size, the city's astronomical alignments for some structures and the larger cosmological and ritual significance of the space's design are worth exploring. The building remembered traditionally as the maison de marabout included a tower or column structure of brick. The authors speculate that this may also have been a symbol of the kingdom's axis. Indeed, the division of Wadai into 4 quadrants based on the cardinal directions with the center, or axis, at this structure was no coincidence. Furthermore, the Salle de Conseil with 4 sides, square-shape may have been another reference to the 4 provinces of the state: North, South, East, and West. While the authors may need further proof for the larger cosmological points about square and round buildings and towers as references to the land and the sky, possible similarities with the Kotoko states is not impossible. Clearly, part of the capital was designed for ritual reasons. For instance, the platform on Mount Trey was used for accession rituals of the Wadai rulers. The royal cemetery was also ritually significant, even though none of the tombs feature inscriptions. 

Hopefully with the dating of fired-brick structures in Kanem, similar research can be undertaken for Wara. Even if the brick mosque was built in the 1790s, some of the other structures may date from the 17th or early 18th centuries. This late date also raises the question about influences from Kanem, Bagirmi and Wadai. The influence of Kanem-Borno in Wadai can be detected in areas like political titles, such as the djerma. The word birni was also used in Wadai to refer to the palace, perhaps another instance of political vocabulary (and royal architecture?) being influenced by Kanem-Borno. It is not inconceivable that rulers of Wadai also borrowed from the Sayfawa dynasty (and its successors in Kanem, the Bulala) brick structures for elite residences and mosques. A close analysis of brick construction techniques and architectural styles must be launched for Kanem, Wadai and Borno to verify this hypothesis. Massenya, the capital of Bagirmi, should likewise be thoroughly investigated.