Muhammad Agabba, Adar and Kebbi: Rise and Decline of States in the Central Sudan

            Whilst revisiting multiple sources on 17^th century Agadez and its relations with Borno, we realized how the conquest of Adar was an episode in the expansion of the sultanate to the South that is worthy of a second look. Although known from various sources compiled as the Chroniques d'Agadès and translated by Urvoy, the episode is vividly recalled in oral tradition. Subsequent chroniclers and writers, such as Muhammad Bello and his nephew, Shaykh Dan Tafa, also referred to this affair in their 19^th century writings. More recently, scholars such as Djibo Hamani have examined the history of Adar in detail, supplementing the written sources with oral traditions. Nonetheless, closer scrutiny of the various sources available on the 1673 campaign of the Kel Aïr against Kebbi reveals often unexplored dynamics. When one considers these factors, such as the role of Gobir and Zamfara in the weakening of Kebbi or the possibility of dynastic intrigue within Kebbi’s royal house, it becomes clear how a teenage Muhammad Agabba, prince of Agadez and son of Muhammad al-Mubarak (r. 1654-1687), was able to defeat the Kanta of Kebbi. Indeed, inter-state alliances, dynastic intrigue, and the realignment of powers in the Central Sudan during the second half of the 17^th century reveal a historically dynamic region.

            Fortunately, a contemporary source written by a man who lived at the time of the 1674 campaign survives. A part of a diary of a Tuareg man of Agadez, who certainly came from the upper echelons of society, has been published as part of the Agadez Chronicles. In addition to Urvoy’s French translation of this important text, H.T. Norris translated into English a slightly different copy of the manuscript in his The Tuaregs: Their Islamic Legacy and Its Diffusion in the Sahel. The author of this brief diary (it appears to be incomplete, as it abruptly terminates with the end of the 17^th century), Abu Bakr b. al-Tahir Tashi, knew Salih, a brother of Muhammad Agabba, and was likely acquainted with other members of the royal family.[1] That means his references to the 1673 campaign and subsequent military ventures in Adar or the lands to the south are likely based on direct testimony from those who participated in them. The authenticity of the journal is unquestionable because it contains details corroborated by other 17^th century sources. For example, Girard’s Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie refers to the pilgrimage of another brother of Muhammad Agabba, al-Hajj Aknafaya, in 1675.[2] In the 19^th century, Muhammad Bello of the Sokoto Caliphate, who may have possessed access to earlier written sources from Aïr and Hausaland, also referred to Agabba’s victory against Kebbi. Bello’s account, which was closely followed by that of his nephew, Dan Tafa, mentions Gobir and Zamfara as allies of Asben in the conflict with Kebbi.[3] Another text, the Y Tarichi, also alluded to Agabba’s role in the war with Kebbi that preceded the 1673 campaign.[4]

Additional corroboration of events mentioned by Abu Bakr b. al-Tahir Tashi can be found in oral traditions in Adar, other parts of Hausaland and likely Borno. For instance, Kanuri praise songs translated by J.R. Patterson include a “Song to Yerima Mohammadu” which was said to date to the reign of Ali b. Umar (or possibly in the reign of his son, Idris b. Ali, who reigned 1677-1696).[5] In this praise song, a reference to a raid on Borno from the Kel Aïr Tuareg could possibly be the raid of 1679 mentioned by Tashi.[6] In Zamfara, historical traditions also recall a ruler, Babba, whose son, Yakubu, participated in the defeat of Kebbi with Agabba of Asben and Muhammad b. Chiroma of Gobir.[7] Likewise, traditions in the region reported by Landeroin include a detailed account of the conflict between Aïr and Kebbi that precipitated the war in 1674 and Adar. The tradition, which offers details not seen in the diary of Tashi, nonetheless identifies Agabba as central in the conflict.[8] Finally, Djibo Hamani’s research in Adar found rather detailed accounts of the 1673 conflict which emphasized the role of Agabba in defeating the Kanta of Kebbi. In this version of events, Muhammad al-Mubarak consulted a mallam, Dan Barewa, to counter the powerful magicians of the Kanta of Kebbi. Nonetheless, it was Agabba’s forces who successfully evaded detection by the Kanta’s magicians and defeated him.[9]

Considering the rich oral traditions and textual sources referring to the role of Agabba in the conflict, and the contemporary source of Tashi’s diary, a tentative attempt to marry the two types of evidence is in order. After all, according to Tashi, Muhammad Agabba would have only been a teenager in 1673 (as he was born in 1657).[10] That he was young when he achieved victory against the ruler of Kebbi can be confirmed in the traditional praise of Agabba: Kuykuyun Tanshamat, koya babba kurma.[11] When one incorporates the oral traditions, despite their contradictions, a far more complex tale emerges than the brief annals of Tashi’s diary. That a young prince from Asben could defeat the ruler of what was once a major power in Hausaland is more plausible in light of the (somewhat) contradictory oral traditions from the region. These traditions point to both the importance of a (brief) alliance between Asben and the Hausa states of Gobir and Zamfara. Moreover, internal dissension and turmoil within the ruling dynasty of Kebbi likely preceded and facilitated the conflict. Although Tashi’s journal omits much of this from his narrative, his inclusion of an enemy named Kufkana is highly suggestive. This man may very well have been a dissident Kel Aïr leader who supported the Kanta against the Agadez.

Let us begin with Landeroin. According to oral traditions in Adar, Kebbi’s conflict with Asben began during the reign of Kanta Slimane. When Muhammad al-Mubarak of Agadez sent his son, Agabba, with a caravan of horses to Kebbi, Slimane mocked Agabba. In this narrative, the insult directed at Agabba was due to the shabby dress of his party of 20 men. Supposedly, all were dressed the same, so Slimane could not tell which of them was a prince. Although he did not understand what Slimane had said to him and the interpreter initially refused to translate the insult, Agabba only became upset later. This was the insult that prompted Agabba’s return to Asben and later expedition to Kebbi, where he defeated the Kanta at the pond of Baratta. What is most interesting about the tradition as reported by Landeroin, however, is the allusion to a son of Slimane, Hoummoudou, who had killed his brother and fled to Gobir and Asben. The murder of his brother took place after their father appointed him as Dan Galadima, making Hoummoudou jealous and eager to seize power. According to this tradition, Hoummoudou was the grandson of the Gobir king and later went to Asben, from where he sent Agabba to Kebbi to gather information for dethroning his father. This narrative suggests that the active involvement of a Kebbi prince was a main reason for Agabba going to Kebbi in the first place. Moreover, the tradition claims that northern Adar already had Tuareg communities.[12] It is possible that seeing a region in which the Tuareg of Aïr could expand as well as an alliance with a rebellious Kebbi prince were major reasons for Agabba’s return to Kebbi with a large expedition. This prince, Hoummoudou is likely the 9^th Kanta, Muhammadu Kaye, who reigned from 1674-1676 in the genealogy of Kebbi kings reproduced by Kirk-Greene and Hogben.[13] However, the defeated Kanta killed by Agabba would have been Umaru Giwa, according to this same genealogy. Slimane, the 5^th Kanta, reigned in c. 1621-1636, long before this period. Thus, if the tradition repeated by Landeroin is accurate in the essentials, he was given the wrong name for the Kebbi king defeated by Agabba.

Besides Landeroin’s account, the Y Tarichi also includes the alleged insult of the Kanta. Unlike Landeroin’s version of events, the insult was directed at Muhammad al-Mubarak, Agabba’s father, to instigate a war. This chronicle presents al-Mubarak as fearful of the Kanta, prompting him to send the old tribute of water and sand from Asben. Yet Agabba, his son, demanded troops from his father to avenge him for the insult.[14] Likely drawing on oral traditions and perhaps portraying Agabba as braver and more independent than his father due to Agabba’s role as the first sultan of Adar, this version of events at least includes the insult by the Kanta. Of course, part of the reason for Muhammad al-Mubarak’s reluctance to go to war with Kebbi may have been due to Kebbi’s role in supporting his father on the throne of Agadez in a civil war in 1602-3.[15] Was al-Mubarak recalling how his father, Yusuf, had relied upon Kebbi’s aid in the recent past?

Hamani’s own research in Adar centered on the magical or supernatural resources used by both sides in their war. Whether or not Muhammad al-Mubarak consulted a mallam named Dan Barewa is unclear, but the fear of the Kebbi’s powerful magicians is plausible. The reference to sand and supplies from Asben to evade the magic of their foes and to surprise the Kanta interestingly echoes allusions to sand and water from Asben as tribute to Kebbi.[16] Indeed, on the first Kanta who was said to have also conquered Asben, Dan Tafa wrote, “It is said that Kanta forced the Asbenawa to carry to Surami the water of a certain lake in the territory called Tinshamau; and to bring sand from this same lake for his horse to stand upon. They were obliged to do this by force, and executed his commands right swiftly.”[17] Thus, what was once imposed as tribute from Kebbi on Asben, particularly the sand for the horses of the Kanta and water from Tinshaman became part of the process of resisting the magicians of Kebbi in the 1670s. Alternatively, it could be a metaphor for Asben ceasing to pay tribute to Kebbi since sand, water and other supplies from Asben were used by Agabba’s expedition to defeat the Kanta.

As for the role of Zamfara and Gobir in the conflict with Kebbi, the oral traditions provide many clues for how this brief alliance came about. According to Dan Tafa, Muhammad Chiroma (or, Muhammad b. Chiroma) of Gobir and Yakubu b. Babba of Zamfara waged war on Kebbi with Asben. Indeed, their forces laid waste the land of Kebbi and made the Emir of Zanfara ruler over the greater portion of it…”[18] That Zamfara benefited the most from the decline of Kebbi may explain why Tashi’s diary contains an entry on an expedition in 1685 against Zamfara. Apparently, Amma Fatim was sent with a group of Tuareg against Zamfara whilst the second expedition was led by a Yusuf, nicknamed Addabab. Significantly, this expedition was triggered by the massacre of 700 Kel Away by Zamfara forces, leading to the Itisen, Kel Away, and forces led by Amma Fatim attacking Zamfara. According to Tashi, the second expedition was extremely successful: Zamfara’s heroes, chief men, and fuqaha had been killed.[19] That conflict between Zamfara and Asben occurred in c. 1685 was possibly related to the division of lands once ruled by Kebbi. In fact, conflict between Gobir and Asben later occurred, probably for similar reasons. Dan Tafa’s account of Gobir’s history in this period includes references to Gobir’s ruler, Muhammad b. Chiroma, going to war with Kebbi again and driving out its ruler, Humadu. This suggests that this ruler, who had conspired with Agabba against his father only a few years previously, was only able to hold the throne for a short period before Gobir attacked him. In fact, Humadu and his principal men were clothed in rags when captured by Gobir’s forces, an ironic end considering Humadu’s predecessor insult directed at Agabba for his shabby clothes.[20] Later, during the reign of Muhammad b. Chiroma’s son, Soba, Gobir attacked Asben. This event, based on Tashi’s diary, took place in 1689, culminating with Agabba’s victory against Soba. But this was only achieved after Soba had driven Salih, Agabba’s brother, back to Adar.[21]

Thus, the alliance or coalition of forces which severely reduced the territory controlled by Kebbi, was itself very unstable. From the victory of Agabba in 1674, war against Zamfara followed in 1685. Then, a few years later, conflict with Gobir arose by 1689. Gobir’s own rise continued as it assaulted Zamfara in the 18^th century. But without this earlier coalition in the 1670s, it is not clear if Agabba would have been so fortunate. Agabba went from supporting a contender to the throne of Kebbi, whose incumbent king may have supported Kufkana against Agadez. But Humadu was quickly defeated by Gobir. In turn, conflict arose between Zamfara and Asben and Asben and Gobir over the division of the spoils from Kebbi. While Adar certainly fell within the orbit of Asben, until Agabba was dethroned in the 1720s, Adar appears to have been overseen by another prince, Salih. After Salih died in Adar in the 1690s, presumably another member of the royal family of Agadez oversaw the territory.

In summation, the tale of Aïr’s expansion into Adar is a complex, multifaceted tale of intrigue, war, and realpolitik. That a contender for the throne of Kebbi was likely involved in instigating the war is plausible, perhaps fleeing to Gobir and then Asben before the war. Even though he was later defeated by Kebbi within a few years after ascending to the throne, al-Mubarak and Agabba had to contend with Zamfara and Gobir in the next decade. Consequently, the history of Kebbi’s decline was a long affair in which Aïr, Gobir and Zamfara fought over the spoils long after 1674. Zamfara, which had seemed like it gained the most out of defeat of Kebbi, was later defeated by Gobir in the 18^th century. Aïr, whose sultans were frequently deposed and often possessed little authority over the Kel Aïr were soon kings of a declining city. Contextualizing the rise of Asben rule in Adar clearly demonstrates the dynamic political landscape of the Central Sudan in the 17^th and 18^th centuries. Moreover, the victory of a teenaged Agabba against Kebbi must be understood as part of this complicated process of Kebbi’s imperial decline and the nature of inter-state alliances within Hausaland. With the diary of Tashi, the works of Bello and Dan Tafa and the corpus of oral traditions, historians have a rich example of this process from the second half of the 17^th century.

---

[1] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 77.

[2] See relevant extracts from this work in Rémi Dewière, L'esclave, le savant et le sultan: représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles), 607.

[3] Muhammad Bello, The history of islam, scholarship and revivalism in Western Sudan being an annotated translation with introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio, 82.

[4] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du Soudan et de la Berberie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 423.

[5] J.R. Patterson, Kanuri Praise Songs, 13.

[6] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 80.

[7] Kirk-Greene & Hobgen, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 371.

[8] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 482-483.

[9] “Le petit chien de Tanshamat qui apprend à nager au grand.” Djibo Hamani, L'Adar précolonial (République du Niger): contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des états Hausa, 92-94.

[10] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 78.

[11] Djibo Hamani, L'Adar précolonial, 94.

[12] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 483.

[13] Kirk-Greene & Hobgen, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 253.

[14] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du Soudan et de la Berberie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 423.

[15] Ibid., 225.

[16] Djibo Hamani, L'Adar précolonial (République du Niger): contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des états Hausa, 94.

[17] H.R. Palmer, “Western Sudan History: The Raudthât’ Ul Afkâri.” Journal of the Royal African Society 15, no. 59 (1916), 263.

[18] Ibid., 267.

[19] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 81.

[20] H.R. Palmer, “Western Sudan History: The Raudthât’ Ul Afkâri.” Journal of the Royal African Society 15, no. 59 (1916), 267.

[21] H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, 83.

Muhammad Kanta of Kebbi and Borno: Buffer State Imperial Politics in 16th Century West Africa

Sword of the Kanta of Kebbi (Kirk-Greene & Hogben)

Although the history of Kebbi’s meteoric rise to major power in 16^th century West Africa is well-known, its conflicts with Borno remain little studied. Despite oral tradition and textual sources referring to at least one major campaign launched by Borno against the rising power of Kebbi, the exact details of this episode remain contradictory. On the one hand, Muhammad Bello and Shaykh Dan Tafa, writing in the 19^th century and presumably drawing on oral tradition, wrote of a large-scale conflict between the Kanta of Kebbi and Borno’s Mai Ali (r. 1538-1539). On the other hand, other sources either do not specify the Sayfawa mai who launched the invasion and failed siege of Surame, or they attribute it to Muhammad (r. 1519-1538) or Dunama b. Muhammad (r. 1539-1557), other Sayfawa monarchs. We shall endeavor to explore this campaign through a fusion of primary and secondary sources, hoping to use the more accurate chronology of Lange for piecing together this illustrious campaign in the annals of 16^th century Borno and Kebbi. This brief article shall argue that the epic war with Kebbi recalled by tradition may have been launched by Abd Allah (r. 1557-1564), but the conflict was tied to larger questions or regional hegemony, commerce and geopolitics in 16th century West Africa. 

Review of the Textual Sources

Beginning with the written sources will provide an overview of the conflicts between Kebbi and Borno. The earliest written source to directly allude to military conflict between Borno and Kebbi is the brief account of West Africa written by Anania. Not merely reproducing the description of Leo Africanus, Anania drew from more updated sources. For instance, informants who had traveled to Kano or those who had been to Tripoli and heard of Borno were possible sources of information on Kebbi’s conflict with Borno. According to Anania, the ruler of Kebbi was also so powerful that he was called an “emperor”. Indeed, “Puis vient Aquà et Cabi, don’t les noirs appellant le prince empereur à cause de sa puissance.”[1] Since the editions of Anania’s work were published in the 1570s and 1580s, this suggests that Kebbi’s military hegemony in much of Hausaland was still effective well into the second half of the 16^th century. Later, in his brief account of Borno, Anania wrote that, “Ce prince est si puissant que plusiers fois il a mis sur pied de guerre cent mille hommes contre le roi de Cabi.[2] While he unfortunately did not name the mai in this war, this large-scale campaign is a good candidate for the war that preceded the death of the Kanta of Kebbi. Indeed, even when one considers the figure of 100,000 as an exaggeration or overstatement, there was clearly a sense of a major conflict between Borno and Kebbi in this era. Since Mai Ali only reigned for about a year in the 1530s, it is difficult to imagine him having been capable of launching more than one expedition against Kebbi with vast numbers of troops. In terms of the most detailed 16^th century Borno source, the chronicles of Ahmad b. Furtu, no reference to Kebbi is made. This strongly supports the notion that Borno’s conflicts with Kebbi occurred during a reign previous to that of Idris b. Ali (r. 1564-1596). Interestingly, Idris b. Ali did campaign against Kano, however.

The subsequent written sources from the 17^th century shed little additional light on the matter. Ahmad Baba, writing in the early 17^th century, referred to Kebbi’s people as among the Muslims. In fact, they had been Muslims for over 60 years.[3] This information is in general accordance with the rise of a Muslim power at Kebbi earlier in the 16^th century. Later in the same century, the Tarikh al-Sudan of al-Sa’di, provides a much more extensive background for the ascent of Kebbi political and military might. According to this chronicle, Askiya Muhammad I campaigned against Agades in 1516, defeating the sultan, al-Adala. However, Kuta, who bore the title of Kanta, rebelled against the Askiya afterwards over displeasure over the division of booty. Kuta allegedly asked the Dendi-fari for his share of the booty from the Agades campaign and was refused, leading to his revolt with the support of his own troops. Naturally, Songhay endeavored to end Kuta Kanta’s revolt in 1517-1518, but the Askiya failed. According to al-Sa’di, the Kanta already had a base or city at Leka, too.[4] Even subsequent Songhay rulers failed to defeat Kebbi. Askiya Muhammad Bonkana, for instance, was defeated by Kebbi at Wantaramasa. Even Dawud failed to gain the upper-hand in his conflict with the Kanta in 1551/2-1552/3. Overall, Songhay hegemony over Kebbi was brief, beginning sometime during the reign of Sunni Ali and effectively ending by 1517.[5] In terms of Kebbi’s conflict with Borno, however, al-Sa’di provides us a date for the death of Muhammad Kanta, Sultan of Leka, 24 May 1561.[6] This date of 1561 for Muhammad Kanta’s death has been the basis for a c.1561 date for the unsuccessful Borno campaign remembered in tradition. Moreover, it identifies the Kanta who perished in 1561 as a different person from Kuta Kanta, who rebelled against Songhay in 1517. If one works backwards from 1561 with the assumption of the regnal length of 38 years for this Kanta, Muhammad Kanta must have occupied the throne of Kebbi from 1523-1561. If, alternatively, Muhammad Kanta and Kuta Kanta were the same individual, the Tarikh al-Sudan demonstrates that the Kanta who defeated Borno was the very same individual who bested the Songhay earlier in the century.

Besides these West African sources, Girard, the enslaved Frenchman living in Tripoli, also wrote briefly of Kebbi and Borno. According to him, it was during the reign of Mahi-Mahomet (Mai Muhammad) that the famous war against Kebbi was waged. Clearly borrowing from Anania, Girard sought to identify a specific Sayfawa mai in the war. His years, however, are not reliable unless one considers this Muhammad, who was said to have also made an alliance with Dragut in Tripoli in 1555, as Dunama b. Muhammad.[7] The overall picture from these 17th century sources suggest that the illustrious war between Borno and Kebbi occurred before the reign of Idris b. Ali (1564-1596) and that the Kanta of Kebbi who died in 1561 might have been the second king to bear that title. They also attest to Kebbi's regional paramount status in Hausaland for part of the 16th century.

Moving into the 19^th century, one finds very similar accounts of Kebbi’s war with Borno in the works of Muhammad Bello and Dan Tafa. For Bello, the people of Kebbi had a Katsina mother and Songhay father. This notion appears to be based on Kebbi’s oral traditions, since “cousinship” with the people of Katsina was believed in the 20^th century, too. Furthermore, on the first Kanta, he wrote, “And it is said that he conquered Katsina, Kano, Gobir, Zaria and the contry of Ahir and some parts of Songhai land. He also waged war on Borno.”[8] This Kanta, named Muhammad in Bello’s account, died at Jiriwa from an arrow wound received at Dugul near Katsina.[9] Again, Bello's history emphasizes Kebbi's status as a major power in Hausaland during this period. 

A plan of Surame (Kirk-Greene & Hogben), the capital of Kebbi besieged by Borno in c. 1561.

Dan Tafa's account is unsurprisingly quite similar to that of Muhammad Bello. In his chronicle, the Kanta had rebelled against his Fulani overlords and conquered Zamfara, Zaberma, Ahir and engaged in conflict with Borno more than once. This Kanta also built Gungu, Leka, and Surame. He was even said to have made his Tuareg subjects responsible for transporting water from a lake called Tanshama to Surame and forced them to transport horses of the Kanta’s military garrison. Given these exactions, the ruler of Ahir, or Agades, sought the aid of Mai Ali of Borno against the Kanta. The Kanta was defeated outside Surame but Borno’s forces were unable to take the Kebbi capital. Whilst returning to Borno, Ali’s forces were attacked at Nguru and defeated 7 times by the pursuing Kebbi forces.[10] Of course, no sources closer to the period in question reference the Fulani as overlords or masters of Kebbi. It is perhaps a garbled allusion to Kebbi oral traditions of the Kanta spending time amongst the Fulani before his rise to power. Nonetheless, Dan Tafa's account reiterates the notion of the Kanta's exploitation of the Tuareg (among other groups) and the interests of Kebbi in the north. With Agades a major nexus point for Hausaland's trans-Saharan trade, the Kanta's interests in the north undeniably attracted the interest of Borno and its sphere of influence in the north.

Besides Bello and Dan Tafa, Heinrich Barth also wrote of Kebbi’s wars with Borno. For Barth, the famous battle with Kebbi was led by Mai Muhammad of Borno, and Kebbi was ruled by Tomo at the time. This is contradicted by other sources, however.[11] Barth was likely drawing from Girard in naming the mai as Muhammad, but his identification of Tomo as the Kebbi king is certainly erroneous. This suggests that by the 1850s, when Barth was visiting the region, he was unable to access historical traditions from the descendants of the Kanta at Argungu. Nonetheless, his account follows the trend of identifying Kebbi as a major power in the region historically.

Reviewing Oral Tradition

After reviewing the major written sources on this particular bellicose episode in the annals of Borno’s history, let’s shift to oral traditions and 20^th century accounts. E.J. Arnett, author of the Sokoto Gazetteer, drew on the same aforementioned sources plus oral traditions to write about Kanta’s war with Borno. In his account, Mai Ali of Borno came to attack Kebbi via the Sosebaki region and besieged the city of Surame. He generally followed Bello and Dan Tafa, but added that Muhammad Kanta, the first of the sultans, reigned for 38 years.[12] H.R. Palmer, another colonial-era scholar, believed that Borno’s famous conflict with Kebbi must have took place during the reign of Muhammad b. Idris, not Ali b. Idris. In addition, traditions of Borno origin north and west of Kebbi held by various tribes referencing Mai Ali of Borno suggested to Palmer that Borno’s interventions in this part of the Central Sudan were of a long-lasting nature. As for Surame, the walls of the Kebbi capital were briefly described as being of 10 miles in circumference and demonstrated the use of stones. Lastly, Palmer dated the famous war to c. 1527/8, a date which undoubtedly too early.[13] H.A.S. Johnston also alluded to the Sayfawa-Kanta war. According to tradition, the Kanta punished the Tuareg by forcing them to aid in the construction of Surame. They were additionally forced to bring water for their camels from their own region. When Borno attacked Surame, tradition also remembered the defenders using corpses that were placed at defensive positions on its walls to trick the Bornoan army into believing that they had more troops. This has led to the famous phrase “dariya ba loto,” or laughter without end, in remembrance of this moment.[14] Thus, a ruse as well as military skill were the sources of the Kanta's victory against Borno. The cause of the war was clearly linkd to Kebbi's northward expansion and influence in Asben, too. 

But the best attempt at using tradition and written sources was attempted by Kirk-Greene and Hogben. They reported the “tribal cousinship” of the Kebbawa and Katsina, for instance. Further, the story of Muhammad Kanta’s skill at boxing and links to the Fulani appear in traditions. They even share a praise song for Muhammad Kanta which contains numerous kirari. For example, descriptions of Muhammad Kanta saying “I am the club with which to beat an elephant” strongly emphasize his military strength. Tradition even remembers a wife of Muhammad Kanta, Makulo, or Ayeshe. The daughter of the ruler of Agades, Makulo’s jealousy of Kanta’s first wife is associated with the creation of the town of Gungu in one legend. As for the famous war with Borno, the siege of Surame’s failure is attributed to the placement of corpses with slit mouths along the defensive positions of the town walls. This rich oral tradition of the Kanta naturally emphasizes his military attributes but adds an additional layer with the Tuareg wife. She was allegedly jealous of the Kanta’s first wife being favored over her in spite of her dark skin and commoner origin.[15] Consequently, the Kanta's strength, tradition of leadership and influence in Asben are suggestive of a possible area of contention or concern for Borno in Hausaland at this period.

Synthesizing the Sources

Upon revisiting Palmer, Arnett, Kirk-Greene and Hogben and other 20^th century colonial sources, questions linger on the details of the Borno war. Kirk-Greene and Hogben believed the Kanta who fought the famous war with Borno was the founder of the Kebbi sultanate (at least as a major power). If, however, one follows the chronicle of al-Sa’di, written in the 17^th century, the first Kanta who rebelled against Songhay authority was named Kuta. This may have been the father of Muhammad Kanta, although it is possible that Kuta was another name of the same figure. Nonetheless, postcolonial scholars have sought to address the contradictions and problems of this period with inclusion of other sources. Djibo Hamani, for instance, used historical traditions from Agades to support the 1561 date for the Borno-Kebbi war. After all, the sultan of Agades was remembered for returning from an expedition in Adar around this period, although Hamani mistakenly believed the mai was likely Dunama b. Muhammad. This is problematic since the most accurate chronology of the Sayfawa would make Abd Allah the probable ruler at the time of the c. 1561 war. However, Hamani’s theory that the sultan of Agades may have accompanied the mai in the Kebbi campaign is plausible, particularly since he had requested aid of Borno against Kebbi.[16] Indeed, Borno later backed a competing royal faction in Agades against the faction supported by Kebbi in the early 1600s.[17] Moreover, the chronicles of Agades indicate that the sultan of Agades who would have reigned in c. 1561, Muhammad el-Adel, seized power in 1556 and reigned 39 years.[18] This sultan, who held power for a relatively long time and was said to have returned from Adar (an area once under the influence of Kebbi), is a good contender for the Agades ruler who may have asked for Borno’s help against Kebbi. Moreover, the route followed by the Bornoan troops, which crossed the Sosebaki states and stayed in areas north of Katsina and Kano, may have passed through Adar before reaching Kebbi. This route would have also favored a path through which troops from Asben may have met with Borno’s army en route to Kebbi.

In light of all the available evidence, the major war with Borno remembered in tradition probably is the one that took place in c. 1561. However, due to the sources referring to intermittent conflict between Kebbi and Borno in the 16^th century, it is likely that war or raids occurred the reigns of earlier Sayfawa monarchs. Thus, a war may have took place during the brief reign of Ali b. Idris. Another conflict may have emerged during the reign of Dunama b. Muhammad, although he had a war with the Bulala sultans of Kanem that may have been far more pressing.[19] Likewise, Abd Allah b. Dunama, whose reign included a lengthy famine remembered in the Diwan, may have had more pressing concerns from the Bulala, Sao groups and others in Borno noted to have engaged in rebellion or banditry at the beginning of Idris b. Ali’s reign. The sources suggest that a major conflagration developed during the reign of Abd Allah b. Dunama, but this may have actually overlapped with the regency of Aisa Kili bint Dunama. Is this why the Borno sources are largely silent on the c. 1561 war with Kebbi? Could the gender of the Bornoan ruler at the time have possibly complicated how the war was remembered by later generations, even if Aisa Kili was known for her military prowess?

Conclusion

In summation, the tale of Borno’s conflicts with Kebbi in the 16^th century is an important element of Borno’s geopolitical relations within West Africa. This article has argued that the Kebbi–Borno war should be understood as the product of buffer-state politics and Sayfawa geopolitics rather than a single act of aggression by Muhammad Kanta. With Kebbi as a major power in the area between Songhay and Borno, direct conflict between these two imperial powers was largely avoided. However, Kebbi’s expansion likely impinged upon Borno’s influence in Hausaland and Asben. This, in turn, led to conflicts as the Sayfawa likely sought to regain lost influence in Asben, the major commercial artery to the north for Hausaland. Similarly, Borno’s political leadership during the 16^th century, before Idris b. Ali (r. 1564-1596) included the reestablishment of relations with Tripoli, famine, and conflicts with the Bulala. Kebbi’s ascent may have paradoxically aided Borno by limiting Songhay eastward expansion and creating a more regionally united Hausaland. Nonetheless, interest from the part of Borno in preserving its influence in Asben and parts of Hausland made conflict inevitable. This is why numerous wars (and likely raiding expeditions) were probably launched throughout the reign of Muhammad Kanta. It is very likely that Muhammad Bello and Dan Tafa remembered Ali b. Idris as the ruler at the time of the significant 1561 campaign due to there actually having been some sort of war or conflict in c. 1538-1539. Likewise, Mai Dunama b. Muhammad’s interests in an alliance with Draghut may very well have included increased trade to ensure a larger share of trans-Saharan commerce with Tripoli remained with Borno. Idris b. Ali, whose reign included a successful termination of the conflict with the Bulala sultans of Kanem as well as consolidation of Sayfawa rule in Borno, was probably able to ensure Borno’s quick recovery from the devastating loss to Kebbi. In truth, dynastic squabbling upon the death of Muhammad Kanta may have been another factor as Kebbi’s power and influence in Hausaland withered away within a century or so after Muhammad Kanta.

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[1] Anania, “L’interieur de l’Afrique occidentale d’après  Giovanni Lorenzo Anania,” 343.

[2] Ibid., 347.

[3] Ahmad Baba, Mi'raj al-su'ud: Ahmad Baba's Replies on Slavery, 45.

[4] Al-Sa’di, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sadi's Tarikh al-Sudan down to 1613 and other contemporary documents, 113-114.

[5] Ibid., 92, 127, 147.

[6] Ibid., 150.

[7] Rémi Dewière, L'esclave, le savant et le sultan: représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles), 612.

[8] Muhammad Bello, A history of Islam, scholarship and revivalism in Western Sudan : being an annotated translation with introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio,  81.

[9] Ibid., 82.

[10] Shaykh Dan Tafa, Rawdat al-Afkaar, 9-10.

[11] Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa Vol. 3 (1896), 671-672.

[12] E.J. Arnett, in Nigerian Northern Provinces, 3-6, Sokoto Gazetteer, 113.

[13] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 229.

[14] H.A.S. Johnston, A Selection of Hausa Stories, 117-118.

[15] Kirk-Greene & Hogben, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of their Historical Traditions, 239-246.

[16] Djibo Hamani, Au carrefour du Soudan et de la Berbérie: le sultanat touareg de l'Ayar, 211.

[17] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846), 253-254.

[18] Yves Urvoy, “Chroniques d'Agadès,” 152.

[19] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 80.

A Praise Song for Bawa Jangwarzo

 

Another pleasant surprise was seeing an ajami text praise song for the Gobir ruler Bawa Jangwarzo in Heskitt's work. Since courtly praise singing was looked down upon by some Islamic scholars (think of al-Tahir's reference to praise singing in a poem on Borno), we are assuming this text was written in the Arabic script by someone affiliated with the court of Gobir's dynasty. The use of kirari for short verses describing Bawa Jangwarzo. Unfortunately, Mervyn Hiskett, whose A History of Hausa Islamic Verse is quite detailed otherwise, does not elucidate the origin of this song.

Since it appears to be one of the few surviving examples of an ajami courtly praise song for a pre-jihad ruler, it must have been written by someone familiar with the praise literature for the Gobirawa royal line. While short kirari appear in the Kano Chronicle, this seems to be one of the few extended songs to be adapted with the Arabic script. Moreover, this praise song was written in what Hiskett refers to as the khafif meter. This suggests its author was someone well-versed in the tradition of Islamic poetry, even if using it for a secular theme in praise of Gobir's king. 

The thematic and symbolic language of the praise song is similar in some ways with what one can read in Kanuri praise songs. The ruler, Bawa, is praised as the "forked pole that supports the roof" and his military victories or conquests are celebrated. The references to rebellions put down in Shiki and Dole or the narrator asking for a horse further support the idea of the Gobir king as a great warrior. Indeed, traditions refer to his campaigns against Zamfara which sought to free itself from Gobir's dominance. It is perhaps worth nothing that Dan Tafa referred to Bawa as the first Hausa ruler to refuse to send tribute to Borno, too. 

The Song of Muhammad al-Amin b. Muhammad al-Kanemi

The first page of Denham's English translation of Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi's Q. daliyya Nasim al-saba arajta rab'an bi-Kukawa wa-shahadta man bi ' l-babi min mutaraddidi

Although we read it a few years ago in the work of Denham and Clapperton, it somehow escaped our attention until recently. We are speaking of, naturally, an Arabic poem penned by Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi, the founder of the Shehus who have ruled Borno after the fall of the Sayfawa. In this case, we found the poem by al-Kanemi intriguing for its resemblance to Kanuri praise songs from the period of the Sayfawa dynasty. In this case, one sees a song or verse poem about the martial prowess and victory of al-Kanemi against Bagirmi (and other unnamed foes). This, naturally, brings to mind Kanuri praise songs for the mai, yerima or galadima for similar military victories or skills. Some of the metaphorical language used by al-Kanemi is also quite rich and draws on what must have been some of the standards of Borno Arabic poetry and oral literature. For instance, references to "forests of spears" when referring to his large army is quite evocative or to the hyena bring to mind Kanuri praise songs referring to lions, bush cows, and the rogondimi snake. Moreover, metaphors and similes comparing al-Kanemi's favorite mistress, rescued during this lengthy campaign (over 6 months away from Kuka, or Kukawa) to Indian silks are rather well-done. Indeed, this personal element in which al-Kanemi celebrated this reunion with a lover is a personal dimension to Borno's written literature that is not easily found. This makes it very much a personal statement even as it celebrates the contributions of other military chiefs or officials like Tirab. Last, but certainly not least, the song from 1821 refers to the palace of the Bagirmi sultan facing an attack from al-Kanemi's troops. This is another piece of evidence for Borno's role in the sacking and pillaging of Massenya, the Bagirmi capital.