The First Kalumbardo and Umar b. Idris

One of the mysteries of ulama-state relations is the tragedy of the first Kalumbardo settlement in Borno. The traditions and written sources on this shadowy event are unclear and, sometimes, contradictory. Nonetheless, it is clear that the Sayfawa ruler of Borno, Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639) ordered the execution of a prominent shaykh affiliated with the Kalumbardo settlement. In addition, another cleric associated with the settlement was forced into exile or pressured to flee to Bagirmi. Many unanswered questions persist about the nature of this conflict, the background of the central personages, and the connection between this first Kalumbardo community and the second one led by a Koyam shaykh. This post will explore the dimensions of the first Kalumbardo community's conflict with mai Umar b. Idris and possible relevant factors for its dissolution. 

First, the major source. Muhammad Bello, whose Infaq al-maysur was written in the early 1800s, praised the shaykhs associated with the first Kalumbardo settlement as scholars promoting Sufism. However, his language is rather uncertain about many of the details, implying that he relied on tradition for most of his narrative. In addition, he may have inserted a falsified speech by one of the victims of Umar b. Idris, Shaykh Waldede. In this speech, Waldede hints at the fall of Borno when a renewer of the faith appears, perhaps represented by Uthman dan Fodio (Bello 71). As a result of this problematic speech inserted into the narrative and the fact that Bello was writing a work that sought to justify the jihad and the Sokoto Caliphate, it is possible some elements of the narrative are embellished or exaggerated to heighten the unjust, corrupt, and immoral nature of Sayfawa rule. These issues aside, other sources and traditions recall Shaykh Waldede's conflict with the ruler of Borno. Moreover, the Sufi leader executed by the state, Shaykh al-Wali b. al-Jarmi, appears in other traditions. Bello identifies the latter as a Tuareg (71). In addition, Waldede was said to have studied in Agadez and Timbuktu (71). If true, then the identification of al-Jarmi as a Tuareg could also be valid. Bello's retelling of events could support the narrative of Waldede studying in the west and then returning to Borno with a Tuareg Sufi, collaborating in the leadership of a zawiya which threatened the state. This threat to the state presumably led to divisions among the ulama  in the Sayfawa court.

But, some elements of Bello's account are problematic. According to him, Waldede died a little after 1000 A.H. (71). If this is true, then Waldede died before the reign of Umar b. Idris. As previously mentioned, Bello was also writing a larger work that sought to justify the Sokoto Caliphate. In other words, the oppressive, unethical, or non-Islamic traits of previous governments in the region were emphasized, even in the case of Borno where Islam was deeply rooted. Additional problems with this narrative can be seen in oral traditions which identify the Borno king who exiled Waldede as Ibrahim (Lavers 223). Hammidu Bobboyi, relying on oral traditions, identifies al-Jarmi as a Borno native of Arab origin. In fact, there was a Shaykh Jirmi (spelling of Bobboyi), son of Goni Salih. This Shaykh also had two sons, Hassan and Musa Dangul (Bobboyi 17). On the other hand, H.T. Norris, whose Sufi Mystics of the Niger Desert sees the influence of the Mahmudiyya of Air in Kalumbardo, argued in favor of a Tuareg origin for al-Jarmi. According to him, al-Jarmiyu's name indicated Tuareg origin. Furthermore, in Borno folklore, Waldede was said to have escaped the horsemen of Umar b. Idris on a flying blanket (36). This contradicts Bello, whose narrative suggests that Umar b. Idris let Waldede go after executing al-Jarmi. Last but certainly not least, Bello attributes Umar b. Idris's brutal crackdown to secular reasons. Oral traditions in Borno, suggest theological differences related to tawhid (100). Muhammad Nur Alkali cites divisiveness caused by the Sufism of al-Jarmi and Waldede (Nur Alkali 256). 

So, how can one reconcile these traditions? The fact that apparently disparate traditions from Borno, the Sokoto Caliphate, Bagirmi, and Wadai seem to refer to the conflict between a ruler of Borno and the leadership of the first Kalumbardo attest to its historicity. Sources from Wadai, for instance, recall that the founder of the sultanate, Abd al-Karim, studied at Bidderi (Barth 528-529). His teacher, identified by Barth as Muhammad and as Mahammat el-Djirmi in a text published by Tubiana are probably the same al-Jirmi of the first Kalumbardo (Tubiana 58). Borno tradition recalls both Waldede and al-Jirmi, with one variant recorded by Palmer identifying the mai who sent a kaigama against "Umar dan Didi" as Dunama Dibalemi (Lavers 223). The connection to Bidderi for the founder of the Wadai Sultanate is still plausible, as the Waldede family were likely linked to its Fulani residents. Consequently, it is feasible that al-Jarmi (or a member of the family) taught at Bidderi before returning to Borno. Such a link connects the first Kalumbardo to both Bidderi in Bagirmi and with the origins of the first sultan of Wadai to the east.

To better comprehend the possible roots of the conflict, one must retrace their steps and ponder the recent past and larger context of Kalumbardo. Beginning with Bagirmi, Nachtigal's history of the reign of Abdallah (c.1568-1608) suggests growing royal patronage of Islam. Indeed, 4 mu'allim of Fulani origin, who are named Dede, Shille, Aji Amede, and Majangala, are said to have helped design the ground plan for his palace. They were also sent to different villages around the kingdom to teach and spread Islam. Nachtigal also tells us this ruler appointed a qadi, an imam, established mosques, invited foreign clerics, and therefore thoroughly promoted Islam (Nachtigal 403). If the chronology for Abdallah's reign is accurate, this suggests that Bidderi in the late 16th century and early 17th century likely benefited from state patronage. Indeed, the Fulani were established in the area north of Ba Batshikam by the 1400s, when they paid tribute to the Bulala rulers of Kanem (398). When the state of Bagirmi was founded in the early 1500s, the Fulani were remembered as allies of the newcomers who established the state (400). This suggests that Bidderi and similar settlements of Fulani Muslims may have welcomed students from other communities whilst also participating in broader regional centers of learning in Borno or beyond. Therefore, traditions of Wadai's founder studying in Bidderi before seizing power in the early 17th century are plausible. Moreover, if al-Jarmi was present in Bidderi or Bagirmi, it could be due to Waldede already having links there since the late 16th century. 

If, however, one accepts the Agadez and Timbuktu travels of Waldede as plausible, then one must also look closely at the Air region's history. In this region, the Mahmudiyya Sufis were established in the 1500s. Their disciples also included a prominent Fulani, Ahmad b. faqih Awgar al-Fullani (Norris 42). It is difficult to imagine that a Fulani scholar with ties to other Islamic Fulani communities did not encounter followers of Sidi Mahmud al-Baghdadi. Other events in Agadez or Air during this period include a revolt led by Hadahada during the reign of Muhammad al-Tafrij. This revolt, which Hadahada led as a jihad against the sultanate, lacks a precise date. Nonetheless, this sultan's reign overlapped with that of Umar b. Idris (Hamani 230). In this environment, with a Sufist leader killed by a sultan in the 1500s and then a revolt against the Sultan challenging his legitimacy on Islamic grounds, one might imagine the intellectual climate Waldede (and al-Jarmi?) experienced or at least were influenced by.

From Borno's perspective, the early decades of the 17th century required active leadership and policy to maintain the sultanate's status as a regional power. Yet the Tuareg of Air remained a persistent thorn. Nur Alkali attributes to Ibrahim b. Idris several campaigns against them (Nur Alkali 255). Oral traditions point to the reign of Umar b. Idris for the establishment of a Mandara prince in Muniyo. This prince, Kazelma Saemi, was sent explicitly to aid the Gamagama in their fight against the Tuareg (Landeroin 404). Umar b. Idris even sponsored the creation of the galadima at Nguru to defend Borno's western frontier, appointing his son by a slave woman to the post. The first galadima already had to put down a Fulani revolt (Palmer Gazetteer 104). These measures taken by Umar b. Idris imply concern for the border was central to state interest, especially to the west. This suggests that the strategy of Idris Alooma to rely on the Koyam and other local populations to make constant raids against the Tuareg, as well as to secure the loyalty of some of them to Borno instead of Agadez, did not succeed. When one also considers the chances that Umar b. Idris was also an elderly man when he took the throne, and perhaps his brother Ibrahim b. Idris was assassinated, concern for state security and political stability must have been paramount (Palmer BSS 98). According to Nur Alkali, he was also known for not accepting any opposition (Nur Alkali 256). This may also explain why Umar b. Idris chose to have al-Tahir of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty drowned when the latter fled to Borno from the Fazzan in 1622/3 (El-Hesnawi 114). Umar, who may have viewed the nephews of al-Tahir as the legitimate rulers of the Fazzan, wanted to punish al-Tahir for usurping the throne from them. Otherwise, Umar b. Idris also viewed the matter as another entanglement that threatened the status quo among powers in the Central Sudan/Sahara. 

Given what we know of Umar b. Idris's background, the first Kalumbardo community triggered his concern for protecting the state. Norris, whose study of the Mahmudiyya in Air was heavily based on the Qudwa, believes that the "Way" promoted by Waldede and al-Jarmi was influenced by Sidi Mahmud al-Baghdadi. Thus, Umar b. Idris acted in the way he did due to the proximity of the Kalumbardo leadership with Air (137). Norris's hypothesis is an attractive one, but lacks enough evidence of the actual practices of the Waldede and al-Jarmi to validate it. Their practices may have been similar to the Sufi practices of al-Baghdadi's followers, but without sources to describe what they actually did, it remains a hypothesis. However, the fact that the sultan of Agadez during Umar b. Idris's reign also had to put down Hadahada's revolt may have been another factor in the Sayfawa ruler's decisions. If Hadahada's revolt occurred before the Kalumbardo leaders were called to the court, perhaps Umar b. Idris acted harshly due to a fear that Waldede and al-Jarmi would lead a revolt like Hadahada? Ultimately, a clear link between the two region's Sufi centers at this time is ambiguous, but the traveler al-Yamani, who visited both the second Kalumbardo community and Air, visited Ahmad al-Targui al-Lamtouni in Air (Nashr al-Mathani 308). 

If the Sufism promoted by Waldede and al-Jarmi was the trigger for Umar b. Idris's exiling the former and killing the latter, one must closely examine how the state and Islamic scholars and holy men interacted at this time. Since Sufism in Borno predated the first Kalumbardo settlement, and many rulers, including Umar b. Idris, had performed the pilgrimage to Mecca or spent time in Egypt, we find it difficult to believe the "oriental mysticism" exemplified by the Mahmudiyya would have been very novel or shocking. Besides, the Krump witnessing Muslims from Borno and the Fazzan engaging in what sounds like Sufist practices with music, dance and ritual prayer suggest Islamic mysticism likely had deeper roots in the region, possibly before the first Kalumbardo community. 

Another perspective on the issue focuses on theology. In Bobboyi's view, the debate over theology rather than Sufism itself caused the conflict (Bobboyi 100). As a result, the garbled traditions recall al-Jirmi was killed on the grounds of a fatwa he issued. The tradition asserts the shaykh gave a fatwa accusing another of being an unbeliever. Then, on the same grounds, the Sayfawa court declared al-Jirmi an unbeliever and executed him (101). Further, it may have involved Quranic folios in his shoes to declare him a kafir (112). This may be why, in Muhammad Bello's version of the execution, the Shahada was miraculously written in his blood (Norris 133). This could be, through the use of a miracle, Muhammad Bello's allusion to the accusation of unbelief. Even if it wasn't the Sufist practices of the community that led to the fatal confrontation with Umar b. Idris, the latter's actions were not met with universal support. Nur Alkali, citing Sheriff Ibrahim, writes of some of al-Jarmiyu's disciples leaving Birni Gazargamo because of Umar b. Idris's actions (259). Thus, the mai did something that was, to some at least, controversial and immoral. It was certainly remembered as such in Bagirmi and Wadai. 

After revisiting the sources on the Waldede-Jirmi affair, many questions remain unresolved. Why is it that the second Kalumbardo community, led by a charismatic shaykh who was accused by a qadi tied to the court of Ali b. Umar, allowed to continue his zawiya? Abu Bakr, the qadi, pressured Ali b. Umar into opposing the shaykh on the grounds he was a threat to the throne. Yet, unlike his father, who executed al-Jirmi, Ali b. Umar recognized his saintliness and supported the settlement. Like his father, he too had performed the pilgrimage and was certainly aware of various Sufi brotherhoods in the Muslim East. Was his acceptance of the mission predicated on coopting it through state support, brick workers for a mosque, and a close relationship with the state to neutralize any threat it might pose? Borno during his reign still had the challenge of Tuareg raids, and the second Kalumbardo community's leader was even killed by Tuareg raiders. If the Kalumbardo community's practices were so similar to those of Sufis in Air, why was the mai not worried about them? Or, was the mai eager to support the Kalumbardo shaykh for the spiritual and Islamic legitimacy it endowed his regime with? Ali b. Umar was known for his support of Islamic learning, his piety, and the projection of Borno as an Islamic state. Affirming it through a vibrant Sufi community on Borno's frontier may have served to support this image of the state. 

In summation, our knowledge of the first Kalumbardo settlement and the reign of Umar b. Idris raises more questions than answers. This mai seems to have been especially concerned with protecting his power and Borno's borders. While the leaders of this community were likely linked to the spread of Islam in Bagirmi and Wadai, the ruler of Borno saw that it was paramount to maintain his power and protect the state from any rebellion, assassination, or division. When some of the ulama of his court were drawn to the first Kalumbardo's Sufist practices, Umar b. Idris responded in a way that immediately minimized the threat. That the community was reborn under Koyam leadership during the reign of his son also raises questions. Possibly by the reign of Ali b. Umar, we see here a more concerted effort to accumulate baraka and Islamic legitimacy through state sponsorship and cooptation of renowned shaykhs.

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Dewière, Rémi. Du Lac Tchad à La Mecque: Le Sultanat Du Borno Et Son Monde (XVIe - XVIIe Siècle). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2017.

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Kanem in Transition: Conversion to Islam

J.C. Zeltner's map of Kanem in the 1570s (Pages d'histoire du Kanem: pays tchadien). 

Whilst perusing notes on the works of Palmer, Bobboyi, Lange, Patterson, Ahmad b. Furtu, Nachtigal and old mahram documents, the ascent of the Sayfawa dynasty under Hummay (r.1075-1086) attracted our attention. Although Lange has argued that the rise of Hummay as mai of Kanem marked a change in dynasties and not a conversion to Islam, we have argued for dynastic continuity based on oral traditions, medieval Arabic external sources, and local (Borno) traditions and texts. Putting aside the possibility of a dynastic change from the Banu Duku to the Banu Hummay, if we examine the mahram attributed to Hummay's reign, a praise song to Hummay, and traditions recorded in subsequent mahram and girgam texts, one can track the trajectory of Kanem's Islamization in the 11th century, especially through relations with Kawar.

Beginning with the mahram attributed to Hummay and translated in H.R. Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, one finds intriguing clues about the gradual conversion of the ruling elite. According to the "Mahram of Umme Jilme," which was certainly written after the time of Hummay and likely incorporated oral traditions, Islam came to Borno through Muhammad b. Mani. Muhammad b. Mani apparently lived for 120 years and during his time in Kanem, spent time reading parts of the Koran during the reigns of Bulu, Arku, Hawa, and Umme (Hummay). Since the source has incorporated oral tradition the lifespan of 120 years is perhaps an allusion to different generations of the same family. If so, the mahram likely records the gradual religious change among the rulers of Kanem from Bulu (r. 1007-1023) to 1086. Intriguingly, each successive mai of Kanem gave progressively larger amounts of camels as gifts for Muhammad b. Mani's efforts, culminating with the finest gift from Hummay (100 pieces of silver, 100 pieces of gold, 100 camels, and 100 slaves). Since the preceding kings gave smaller amounts of gifts to Muhammad b. Mani, we can assume that this is meant to indicate the full transition to orthodox Islam. Even more fascinating is the allusion to the "secret" reading with Muhammad b. Mani during the time of Hummay (Bornu Sahara and Sudan 14). Why was his reading with this prominent Islamic teacher done in secret?

Besides giving ample gifts to Muhammad b. Mani, Hummay also declared other tribes haram: Tura Tuzan, Gamayambara, Kayi Malakayi, Dihiluri, Diri Laima, and Ajama Bulumi (14). The last of them, Ajama Bulumi, brings to mind mai Bulu who reigned at the beginning of the 11th century. Another perhaps familiar name, Kayi Malakayi, may be an allusion to an influential family of Kay (Kayi) origin who were already Muslims. The Tura Tuzan (spelled Tura Tuzar on page 14) was explicitly described as a "the pillar of my kingdom" (15). Consequently, the mahram emphasizes the exemptions made for the family of Tura Tuzar (or his clan?) and Muhammad b. Mani for their services to Hummay. Consequently, their goods were haram, and they were exempted from serving the men of the king on their lands and paying diya and tribute. While it is ambiguous, the implication here is that the Tura Tuzan and the aforementioned tribes or families also played a role in the Islamization of Kanem and serving the king. As compensation, they were freed from the tribute obligations, the quartering of troops, and from government interference. 

While this short mahram, of which 2 copies of the Arabic text have been found, raises more questions than answers, the central recipient, Muhammad b. Mani, was remembered in Kanem-Borno tradition for several centuries. Ahmad b. Furtu, the imam chronicling the campaigns of Idris Alooma (r. 1564-1596), claimed descent from the tribe of Muhammad b. Mani (A Sudanic Chronicle 34). Furthermore, Hamidu Bobboyi's research on this mahram found Muhammad Mani Aisami remembered in oral traditions as a progenitor of the Kangu Kanuri (Bobboyi 118). Further elaboration of this tradition can be seen in Palmer's third volume of Sudanese Memoirs. Muhammad Mani Aisami was said to have accompanied the Sayfawa to Njimi (31). In addition, the 4 sub-tribes of the Kangu included the Wandala, Adiribu, Zulamari, and Limanwa (32). Another tradition reported that the Kayi, Kangu, Farfari, and N'gumma lived together in the time of mai Hajj Fannami, in Mobber (29). Indeed, a lawan named Kadai of Gotofo in Mobber also claimed descent from the Kangu, who fed horses of the mai (30). Consequently, Kangu identity and tradition of descent from a major figure in the Islamization of Kanem(-Borno) do lend credence to the authenticity of the mahram.

Although these aforementioned traditions suggest deep ties between the Kangu and the Sayfawa dynasty through Muhammad b. Mani, who taught the Sayfawa (in Islamic terms), the prominent role played by the Tura Tuzan is suggestive. Beginning with mai Bulu, the Diwan demonstrates maternal ancestry connecting Kanem's rulers with Kawar. His successor, Arku, was also said to be the son of a woman from Kawar, though Tamaghar instead of Banu Kay (Diwan 67). If reliable, one can see by the late 10th century a marriage alliance between the ruler of Kanem, Ayuma, that was continued by his son and grandson. In fact, Hawa, whose description in the Diwan is also problematic, was the son of a Tamaghar woman and invested by the (Fatimid?) caliph. His mother, whose name is rendered by Lange as Ark.kay.waw.n, which bears a slight resemblance to Arku's name. One can detect even stronger evidence of ties to Kawar in the Diwan reporting Arku settling colonies of slaves in Dirku, Seguedine, and Zaylan (southern Fazzan). A mosque was even specified in the case of Seguedine (Diwan 67). If this tradition is authentic, one can detect an Islamic affinity or at least strong interest from Arku, who otherwise would likely not have sent slaves to a mosque. When one recalls the mahram of Hummay, a similar pattern can be found of gradually increasing Islamic influence from the reign of Bulu onwards.

"The Song of the Babuma to the Sultan Umme Jilme" in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan.

Arku appears to have been a pivotal figure in this era of transition. Another source, a text written in 1751, copied in the 19th century and published in Kano, was translated to English by Palmer in Bornu Sahara and Sudan. According to Palmer's translation, Arku gave the kingdom to his son due to sickness, but continued to rule nonetheless. If this tradition is reliable, then the lengthy reign of 44 years assigned to Arku might have included a sizable part of it as a co-reign with his son, Hawa. However, the source translated by Palmer skips Hawa, referring to Abd al-Djalil (r.1071-1075) as his son. Hummay, the next mai in most accounts, is remembered for ruling an implausible 50 years but not formally taking the title of king (97). Due to the problematic nature of this source, one must use it with extreme caution. Nonetheless, the tradition of Arku abdicating the throne yet still retaining much power might explain the short reigns of Hawa and Abd al-Djalil in the Diwan. This source also refers to the Tura Al Babawa and the exchange of horses during the reign of Katuri, the grandfather of Bulu by the reckoning of the Diwan. However, the Diwan assigned an implausible 250 years-long reign to Katuri, suggesting a perhaps mythical person or clan ancestor (Diwan 66). If, however, we assume the historicity of Bulu and therefore his father, Ayuma, perhaps Katuri did reign in the 900s when the trade in horses was increasing. While purely speculative and relying on problematic sources and translations, it is plausible and would indicate burgeoning cultural, economic, and religious interactions with Kawar. 

The growing scale of interactions with Kawar, and by extension, North Africa and the Middle East, undoubtedly favored the Islamization of Kanem's ruling class. Additional evidence of the significance of Tura peoples in this phase of Kanem's history can be seen in the various mahram texts exempting Tura beneficiaries. For instance, the third volume of Sudanese Memoirs contains several Tura mahrams. According to one, supposedly written in 1806, the Tura people were aware of their diverse roots in Mecca, Medina, Istanbul, Egypt, Tripolitania, Benghazi, Sennar, Zeila, Agades, and Dirku, where they spent 220 years. However, the same tradition reports their time of 350 years in Borno (Palmer 12). If the dating here is somewhat accurate, the Tura had come to Borno in the mid-15th century. That pushes back their time in Dirku to the 1200s. This is only roughly reliable, but does accord with the contemporary sources from the 13th century that placed Kanem under the suzerainty of Borno by the time of Dunama Dibalemi. Palmer, whose text here may be ambiguously reporting oral traditions rather than the mahram itself, continues to list the descent of various Tura sub-groups back to their allegedly sharifian origin. In Dirku, the chiefs were Zulama, Dirkuma, and Amarma, with the first referring to the Fazzan. Given the long-standing trade relations between Kawar and the Fazzan, it is no surprise to see this place in the genealogical chain. However, the Arwalinwa Tura descend from Khuza'a ibn Balani. The tradition attributes the origin of other Tura to various chiefs, slaves of a pagan king named Gau Dala Shaliwa, and the Beni Hasan. Interestingly, the Tura Beni Ishak were said to be the people of this pagan king, Gau Dala Shaliwa, and also to be associated with Gazbi in Kawar (al-Qasaba of medieval Kawar). Their chiefs, named Guzuma, Fugu, Arwalingwamma, and Magadam, were likely people with deep roots in Gazbi (Palmer 12). The Guzuma Tura leader at Lalori, in Borno, also collected taxes from members of his group (Bobboyi 128). Naturally, to make sense of the traditions of origin recorded here requires careful examination of the original texts of the mahrams and corroboration with other sources. But what emerges clearly from here is the sense that the Tura in Borno retained strong memories of their places of origin in Kawar, even after centuries of life in Borno. The name Khuza'a ibn Balani also bears a superficial resemblance to the Tura Tuzan mentioned in the mahram of Hummay. Is it possible that the Tura of Borno were also descendants of the Tura family viewed by Hummay as a pillar of his kingdom?

As for the other mahram Palmer attributed to the reign of Hummay in Bornu Sahara and Sudan, it is far too ambiguous. The ruling king is named as Karkarma, son of Tigiram (16). While Tigiram sounds like a possible match with the name of Hummay's mother in the Diwan (T.k.r.m.), this problematic text with insertions from the time of Idris Alooma make it quite difficult to interpret. If it truly is from the era of Hummay, then the recipients of the mahram were Muallim Bikur and the following imams of the Saiyids: Daltuta, Dafaruna, Kiywaza, and Afanuna. In exchange for their prayers, willingness to marry the daughter of the mai, and mediation of the disputes of women, they are exempt from the tribute obligations, taxation, and other burdens of regular subjects. Unlike the other mahram, this one, in the possession of the Masbarma family, includes the marriage alliance with the mai through his daughter. If authentic, the mahram demonstrates the high status of Muslim recipients and the extent to which Hummay sought to incorporate Islam in the kingdom. Essentially, the head imam of the mosque was granted exemptions from taxes, probably received a large grant of land, and was incorporated into the ruling class through marriage.

Besides mahrams and chronicles or the Diwan, variant girgams may provide additional evidence of the transition to Islam. One girgam in the possession of Kashim Biri, was translated by Palmer in Volume III of Sudanese Memoirs. According to this girgam, Hummay did not perform the pilgrimage or die in Egypt, but his father Jil did. Instead, Hummay died at "Arikwa of many mosques" (36). According to his notes, Palmer traced Arikwa to the Kawar region (40). Yet to make things even more confusing, another girgam translated by Palmer referred to the place of death of Hummay as Rukanna in Kanem. If it seems unlikely for Kanem to have any place with many mosques by c.1086, perhaps Palmer was closer to the truth with Kawar as a possible site for Hummay's death. If so, this illustrates just how central ties to Kawar were for the consolidation of Islam among the ruling dynasty of Kanem. As Kawar already had Muslim communities by the 9th century, and remained a major point on Kanem's trade routes to the north, it was inevitable that Kawar contributed to the Sayfawa dynasty's conversion. 

Consequently, Hummay was indeed raised in an Islamized environment. His 4 predecessors were increasingly tied to Islam and, if the Diwan is to be trusted, probably converted to Islam by the time of Hawa (r. 1067-1071). Hummay may have been able to emerge as the most powerful ruler to fully establish Islam in the royal court due to the brief reigns of his predecessors. If our theory of Hawa and Abd al-Djalil having short reigns due to the longevity of Arku's life, there may have been conflict over dynastic succession which threatened the full embrace of Islam among the royal court. Hummay, whose praise song by the Babuma was included in Bornu Sahara and Sudan, emerges as a strong leader with access to horses. His defeat of the Dalla of Mobber, forcing the latter to flee in a papyrus boat (on Lake Chad?) and the seizure of captives demonstrate military prowess. Undoubtedly, the praise song must be used very cautiously given its anachronisms and its genre conventions, but Hummay was clearly the mai associated with Njimi, building a mosque in the dendal and strengthening Kanem through the redistribution of captive labor. Such a ruler was capable of implementing a fuller embrace of Islam than his predecessors. Kawar also played a pivotal role in this process as the region was increasingly incorporated into the orbit of Kanem. 

Sources

Bobboyi, Hamidu. 1992. The ’Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808. Dissertation.

Ibn Furṭū, Aḥmad (Dierk Lange, trans). A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

Lange, Dierk. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

Palmer, H. R. (Herbert Richmond). The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. Nigeria. J. Murray, 1936.

------. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. 1st ed., new impression. London: Cass, 1967.

Vikør, Knut S.The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production. Bergen, Norway: Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, 1999.

The Manga Revolt of 1824 and the Peasantry in Borno

A Manga archer depicted in Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824, Volume 1.

"The squirrel said he eats all sorts of roots except the talaka root—that one is too bitter." 

-Manga Proverb

One of the intriguing episodes in Borno history witnessed by Denham in 1824 was an uprising of the Manga people. While the revolt has been analyzed by historians such as Lovejoy, Maikorema Zakari, Louis Brenner, and other scholars of Borno history, we believe it is important for many reasons. First, as a peasant rebellion in the name of the Sayfawa dynasty, the revolt forces one to reconsider the relationship between the ruling class of the Sayfawa dynasty and the peasantry. Second, even if mainly opportunistic in terms of the Sayfawa ruler, the revolt was led by a charismatic Muslim cleric. This suggests Islamic leaders were, at least sometimes, a voice for the oppressed and exploited peasantry. Thirdly, the revolt may have been connected to the struggle over the salt-producing areas. Despite the lack of clarity on the nature of pre-19th century salt production in the region, the Manga migration into the area may have marked the beginning of commoner control over a major economic resource. Thus, the revolt poses interesting questions on the nature of slave and peasant production in precolonial Borno and how subaltern classes negotiated the control over resources with the ruling class in a state of transition.  

According to Denham, the revolt was led by Fanaamy, a charismatic Muslim cleric renowned for his ability to make charms. The same source described him as a man with one side of his face hairless and another side covered by a thick beard.[1] The Manga revolt arose, with Fanaamy as the mover, after they slaughtered 120 Shuwa Arab allies of al-Kanemi. Since the Manga had not fully accepted the authority of al-Kanemi as the effective head of government and the collection of tribute from the province always provoked bloodshed, the Manga decided to declare themselves as the subjects of the Sayfawa mai and attacked settlements loyal to al-Kanemi. Although Denham suggests the Manga rebels were capable of raising 12,000 archers, it is unclear exactly how many soldiers they had.[2] They ultimately submitted to the Shehu after the latter sent 8000-9000 Kanembu spearmen and 5000 Shuwa and Bornoan (Kanuri?) forces against the rebels. 

Before putting down the revolt, however, the rebels were able to partly burn and pillage towns like Kabshary. Rhamadan, placed at Kabshary after its residents fled the Manga attack, used a ruse to defeat a much larger force of about 800 Manga rebels. Through this ruse, his smaller force, with only 12 Shuwa Arabs armed with guns, was able to slaughter 400 of the rebels. By the third of June, Rhamadan and Dawud were able to capture 800 Manga captives, women and children, to present to the Shehu. But, al-Kanemi being politically shrewd, freed the women and children on the grounds that they were Muslims and innocent of causing the revolt. The booty taken from the Manga captives also included horses and livestock. Later, by the fifth of June, the Manga began to submit to the Shehu, except for Fanaamy, who sent a peace offering that included thousands of slaves, cattle and 300 horses on the following day. The malam, however, eventually came to submit to al-Kanemi due to the intervention of the Shehu's personal reputation as a maker of charms and his use of the British travelers in Borno to fire two rockets. The rockets, which were seen by Fanaamy's son, awed the Manga who had never seen such a thing.[3] 

By the next day, Fanaamy came to submit to al-Kanemi with 1000 followers. To his great surprise, the leader of the rebellion was given fine clothes and Egyptian turbans. According to Denham, al-Kanemi had no intention of leading a brutal slaughter of the Manga. Due to their location on the borderland, the Manga were known as warriors using poison arrows and accustomed to combat with the Tuareg and Fulani.[4] As such, it was in the interests of the state to conciliate the Manga and restore peace to protect the border. Thus, al-Kanemi relied on his own reputation as a renowned malam to write charms to dull and damage the spears and arrows of the rebels. The renown of al-Kanemi for his charms was surely known in Borno since he used them when defeating the Fulani jihadists who had seized Birni Gazargamo, allegedly using a calabash filled with charm water.[5] Additionally, Denham personally believed his rockets also had a major effect by terrifying the Manga. Indeed, Fanaamy was said to have declared, "That to withstand a sheikh of the Koran who performed such miracles was useless, and at the same time, haram (sin)." Fanaamy's inability to resist the superior power of al-Kanemi convinced the Manga to submit.[6] 

If Denham's account for the conflict, which he personally did not witness most of, can be considered reliable, it suggests that al-Kanemi led a large force of Kanembu, Arab, and Kanuri soldiers against the Manga to intimidate and frighten them. Then, after scoring a few victories and using his reputation as a holy man with the ability to write powerful charms, he was able to force most of the Manga leaders to submit to his authority. The account of Denham, however, ignores the Manga chiefs who led their villages in rebellion except to report on their submission. Moreover, since Denham believed the mai of Borno, Ibrahim, to be a powerless puppet of al-Kanemi with only the illusion of power through a subsidy from the Shehu, perhaps the lingering loyalty of parts of the Borno population to the Sayfawa dynasty was more meaningful than he realized. Last but certainly not least, the conflict over control of salines, or sites for natron production in Mangari may have fueled the conflict, too. Exploring each of these factors is necessary to understand the Manga Revolt from as many angles as possible. 

First, the lingering appeal to the authority of the Sayfawa. Although largely powerless since 1808, the Sayfawa loyalists still included 260-300 courtiers in the 1820s. So, even if Ibrahim reigned by the sufferance of al-Kanemi, there were still many in Borno who chose to remain loyal to the Sayfawa house.[7] Indeed, despite his young age of around 22, Ibrahim may have been closely watching the Manga rebellion from a supportive or at least neutral perspective. After all, Ibrahim was present on the campaign.[8] Furthermore, Ibrahim was eager to assert his authority after the death of al-Kanemi in the next decade, when he tried to force Shehu Umar to come to his court and pledge allegiance. Therefore, it is hard to imagine the sultan of Borno being completely unaware of rebels in Mangari pledging their allegiance to him. Of course, al-Kanemi likely kept a close watch on Ibrahim at this critical time since a previous king, Dunama, had planned to defeat al-Kanemi with the aid of Bagirmi in 1820.[9] 

Further evidence of remaining Sayfawa loyalism may also be seen in the history of Mangari, Muniyo and western Borno before the fall of the Birni Gazargamo. According to Muhammad Nur Alkali, the galadima of Nguru was closely tied to the Manga.[10] A Kanuri praise song for galadima Dunama Aisatu, who lived in the 18th century, refers to familial ties to the ruler of Muniyo.[11] Since the position of galadima was held by descendants of the Sayfawa ruler, Umar b. Idris, and its dynasty had close ties with the Manga and the vassal state of Muniyo, it is possible that the Manga rebels of 1824 were proclaiming their Sayfawa loyalties due to much deeper ties than one may initially presume. While the region of the Manga rebels in 1824 was once occupied by the Koyam for about 250 years, the Sayfawa court official, the zigibada, of slave origin, had the administrative district encompassing Manga, Borsari, Wulegi and supervision of the Koyam.[12] This titled official survived the transition to the al-Kanemi dynasty, and was possibly someone who would have paid close attention to events in Mangari at the time of the revolt. If this official had survived in the Sayfawa court, he may have been sympathetic to the Manga rather than al-Kanemi. While our reasoning is speculative, it is known that al-Kanemi endeavored to place as many areas of Borno under the control of his own following, the Kanembu and Shuwa allies.[13] Is it conceivable that forces opposed to al-Kanemi but also with strong ties to the Sayfawa going back centuries, may have clandestinely supported the Manga? Surely, the galadima and zigibada may have wanted to protect their own interests in the region and preserve, to whatever extent possible, zones of influence and “fiefs” (chima).[14] 

Image: Map of Muniyo and the nearby region, in 1854 (from Zakari's Contribution à l 'histoire des populations du Sud-Est Nigérien: Cas du Mangari (XVIè-XIXè siècle).

Lovejoy, whose Salt of the Desert Sun adopts a more economic perspective on the Manga Revolt, characterizes it as a peasant uprising. According to Lovejoy, the Manga revolted in an assertion of their rights to the salt districts of Goubei by championing Sayfawa restoration.[15] Lovejoy's fascinating thesis raises the question of peasants (the Manga) using control or access to a major resource (natron, and areas for natron production) to defend their own economic rights. Since Manga as an appellation is often equated with talaka status, the Manga uprising as a peasant revolt over who would control the salines in Mangari is an attractive hypothesis. Since the Manga peasants worked in the salines during the dry season and used that natron to trade and access goods acquired via the Hausa states, ensuring they could access the salines without too many obstacles was imperative.[16] Unfortunately, oral traditions and written sources are unclear about the fief distribution which encompassed the salt-producing areas. If, as seems the case, al-Kanemi assigned them to his allies in Kukawa rather than the traditional elites (perhaps those aligned with the Sayfawa court and the zigibada), the Manga uprising makes additional sense. While the nature of the tribute or taxation the Manga refused to pay is left unclear in Denham's account of the revolt, that the Shuwa were sent to collect it may serve as evidence that al-Kanemi had reassigned fiefs in the region to Shuwa allies. When the Manga began migrating in larger numbers to the region near the salines after the fall of Birni Gazargamo, they may have come to enjoy greater autonomy until al-Kanemi reassigned fiefs and demanded tribute payments. 

Yet, a problem with Lovejoy's perspective on the revolt is the lack of clear evidence for this in oral traditions. Although the natron produced by Manga laborers must have been part of the tribute or taxes demanded by Shuwa allies of al-Kanemi, oral traditions do not emphasize this factor. Maikorema Zakari, whose study of Mangari is based on oral traditions, gives a fuller perspective than Denham. According to Zakari, the Manga began to migrate to the east in the early 1800s, fleeing the harsh rule of Kosso of Muniyo. Their first locality in the east was Wogum, founded in 1801. Mainé-Soroa, one of the Manga centers of the 1824 revolt, was founded sometime later by Digagi Kaumi.[17] Landeroin, on the other hand, was told that the Manga at the time obeyed lawans appointed by the rulers of Borno and Muniyo. The ruler of Muniyo, Kosso, however, often interceded directly with the Manga settlements, superseding the lawans and bulamas.

Returning to Mainé-Soroa, Landeroin was told the ancestor of its chief was Adem Lafiami, whose son, Kagoumi, became dougaji in the early 1800s when invested by mai Dunama of Borno. Landeroin's informants told him Kagoumi was succeeded by his son, Nasser, who founded Maine-Soroa. Nasser was said to have been appointed by al-Kanemi to the post of bulama for the community.[18] Zakari, on the other hand, was informed that Nasser and his allies of Mainé-Soroa played a key role in the 1824 revolt led by Malam Fanaamy. Shehu al-Kanemi was even said to have ordered the killing of Nasser with other leaders in Kukawa after the revolt.[19] Thus, despite making peace with the malam who led the revolt and was incorporated into the regime, local chiefs were later removed from their positions of authority and killed. But, oral traditions recorded by Landeroin suggest the succession to the position of bulama and lawan remained in the family.[20]

While the oral traditions give a somewhat fuller picture to the revolt, much remains uncertain. Apparently, the origins of Mainé-Soroa can be traced to a local chief appointed by one of the last Sayfawa rulers. Since the Manga migrated eastward were already fleeing the oppressive taxation of Kosso of Muniyo, they may have also come to resent changes in the administration of the region ushered in by the al-Kanemi regime. While respecting the local lineage in Mainé-Soroa through confirmation of their positions, al-Kanemi's Shuwa allies probably tried to collect taxes from fiefs in the region, which probably included salines. The leaders of Mainé-Soroa and other settlements, however, may have administered the region with an eye to preserve their independence and protect their communities from the encroaching state and Tuareg bandits. According to Michael Horowitz, whose Manga informants were questioned on various aspects of Manga inter-group relations with other ethnic groups, the village chief bulama had limited authority. While able to order the villagers to work on his land, he could not act independently of the lawan. The latter, lamentably, could abuse their authority more easily, especially when they could pay off the representative from the central government. If the chief was truly tyrannical, the residents of the area would unite to gather money and send a representative to complain to the ruler at the capital. Other Manga interviewed by Horowitz reported that if Manga leaders were too oppressive, people could leave the village or request a new chief.[21] Due to their recently established villages in the region, the local leaders may have been more careful to preserve their following and grow their communities. Consequently, this may have made the lawan less eager to collect taxes on grain or salt for the Shehu and his representatives, after being appointed by al-Kanemi to divide and rule the region.[22] This would have led to conflict with new chima distributions in the area when al-Kanemi took power, particularly if the newcomers were Shuwa Arabs without any deep roots in the area and eager to maximize tax collection. 

The Manga, in response, revolted with the aid of a charismatic faqih renowned for his ability to write charms. Said to have spent time in the south, Fanaamy may have been an outsider in the community whose renown for writing charms and stature as a malam made him a figure around which the communities could rally. If so, then this represents both a peasant revolt legitimized by Islam and the legacy of the Sayfawa. This is rather different from past revolts in Borno by communities refusing to pay taxes or tribute (at least from the little that is known?). For instance, the rebellions during the reign of Idris b. Ali in the 16th century lacked any clear Islamic inspiration (assuming Islam had made little inroads among the two Sao groups, the Ngizim, the Bade, and others) and were sometimes led by decentralized groups. A clearer demonstration of the acceptance of Islam or at least Islamic legitimacy for building peasant communities free of oppressive taxation cannot be found other than in the case of the Manga uprising. However, the growth of villages affiliated with the shaykhs of the Koyam may be another example of this growing stature of Islamic holy men as figures for social reform or at least more just government. According to tradition, their wise, just rule attracted residents who would not wish to remain under the heel of poorly administered chima.[23] 

Although al-Kanemi succeeded in crushing the Manga revolt with little bloodshed, the Manga rose again in 1846. By this time, mai Ibrahim requested the aid of Waday to defeat Shehu Umar, the son of al-Kanemi.[24] The forces of Waday were defeated and Ibrahim killed, but the Manga insurrection of the same year threatened Shehu Umar. Once again, the Manga of Mainé-Soroa led the attack on Shehu Umar in the hopes of profiting from the Waday invasion.[25] Although the sources do not suggest Ibrahim of the Sayfawa was in communication with the Manga rebels, it is possible they were partly motivated by the wish to support the Sayfawa. This second rebellion also supports the idea that local leaders within the eastern Manga communities continued to resist the divide and conquer strategy implemented by al-Kanemi after the 1824 revolt. The major difference with this uprising, though, is the conspicuous lack of a malam or Islamic leader. 

This review of the 1824 Manga rebellion raises questions on the nature of class, production, Islamic legitimacy and ideology for social reform, and relations between the Sayfawa dynasty and the peasantry. Undoubtedly, other push factors like oppressive rule in Muniyo and pull factors like the abandonment of Birni Gazargamo leading to an area with weak central authority afterwards were also factors causing the revolt. But the past Manga connections with the galadima holders in Nguru, who were resistant to al-Kanemi but linked to the Sayfawa, may have been part of a pro-Sayfawa stance of Manga communities. Further, the titled officer with ties to the Sayfawa court who once oversaw the region occupied by the Manga may have also sympathized with them as al-Kanemi's supporters seized control of fiefs or taxation privileges. Moreover, the prominent role played by a malam suggests Islam shaped the articulation of class and social conflict, whilst still affirming the elite political order of the Sayfawa period. If more traditions and written sources existed on the nature of other rebellions in precolonial Borno under the Sayfawa, particularly among areas where Islam was more widespread, comparisons with this revolt could be enlightening.[26] Was the spiritual power and sanctity of the mai a source of appeal to peasants eager to sever ties with abusive fief-holders? To what extent did peasants have access to the royal court in Birni Gazargamo when dealing with abusive and exploitative chima?

---

[1] Dixon Denham, Hugh Clapperton, Walter Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824, Vol 1, 239. This source is our most important for uncovering what transpired in 1824 during the Manga Revolt. Despite being an outsider, it provides one of the few written accounts of a rural revolt from precolonial Borno.

[2] Ibid., 204.

[3] Ibid., 204, 223, 228-231.

[4] Ibid., 232, 237.

[5] S.W. Koelle, African Native Literature, or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu Language: To Which Are Added a Translation of the Above and a Kanuri-English Vocabulary, 230.

[6] Dixon Denham, Hugh Clapperton, Walter Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824, Vol. 1, 239.

[7] Dixon Denham , Hugh Clapperton, Walter Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824 Vol. 2, 107.

[8] Dixon Denham, Hugh Clapperton, Walter Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824 Vol. 1, 222.

[9] Louis Brenner. The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu, 53, 64. Brenner, whose detailed study of the al-Kanemi dynasty in the 19^th century is essential, unfortunately did not deeply explore the Manga Revolt of 1824.

[10] Muhamamd Nur Alkali,  Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa. A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846), 263.

[11] J.R. Patterson. Kanuri Praise Songs, 22. According to the song, “(The Galadima) is a nephew of Zainaba daughter of the ruler of Muniyo.”

[12] Gustav Nachtigal. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. II, 253.

[13] Louis Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu, 104.

[14] For a discussion of Hauwa Mahdi’s analysis of precolonial political economy in Borno and the question of the chima, see Behique Dunama, “Chima and the Peasantry,” 1000 Years Around Lake Chad, https://sayfawaborno.blogspot.com/2025/12/chima-and-peasantry.html.

[15] Paul E. Lovejoy, Salt of the Desert Sun: A History of Salt Production and Trade in the Central Sudan, 258, 270.

[16] Ibid., 284.

[17] Maïkorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe S.), 11, 142.

[18] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Mission Tilho, Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho, 412, 423-424.

[19] Maïkorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe S.), 145.

[20] Landeroin, “Notice historique,” 424.

[21] Michael M. Horowitz, Manga of Niger Vol. 3, 721-722, 740.

[22] Maïkorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe S.), 144.

[23] Landeroin, “Notice historique,” 398.

[24] Louis Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu, 65, 72.

[25] Maïkorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe S.), 146.

[26] A movement led by a charismatic mallam who resisted the Sudanese warlord, Rabih, is well-known, but from a much later period, the 1890s. See Behique Dunama, “Mallam Abu Gantur's Uprising,” 1000 Years Around Lake Chad, https://sayfawaborno.blogspot.com/2025/09/mallam-abu-ganturs-uprising.html.

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Barth, Heinrich. Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa: Being a Journal of an Expedition Undertaken Under the Auspices of H.B.M.'s Government in the Years 1849-1855. New York: D. Appleton, 1857.

Brenner, Louis. The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973.

Denham, Dixon, Hugh Clapperton, Walter Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824. 2d ed. London: John Murray, 1826.

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Horowitz, Michael M. Manga of Niger. New Haven, Conn.: Human Relations Area Files, 1972.

Koelle, S. W. African Native Literature, or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu Language: To Which Are Added a Translation of the Above and a Kanuri-English Vocabulary. Church Missionary House, 1854.

Lovejoy, Paul E. Salt of the Desert Sun: A History of Salt Production and Trade in the Central Sudan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986.

Mission Tilho. Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho...Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1910.

Nachtigal, Gustav, (trans.) Allan G. B. Fisher, and Humphrey J. Fisher. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. II. Berkeley and ; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

Nur Alkali, Muhammad. Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa. A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846). Maiduguri: University of Maiduguri, 2013.

Palmer, H. R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

Patterson, J.R. Kanuri Praise Songs. Lagos: Government Printer, 1926.

Zakari, Maïkorema. Contribution à l'histoire des populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe S.). Niamey: Institut de recherches en sciences humaines, 1985.