Mai Ali b. Umar in the Fazzan

While revisiting el-Hesnawi's Fazzan under the Rule of the Awlad Muhammad. A Study in Political, Economic, Social and Intellectual History, we came across one document from 1652 included in the second volume. This volume, consisting of a plethora of Arabic texts from the 1600s, 1700s and early 1800s, with many untranslated, are manuscripts kept by families in the Fazzan. The aforementioned document form 1652 surprisingly refers to Ali b. Umar of Borno (r. 1639-1677). The illiterate people recorded by the scribe apparently used the "first coming of Sultan Mai Ali" to testify when they began farming plots in the region of Aqar. It is not clear if these farmers used the pilgrimages of Ali b. Umar to mark time due to the presumably impressive sight his group made. It is also unclear which pilgrimage they are referring to. Since Ali b. Umar traveled to Mecca multiple times, this 1652 account could be referring to either the 1642 hajj or the 1648 passage, though 1642 seems more likely. Part of the confusion stems from the problematic way Girard alluded to Ali b. Umar going to Mecca with his father, Umar, in 1642. Since Lange's chronology suggests Umar b. Idris was dead by 1639, the first hajj of Ali b. Umar as mai may have been the 1648 hajj. It is also interesting to consider why, despite many pilgrims passing through the Fazzan, Ali b. Umar's was more meaningful or distinct. 1652 was the year of rapprochement between the Pasha of Tripoli and Ali b. Umar, but one finds it hard to imagine illiterate peasants in the Fazzan were closely following that development. The mai of Borno was not the onlhy black king who traveled through the Fazzan or Libya, either. Is it possible the mai was celebrated and revered in the Fazzan and probably well-treated by the Awlad Muhammad sultans?

Abu Ishaq Ibrahim al-Kanemi

Wikipedia's Map of the Almohad state.

Whilst revisiting old notes, we came across references to the poet Abu Ishaq Ibrahim al-Kanemi. Comparing how Djibo Hamani wrote about him to the short description of him in the second volume of Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Central Sudanic Africa. Vol. 2 raises many questions. Hamani, like the editors of the Arabic Literature of Africa, draws from an exceedingly difficult to find study by Mohammad Bencherifa. Bencherifa, the author of Ibrâhîm al-Kânimî (m. 609/1212–1213), figure illustre dans les relations culturelles entre le Maroc et Bilâd al-Sûdân uses all known works in Arabic that mention al-Kanemi. Consequently, it is the best study of al-Kanemi and used by both of our sources.

Where do the accounts differ? Djibo Hamani, whose Quatorze siecles d'histoire du Soudan Central: Le Niger du VIIè au XXè siecle refers to Bencherifa, adopts a somewhat speculative approach. Hamani, like our other source, mentions al-Kanemi's birth in Bilma, a town in Kawar. He apparently arrived in Marrakesh in 1198. As for his surnames, Hamani interprets al-Zakawani as an allusion to the Zaghawa, an appellation used by medieval Arabic sources to refer to some of the populations living in Kawar and Kanem (Hamani 57). In addition, al-Kanimi was said to have possessed a mastery of the Arabic language. He impressed the court of Almohad Marrakesh and befriended a prince, also named Abu Ishaq Ibrahim (al-Mansur). Through his elite connections, al-Kanimi was said to have married an Almohad princess named Zahra and to have moved to Seville. But by c.1212, al-Kanemi had died in Marrakesh (58). As one might expect, Hamani also wrote of al-Kanemi's writings in defense of his skin color. Alas, none of his poetry survives except for fragments of his verses praising Almohad rulers. The ultimate reason why al-Kanemi may have reached Marrakesh in the first place could have been diplomatic. Hamani seems to concur with Bencherifa that al-Kanemi may have traveled there on behalf of the rulers of Kanem, interested no doubt in securing trade routes after the fall of the Bani Khattab in the Fazzan (57). This diplomatic purpose may have also been why al-Kanemi spent a lot of time with the envoy of Saladin at the Almohad court, Ibn Hummaya. 

Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Central Sudanic Africa offers a very different interpretation of al-Kanemi. The editors present the variants of al-Kanemi's name in the sources. Rendered as Ibrahim b. Ya'qub al-Dhakwani al-Kanemi, the editors also mention his name written as Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Faris b. Shakla b. Amr b. Abd Allah al-Sulami al-Dhakwani in al-Dhayl wa'l-takmila. Instead of mentioning the Zaghawa, they stress the Dhakwani origin in a branch of the Banu Sulaym, Arabs who migrated west from Egypt in the mid-11th century. Apparently, al-Kanemi wrote a poem about his Dhakwani ancestry, too. However, this source agrees with Hamani about the poet's birthplace in Bilma. Since his skin color was described by contemporaries as "jet-black," at least al-Kanemi's mother was black. Indeed, if his skin color was very dark, it is possible that any Arab ancestor was more than one generation ago. If one assumes al-Kanemi was probably born around 1155, then his Arab ancestor who came to Kawar might have been born a century before him. Interestingly, the ruler of Kanem when he traveled to Marrakesh is remembered in the Diwan for being very dark-skinned, too. Lange has suggested this was due to his mother, Hawa, being a Dabir, a Kanembu group. Is it possible al-Kanemi's mother came from a Kanembu population rather than a Teda-Daza one? In addition, al-Kanemi was said by one source to have been educated in Ghana before traveling to Marrakesh. Furthermore, his defensive poems about the color of his skin were addressed to both his wife, Zahra and the poet al-Jirawi. Lastly, he died in Andalusia, not Marrakesh.

A map of Kawar in The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vikor.

Obviously, part of the divergence of opinions on this obscure Arabic poet and grammarian can be traced to the source material. Lost works, fragments of his poetry quoted by others or references by later chroniclers or writers likely led to errors about him. One thing is clear, however: al-Kanemi was a highly respected poet from Kanem. His dark-skin and verses in praise of it also suggest something about possible views in the Maghreb of this period. After all, why write verses in a defensive tone about one's color unless others were denigrating it? This early form of racism or colorism did not completely hinder his social ascension if he was accepted at the royal court as a great poet whose renown even reached the eastern Mediterranean. The accounts also agree on a Bilma and Kanem origin for al-Kanemi. By the late 12th century, Kawar was in Kanem's sphere of influence, thereby explaining the al-Kanemi nisba. What can one possibly surmise about al-Kanemi from this bundle of facts, speculations, and contradictions?

First, the Banu Sulaym origins. In Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History edited by Levtzion and Hopkins, 2 references to the Banu Sulaym can be found. According to Ibn Khaldun, they were Arabs who lived in Ifriqiya, opposite the Targa (331). But, it is likely that some branches of the Banu Sulaym lived further east, in today's Libya, during the 11th and 12th centuries. If so, and al-Kanemi's alleged Banu Sulaym origins are not fabricated, he was probably a descendant of a member of this group that migrated to Kawar from today's Libya. Since his Arab pedigree might have dated back a few generations, this would match a timeline of the late 11th century for his Arab ancestor to have migrated to Kawar. Bilma, whose first appearance in written history can be traced to the late 10th century author al-Muhallabi, was already a major town or settlement in Kawar by the time of al-Kanemi. In fact, al-Idrisi's description of the region points to its wealth through the trade in alun (salt?) and its residents who traveled far as merchants. For instance, Ankalas, the town he identified as having the most trade, had residents who traveled to the Maghreb and Egypt. Its local ruler was said to be a generous Muslim (123-124). The region would naturally have attracted both traders and nomadic groups traversing the desert. In Bilma, which Yaqut described as a town with a sultan subject to the Zaghawa ruler (Kanem), al-Kanemi was likely exposed to people of Arab, Berber, Kanem origin. Our poet, al-Kanemi, was undoubtedly a product of this multicultural, Islamic space.

Close ties to Kanem are further supported by problematic mahrams which allude to the local Kawarian elites seeking protection from the mai of Kanem. Allegedly dating to the late 12th century, probably during the reign of Abd Allah Bakuru, they illustrate Kawar's strong ties with Kanem. Likewise, the Diwan indicates Kawar roots and connections for a number of maiwa in 11th century Kanem. In truth, al-Kanemi himself allegedly told a story about a supernatural phenomenon in Kanem that indicates he had traveled there. In this story, reported by al-Umari but derived from the Takmila by Abu Abd Allah Muhammad b. Abd al-Malik al-Marrakushi, al-Kanemi reported sightings of a objects that resemble pots of moving fire at night. When traveling at night, people in Kanem saw it and it moved away as they tried to get near (260). This strange tale is difficult to interpret, but might be some type of meteorological or astronomical phenomena. It nonetheless suggests that al-Kanemi also traveled to Kanem. Thus, it is possible part of his education, which must have included robust training in Arabic language, the Quran and poetry, took place in Kanem. 

Another early center of Islamic scholarship in West Africa, Ghana (the ancient kingdom and not today's Ghana), may have been where al-Kanemi furthered his studies. Ghana certainly gained a reputation by the 12th century as a kingdom where one could find jurists, scholars, Quran readers, and people who traveled to al-Andalus or Mecca. Descriptions of Ghana from al-Bakri, al-Zuhri, Abu Hamid al-Gharnati, and al-Sharishi mention these details in their works from the 12th and 13th centuries. Therefore, it is not inconceivable for al-Kanemi to have studied in the Western Sudan. In fact, his roots in Kawar might have been a factor if salt from the oases was sold to lands west of Kanem by the 12th century. Unfortunately, no sources exist to verify Islamic and Arabic literary education in Ghana that attracted students from as far away as Kanem. It would certainly be plausible for al-Kanemi's education to have been in Kanem and Kawar, where Islam was established and the Sayfawa rulers promoted the religion. This seems more likely given the deeper roots of Islam in Kawar than in Ghana. Even in Kanem, one of the early Muslim maiwa, Bir b. Dunama, was remembered in tradition as a pious and learned man. Ahmad b. Furtu, whilst chronicling the Kanem campaigns of Idris Alooma, alludes to him as a "learned and God-fearing sultan." Thus, the Sayfawa maiwa may have even sponsored his education or been the ones responsible for sending al-Kanemi to Marrakesh in the first place.

Overall, much of the life of Abu Ishaq Ibrahim al-Kanemi remains a mystery. Was he really educated in Ghana? Was his first voyage to Marrakesh a diplomatic mission on behalf of the king of Kanem? If so, are there any extant Almohad accounts of Kanem's diplomacy with Marrakesh, as with the Hafsids in Tunis? Moreover, was he of Banu Sulaym descent and when did they establish a presence in Kawar? If his education in Arabic grammar and poetry took place in Kanem, was he close to the Sayfawa dynasty? If so, was his mission to Marrakech ordered by Salma b. Hawa? What was his life like as a dark-skinned black man in the Almohad court? Many of these questions are unanswerable with the currently available evidence. Nonetheless, it is probable he was educated at least partly in the kingdom of Kanem. If he was serving in a diplomatic capacity at the Almohad court, he would need to be an educated figure to best represent the kingdom with Muslim powers to the north. Apparently, he was so impressive a poet and grammarian that it was worthwhile for him to stay. To conclude, here are some of his verses composed in praise of the Almohad ruler, Yaqub al-Mansur, recorded by Ibn Khallikan (translated by Levtzion and Hopkins in the Corpus, p.163):

He removed his veil but my eyes, out of awe, saw him 

through a veil.

His favor drew me near, but being near, out of awe, I 

found myself distant.

Birni Gazargamo: A Borno Metropolis

 

An aerial view of Birni Gazargamo in Graham's Connah's "The Daima Sequence and the Prehistoric Chronology of the Lake Chad Region of Nigeria"

What was Birni Gazargamo? We have previously explored some of the traditions regarding this major city in the precolonial Central Sudan. What was the city actually like, however, from its origins in c. 1472 to its fall in c.1808? The city was described as vast, surrounded by fertile lands, featured impressive walls and included a palace complex with fired brick walls. Unsurprisingly, the city also attracted traders and Islamic scholars. How did the Sayfawa dynasty, beginning with Ali b. Dunama, transform Gazargamo into this African metropolis of economic power? The combination of skilled leadership, effective security and control of trade routes, textile production, livestock rearing, Islamic scholarship aided its development. Likewise, state-oriented migration fostered the rapid development of a metropolitan region that may have reached a population of 200,000. We will explore this process by first tracking the sources on Gazargamo chronologically. Then, we shall briefly discuss aspects of the city and its surrounding districts. This will reveal that Birni Gazargamo was an exceptional Sudanic city that grew into an economic and political powerhouse under the Sayfawa dynasty.

The early period of Birni Gazargamo's existence as a city is ambiguous. Traditions previously examined indicate "Sao" presence in the area. Either through a ruse and violence, or gradual coexistence shaped by economic exchange, the followers of the Banu Sayf were able to establish a foothold in the region. Since the Sao Gafata were still living near Gazargamo by the reign of Idris b. Ali (r. 1564-1596), one can presume that Gazargamo was built in a part of the Komadugu-Yobe area inhabited by earlier Chadic peoples. As for early Gazargamo itself, the origins of its fortifications are unclear. Heinrich Barth attributed its walls to mai Dunama b. Muhammad (Vol 2, 649). Another source, a list in verse of the Sayfawa rulers in H.R. Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs (Vol. 2), attributes the wall of Gazargamo to Ali b. Dunama. Since Gazargamo was near non-Muslim groups who occasionally rebelled, one would assume Gazargamo was likely fortified or at least walled at its inception. However, it is possible that Dunama b. Muhammad strengthened the walls of the capital or enlarged them during his reign. As for other developments in Gazargamo at this early stage, the reign of Ali b. Dunama presents some clues. Since he brought peace to the internal conflicts of the Sayfawa rulers and was able to make the hajj in c.1484, one may presume the conditions within Borno were stable. Conditions were at least secure enough for the ruler to leave his domains for an extended period of time. The location was also well-chosen. If the traditions of the Imikitan Tuareg are any indication, the region around Gazargamo was favorable for herding. The city's location near two rivers, access to river transport, salines, and fertile soil meant that Ali b. Dunama chose an excellent spot for the capital. With the consolidation of a Sayfawa capital, the Ali b. Dunama and his successors could also support a larger court, invite Islamic scholars, and attract trans-Saharan and regional traders.

Ruins from one of the fired-brick walls at the palace of Birni Gazargamo. Photo in Connah's Three Thousand Years in Africa : Man and His Environment in the Lake Chad region of Nigeria.

Unfortunately, the best known source on the early period of Gazargamo is Leo Africanus. Since it is unclear if Africanus actually visited Borno, one must carefully interpret his writing on the powerful kingdom. To Africanus, the king of Borno lived in a large village. Unlike his description of other cities in Sudanic Africa, one gets the sense here that Gazargamo was still a small town. But, since Africanus's description of Borno is ambiguous and problematic, it is possible that his information is outdated or highly inaccurate. For instance, it repeats outdated information derived from classical antiquity about the Garamantes and applies it to Borno. For these reasons, it is difficult to use as a source for early Gazargamo. Regardless, by the late 1500s, Anania described it as "C'est une immense ville avec beaucoup de trafic..." (Anania 347). Ahmad b. Furtu, the chronicler of Idris b. Ali's campaigns in Borno and Kanem, frequently described Gazargamo as the "great city" (Furtu (in Sudanese Memoirs Vol. 1, 65). Likewise, the construction of brick or clay mosques in Gazargamo allegedly began under the reign of this mai (A Sudanic Chronicle 72). If the old mosques built of stalks were no longer acceptable, one can assume the capital was attaining a more metropolitan and impressive infrastructure. It is tantalizing to ponder if the appearance of the impressive brick walls of the palace complex in the center of Birni Gazargamo date to the period of Idris b. Ali or his immediate predecessors. In addition, Anania describes a city that was clearly a major market center with many Turks and North Africans moving to the kingdom (Anania 349). Borno provided captives for trans-Saharan trade, but the leather industry was also important as a commodity traded to the Fezzan (Anania (349-351). If the sources from the 16th century are any indication, it is clear that the city of Gazargamo grew into a major urban area by the second half of the 16th century. In fact, Muhammad Nur Alkali speculated that the city and the connected chain of settlements near it covered around 100 square kilometers by the second half of the 1500s (Nur Alkali 62).

By the 17th century, Birni Gazargamo's status as an impressive metropolis was clearly established. According to the enslaved French surgeon who wrote about Borno based on his access to sources from the sultanate and interviews with people who traveled there or knew the kingdom, the royal capital was described as a vast city with beautiful houses (Girard, in Dewiere 608). From this description, the city was probably already encompassing a huge area with houses, likely rectangular and made of clay or earth, which North Africans would have been familiar with in the Wasiliram quarter near the palace. Indeed, according to Ali Eisami, the wasiliram quarter for "whites" from North Africa was near the residence of the king (Koelle 425). This means the North Africans who stayed in the capital likely saw the palace complex with its impressive fired brick walls and probably stayed in homes in a rectangular shape with courtyards. Besides the city's reputation as an enormous city, Gazargamo was threatened by foreign attack in the 17th century. For instance, in c.1667, the capital was threatened by the Tuareg of Air, invited by rebels opposed to Ali b. Umar (r. 1639-1677), who was able to defeat them (Girard, in Dewiere 603-604). Jukun tradition similarly recalls an attack by Kwararafa on Gazargamo that was only repelled when the Borno forces convinced the Tuareg to help them defeat the southern pagans (Fremantle 35). These accounts undeniably illustrate Gazargamo was a walled city. Its imposing defenses made besieging it difficult.

Part of the palace wall in Birni Gazargamo. Photo from Connah's in Graham's Connah's "The Daima Sequence and the Prehistoric Chronology of the Lake Chad Region of Nigeria."

Moreover, additional sources from the time of Ali b. Umar provides details on the capital. Entitled, "An Account of Ngazargamu" in H.R. Palmer's "Two Sudanese Manuscripts of the Seventeenth Century," authorship of manuscript is attributed to a Muhammad, also called Salih. The son of a Mallam named Isharku, the account is supposedly based on written histories of Birni Gazargamo (Palmer 544). Although much of the account describes a Fulani scholar named Umr ibn Othman, it is interesting for highlighting the influence of cosmopolitan Muslim scholars in precolonial Borno. First, by calling attention to the hosting of this illustrious scholar by the zarma Muhammad Margimi, the account suggests that a "ward" of Gazargamo was associated with this dignitary of the royal court. Also significant, the renowned Fulani Muslim scholar was made an imam of the mosque by Ali b. Umar. Intriguingly, only 76 people prayed at this mosque associated with Ali b. Umar (546). Was this the small mosque associated with the palace? Later on, the narrator of this source wrote that Gazargamo possessed 4 Friday mosques, each with 12,000 worshipers. As this figure is likely an extreme exaggeration, it is intriguing that a mosque of Ali b. Umar was only used by 76 people. Is this the mosque Barth to have only had 5 aisles (Barth, Vol. 4, 23)? Offering further evidence of the huge concentration of people in the area are the courtiers of the gumsu of the mai. She allegedly had 60 nobles, 40 slaves, and 20 men who commanded 1000 slaves each to fight for her. Even more extraordinary is the source's assertion that Gazargamo possessed 660 roads, cleared and widened (547). This latter point is contradicted by descriptions of the city from the 18th century. According to these sources, Gazargamo lacked a regular layout, and streets besides a dendal were undermined by the houses placed in a seemingly "haphazard" manner. It is difficult to imagine Gazargamo could have had these many roads, particularly wide ones, given the lack of a grid-like pattern for streets. 

In spite of its obvious problems, the aforementioned account is suggestive and useful for understanding the city of Gazargamo. For instance, at least one dignitary had a quarter of the town associated with him, the zarma. The kaigama may have also had a large quarter assigned to him, including possible fired brick walls at his own palatial estate (Gronenborn 115). In addition, Petis de la Croix's description of trans-Saharan trade from Tripoli to Borno in the late 17th century mentioned the caravan traders staying in Borno for 6 months (Lange, "Un document de la fin 681). If accurate, then a large number of people in Gazargamo were North African traders who resided in the capital's wasiliram for half the year. Bobboyi has also identified Garibaya, one of the Friday mosques of Gazargamo, as the probable mosque of Shaykh Hajrami, a prominent scholar of the capital (Bobboyi 20). Finally, a Kanuri praise song translated by J.R. Patterson in the 1920s may allude to a zerma, Ibrahim b. Margi, who was related to the zarma Muhammad Margimi. According to the praise song, he was of the Tura, a son of Margi. Well, Nachtigal's understanding of this title in the Sayfawa court associates it with an administrative district on the Komadugu Yobe near Gazargamo. He was also in charge of the royal stables and personal security of the mai (Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 2 251). Last, but certainly not least, the inflated population figures for worshipers of the 4 Friday mosques could be an allusion to the use of an outdoor space to accommodate huge numbers of people. In the "Gazir" dialect of Kanuri spoken by Ali Eisami, dendal also meant place of prayer, or mosques (Koelle 278). Is it possible that large, outdoor streets or courtyards were used for prayer outside the principal mosques of the capital, likely constructed with brick or clay?

Kanuri house types, according to page 299 of  Ronald Cohen's The Structure of Kanuri Society.

Heading into the 18th and 19th centuries, one finds more detailed descriptions of the royal capital. First, sometime in the late 17th or early 18th century, a Koyam shaykh named Umar lived in the city. According to traditions collected for the Tilho Mission, this Umar was the son of the founder of the second Kalumbardo settlement. After the death of his father by Tuareg bandits in 1677 or 1678, Umar led his followers as far as Noufe. He returned to Borno sometime during the reign of a "Hadji," he received support from the mai for a community as Gaskeru (Tilho Mission 398). Interestingly, a later Koyam Shaykh, Ahmad, fled to Gazargamo after the Imakiten Tuareg sacked Gaskeru. He stayed in the area of Sandaram, a place where shaykh Umar was said to have prayed for water earlier (probably in the beginning of the 1700s. Popular tradition attributed the necessary rain for the creation of a pond or reservoir at Sandaram to this Umar (400). More detailed accounts of the city, besides miraculous stories of a Koyam shaykh praying for rain in the capital, reached more Europeans in this century. For example, the enslaved abu Bekr es Siddik of Jamaica, briefly mentioned Birni Gazargamo as the birthplace of his mother. His mother, who appears to have been of Hausa origin, was born in the city of Borno to a father of Katsina and Borno (es Siddik 104). His maternal ancestry points to deep ties between Katsina and Birni Gazargamo in the 18th century. Another writer, Brown, who heard of Borno from Darfur, knew that the capital was walled, had 4 gates in each cardinal direction, and was near a small river. Johann von Einsidel heard of Borno's capital from North Africa. There, he was informed the capital was called Mokouwi, and had almost 10,000 houses (Einsiedel 437). This figure of 10,000 should not be taken literally, but exemplifies how North Africans believed it was a bustling city. Even in the 18th century, Gazargamo may have been attacked by the Tuareg in 1765, when the Agadez sultan invaded (Lovejoy 229). 

By far, the best account of the city in the late 18th century can be found in the report of Lucas and Ledyard. Basing it on the experiences of North Africans or Fezzanis who had seen the capital of Borno, one assumes these informants resided in the wasiliram section of the city. This could explain why the houses of Gazargamo are described as rectangular with a court (Lucas & Ledyard 134). A large Gazargamo house could reach the following dimensions: 20 feet long, 11 feet high, 11 feet in width. Outside the house, a yard with a wall was used to keep cattle. Clay or mud with stones as mortar were used in the construction of houses (140). This resembles the earthen house Nachtigal lodged in during his time at Kukawa. Like the future Borno capital, Gazargamo's streets had an irregular layout with houses placed without rule. Nonetheless, the city was of a greater extent than Tripoli with mosques of brick and earth. The weekly market was held outside the walls of the city while the daily provisions market was held inside the walled town (143). This source even specifies children of a deceased mai stayed in the palace until they reached maturity (150). Since some kings allegedly had hundreds of children, like mai Ali's 350, one can imagine the palace complex was full of people. Unsurprisingly, some of the features described here are similar to those of Kukawa in the late 19th century. There Nachtigal stayed in an earthen house, or soro (Nachtigal Sahara and Sudan Vol. 2 150). Like Kukawa, Gazargamo certainly presented signs of a division of labor in crafts and production for sectors like weaving (159). The dendal undoubtedly served as a center for public life, too (153). In the case of Gazargamo with its oval shape, the dendal was said to run from the western gate to the palace.

A sketch by Heinrich Barth of the ruins of Gazargamo. Note the palace complex still visible in the center.

Among the less reliable descriptions of Gazargamo are Abdallah of Affade. An informant to Ulrich Seetzen in Cairo, young Abdallah was definitely exaggerating to the skeptical Seetzen. If one trusts Abdallah, Gazargamo used water from wells, which is plausible (Seetzen 168). But one must interpret carefully for any meaningful glimpse of Gazargamo when Abdallah tells us the principal mosque had 7 towers (minarets?) and the rich lived in elevated stone homes (176). Likewise, it certainly did not take more than 1 day to cross the city (175). Similarly, the sources do not suggest that a formal school at the principal mosque was funded by the mai. Study circles at mosques in the capital existed, but one gathers that Abdallah wanted Seetzen to believe Gazargamo had an equivalent of al-Azhar in Cairo. Abdallah's description of the mai distributing alms and feeding the poor through a cook he hired to prepare meals could be true (177). After all, the Diwan described Ahmad (r. 1792-1808) as caring about the plight of the poor (Diwan 82). Whether or not one believes the mai held in captivity French slaves who produced cannons for him is another story (Seetzen 180). Abdallah's exaggerated account of Borno's capital nonetheless features some accuracy, and even if not as sizable as Cairo, was clearly a cosmopolitan city with a towering central palace and many earthen and brick buildings.

Additional accounts of Birni Gazargamo of the 18th century or early 19th are usually less detailed than the previously mentioned. Natives of Borno sold into slavery and transported to Saint-Domingue in the Caribbean referred to the ruler of Borno as rarely leaving his palace (Descourtilz 146). They also alluded to the royal practice of placing goods in public places and using courtiers to arrest thieves and sell them into slavery (146). Hamsatu Zanna Laminu, in her Scholars and Scholarship in the History of Borno, includes Goni Musa Ngalbiyama of Gazargamo. His sangaya in the 1700s allegedly had 500 students (Laminu 12). Ali Eisami, a native of a village in the Gazir, or capital, province, told Koelle about the many districts in the area. Some of the names refer to the meiram (princess) and magira, hinting at possible towns or villages assigned in fiefs to members of the royal court (Koelle, Grammar of Bornu or Kanuri Language vii). Elsewhere, Eisami informed Koelle that Gazargamo had 7 gates with gatekeepers (Koelle, African Native Literature 420). A court near the king's residence was called the kandegei (321). Eisami similarly told Koelle in Sierra Leone about words related to salt production, wrestling, street, tailors, and schools (here the yard where a religious teacher took in students). It is probable that the words Eisami used are the same as those in Gazargamo. Eisami conspicuously did not include a word for chess, a game which the earlier account of Lucas and Ledyard described as a pastime of elites (Lucas & Ledyard 154). 

Heinrich Barth's sketch of the dendal area of Kukawa.

Next, we consider the city's fall. According to Barth, who interviewed an elder who witnessed the fall of Gazargamo, the mai fled the city through its eastern gate while the Fulbe entered via the west. The city was later retaken with the aid of al-Kanemi, but abandoned as enemies affiliated with the Sokoto Caliphate overran the western provinces of Borno. In addition to the pillaging and abandonment of the city, bricks from its palace complex were reused or recycled for other construction outside the city, thereby depriving posterity of a clearer idea of what the palace looked like. When visited in the 1820s by the Borno expedition of Denham, Clapperton and Oudney, Old Birni was said to have covered 5-6 square miles and hold a population of 200,000. Its site extended nearly to Lake Muggaby (Denham 154). Barth, who visited the site a few decades later, noted its oval shape, its circumference of nearly 6 miles and the palace, which was large but included a seemingly small mosque. He also noticed evidence of artificial basins at Gazargamo and Gambaru (Barth, Vol. 4, 23). Consequently, long after its fall, the site was still impressive. 

Archaeologists and academics who have visited the site in the 20th and 21st centuries affirm many of the written sources on Gazargamo. Bivar and Shinnie, whose great plan for Gazargamo was first included "Old Kanuri Capitals," described its earthen rampart of 7 meters in height. The distance across the area enclosed was around 2 kilometers (Bivar & Shinnie 3). Gronenborn collected oral traditions near the site of Gazargamo which attributed its brick palace to Tripoli craftsmen (Gronenborn 115). In light of the deeper antiquity of brick architecture in Kanem at sites associated with the Sayfawa dynasty, this seems rather unlikely. Graham Connah, for his part, wrote of Gazargamo's site being flat, and around 2 kilometers across. The majority of the residents probably lived in structures of wood, stalk and grass (Connah 229). Magnavita, who focused on the palace structure, found that the palace and its immediate environs covered 100,000 square meters. A base of burned brick 20 m by 20 m was probably a minaret (Magnavita 61). The palace walls were of 6-10 feet in height (59). Finally, Lange, who visited the site, noted the high earthen rampart, the rising brick walls of the palace, 7 gates, and that the Komadugu Yobe was visible from the top of the palace walls (Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle 115). The palace complex was likely a number of buildings with brick walls or enclosures (116). 

A sketch by Gustav Nachtigal of the courtyard of the earthen house he lodged in at Kukawa.

Despite modern findings suggesting a smaller population size and perhaps more typical "Sudanic" city, Gazargamo was clearly an impressive site. As brick buildings were usually only built for the mai or prominent dignitaries, like the galadima of Nguru, the palace complex would have been visible from afar and a clear assertion of power. Likewise, the nobility and courtiers were almost entirely based at Gazargamo. Brenner, for instance, found that nearly every person of courtly rank lived at the capital (Brenner 19). These elites, or at least those of non-servile origin, would have been part of households with many dependents (wives, children, slaves). Many of them were even awarded chima near the capital with administrative oversight. For example, the fugoma, of slave origin, was the governor of Gazargamo (Nachtigal 253). Another official, the jerma, received an administrative district on the Komadugu Yobe near the capital (251). The digma, who handled the king's correspondence, had an administrative district around the royal residence (252). Besides these court officials, many others were based in Gazargamo and received fiefs or administrative districts in the capital province, Gazir. The magira, meiram, and other officials would have mainly lived in the capital and employed their subordinates to collect taxes. This could mean large households that boosted the population density of the capital. 

But how did the capital function? What mechanisms were in place to regulate the markets, establish law and order, and maintain the city as a vital economic network? Muhammad Nur Alkali's work highlights officials called jongoma. While the Zanna Arjinoma acted as the go-between for the mai when dealing with North Africans, the jongoma collected taxes from traders. Each trade also had a head of the trade or profession who was responsible to the mala kasuube in charge of the market. Thus, petty traders, butchers, smiths, and others were organized and represented in the market system. The talba functioned as the head of police, providing a measure of law and order in this bustling city (Koelle 404). As was the case in Kukawa in the 19th century, the dendal was probably the place for socializing and for the rare public appearances of the mai. For more private, domestic gatherings, a fage, or enclosed area around a shed functioned as a place for adult men to gather (287). Wrestling, chess, a variant of mancala, Islamic scholarship and Quranic education, and labor in various arts and crafts must have occupied much of the time of the populace. Moreover, during the dry season, a large influx of people may have occurred. Nicholas Said, who left Kukawa whe still young, described the city's population as more than doubling in the dry season (Said 13). If fewer people were preoccupied with agriculture at that time, there may have been larger numbers moving into the capital to sell their wares, shop, or perhaps visit mosques. When one considers the vast hinterland of the Gazir province and its over 30 districts, the capital's metropolitan region may have hit 200,000 (Koelle, Grammar vii).

Carlos Magnavita's map of the palace complex of Gazargamo from Birni Gazargamo- the early capital of Kanem-Borno.

Through this exploration of the history of Birni Gazargamo, it should be clear that Borno's capital was an exceptional Sudanic belt city. Even if the figure of 200,000 is exaggerated and some of the traditional and written sources embellish or contradict each other, the city was undoubtedly the product of Sayfawa exploitation of all available resources. Through favorable geography, trade, textile production, salt trade, trans-Saharan trade, agriculture, herding, fishing, the sponsorship of Islamic centers of learning, and the exploitation of teeming numbers of peasants and slaves, the city grew to be an immense economic powerhouse. In decline even before the rise of the Sokoto Caliphate, Gazargamo fell to the jihadists. Borno never again regained a capital of such economic significance for regional and trans-Saharan trade. Nonetheless, the city was a product of the Sayfawa dynasty's dynamic leadership and shaped the subsequent capital, Kukawa. Many of its features experienced by Barth and Nachtigal were likely, in part, built on the model of Gazargamo. While archaeological evidence for Njimi in Kanem as a vast urban complex is still missing, Gazargamo may have been modeled on the past royal capital in Kanem. If so, then the tradition of urbanism in Kanem-Borno has deep roots reaching back to the late first millennium CE. 

Bibliography

Abú Bekr eṣ ṣiddíḳ. “Routes in North Africa, by Abú Bekr Eṣ Ṣiddíḳ.” The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 6 (1836): 100–113. https://doi.org/10.2307/1797559.

Alkali, Mohammad Nur. 2013. Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846) . Nigeria: University of Maiduguri.

Barth, Heinrich. Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa: Being a Journal of an Expedition Undertaken Under the Auspices of H.B.M.'s Government in the Years 1849-1855, Volumes 2, 4. New York: D. Appleton, 1857.

Bivar, A. D. H., and P. L. Shinnie. “Old Kanuri Capitals.” The Journal of African History 3, no. 1 (1962): 1–10. http://www.jstor.org/stable/179796.

Bobboyi, Hamidu. The ’Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808. PhD. diss. Northwestern University Dissertation, 1992.

Brenner, Louis. The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973.

Chirurgien esclave. "Passages sur le Borno de l’Histoire chronologique du chirurgien esclave, 1685" in Rémi Dewière, L’esclave, le savant et le sultan Représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles), PhD diss., Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2015.

Cohen, Ronald. The Kanuri of Bornu. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967.

Connah, Graham. “The Daima Sequence and the Prehistoric Chronology of the Lake Chad Region of Nigeria.” The Journal of African History 17, no. 3 (1976): 321–52. http://www.jstor.org/stable/180698.

__________.Three Thousand Years in Africa: Man and His Environment in the Lake Chad Region of Nigeria. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981. 

Denham, Dixon, Hugh Clapperton, Walter Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824. 2d ed. London: John Murray, 1826.

Descourtilz, Michel Etienne. Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations faites sur les trois règnes de la nature, dans plusieurs ports de mer français, en Espagne, au continent de l'Amerique septentrionale, à Saint-Yago de Cuba, et à St.-Domingue, où l'auteur devenu le prisonnier de 40,000 noirs révoltés, et par suite mis en liberté par une colonne de l'armée française, donne des détails circonstanciés sur l'expédition du général Leclerc: dédiés à S. Ex. Mgr. le comte de Lacépède, grand chancelier de la Légion d'Honneur...Paris: Dufar, 1809.

Fremantle, J.M (editor). Gazetteer of Muri Province. 1920.

Gronenborg, Detlef. "Kanem-Borno: a Brief Summary of the History and Archaeology of an Empire in the Central Bilad-el-Sudan" in West Africa during the Atlantic Slave Trade, edited by Christopher R. Decorse. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018.

Hamani, Djibo. Au Carrefour Du Soudan Et De La Berbérie: Le Sultanat Touareg De L'Ayar. Niamey: Institut de recherches en sciences humaines, 1989.

Koelle, S. W. African Native Literature, or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu Language: To Which Are Added a Translation of the Above and a Kanuri-English Vocabulary. London: Church Missionary House, 1854.

__________. Grammar of the Bornu or Kanuri Language. London: Church Missionary House.

Laminu, Hamsatu Zanna. Scholars and Scholarship in the History of Borno. Zaria: Open Press, 1993. 

Lange, Dierk. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

__________.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

__________. "Un document de la fin du XVIIe siècle sur le commerce transsaharien." In: 2000 ans d’histoire africaine. Le sol, la parole et l'écrit. Mélanges en hommage à Raymond Mauny. Tome II. Paris : Société française d'histoire d'outre-mer, 1981. pp. 673-684. (Bibliothèque d'histoire d'outre-mer. Études, 5-6-2)

Lange, Dierk and Silvio Berthoud. "L'intérieur de l'Afrique occidentale d'après Giovanni Lorenzo Anania (XVIe siècle)". Cahiers d'histoire mondiale, 14, no. 2 (1972): 299-351.

Lovejoy, Paul E. Salt of the Desert Sun: A History of Salt Production and Trade in the Central Sudan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986.

Lucas, Paul, Ledyard, John. In Proceedings of the Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa, Volume 1. London: W. Bulmer and Company, 1810.

Magnavita, Carlos. "Birni Gazargamo - the early capital of Kanem-Borno" in D. Gronenborn (ed.), Gold, Slaves, and Ivory. Medieval Empires in Northern Nigeria. Mainz: PublisherVerlag des Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, 2011. 

Nachtigal, Gustav, Allan G. B. Fisher, and Humphrey J (trans.). Fisher. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 2. Berkeley and ; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

Palmer, H. R. “Two Sudanese Manuscripts of the Seventeenth Century.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, University of London 5, no. 3 (1929): 541–60. http://www.jstor.org/stable/607351.

___________. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

___________. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. 1st ed., new impression. London: Cass, 1967.

Patterson, J.R. Kanuri Praise Songs. Lagos: Government Printer, 1926.

Said, Nicholas. The Autobiography of Nicholas Said, a Native of Bornou, Eastern Soudan, Central Africa. Memphis: Shotwell & Co, 1873. 

Seetzen, Ulrich Jasper, "Nouvelles recherches sur l’intérieur de l’Afrique," Annales des voyages, de la géographie et de l’histoire ou Collection des voyages nouveaux les plus estimés, 19, 1812, p. 164-184.

Tilho, Jean (editor). Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1910.

Urvoy, Yves. "Le Chroniques d'Agadès". Journal de la Société des Africanistes 4 (1934): 145-177. https://doi.org/10.3406/jafr.1934.1573

Usman, Yusufu Bala, and Nur Alkali (editors). 1983. Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno. Zaria: Northern Nigerian Pub. Co.

von Einsiedel, August. "Nachricht von den innern Länder von Afrika, , auf einer 1785 nach Tunis unternommenen Reise, aus Berichten der Eingebohrnen gesammelt." Sammlung merkwürdiger Reisen in das Innre von Afrika ... Gesammlet und herausgegeben von E. W. Cuhn. Leipzig, 1791. 

Mallam Abu Gantur's Uprising

 

 A map showing the area from Gajiram to Dikwa in Borno on Google. The revolt began near Gajiram and was defeated before reaching Dikwa in 1894. 

Another moment in which the peasantry of Borno were politically active and engaged in rebellion was the movement led by a charismatic mallam named Abu Gantur. Written sources and oral traditions are contradictory about specific details of the leader and the movement, but it represents a moment of peasant or talaka rebellion. Although rather distinct from the 1820s uprising of the Manga against al-Kanemi, it nonetheless demonstrates one of the extreme manifestations of subaltern groups contesting the political order in Borno. In this case, as a movement to free Borno from the rule of Sudanese warlord Rabih. However, like the Manga revolt, a charismatic religious figure provided the leadership for it, with religion (and superstition, depending on how one interprets the sources) and possibly millenarian beliefs shaping its discourse and actions. Let's take a closer look at the revolt to see how it both follows and diverges from the Manga rebels.

As always, we must begin with a discussion of the sources. Kyari Mohammed, whose Borno in the Rabih years, 1893-1901: The Rise and Crash of a Predatory State presents a fine analysis based on oral tradition and archival sources, perhaps offers the most comprehensive account of Abu Gantur's movement. Also, H.R. Palmer's Gazetteer of Bornu Province mentions Abu Gantur by another name, Mallam Buki, without any real analysis (Palmer 24). As for W.K.R. Hallam, whose The Life and Times of Rabih is detailed, reports some of the same traditions as Mohammed. However, he differs from Mohammed by asserting a Gombe origin for Abu Gantur (Hallam 145). Decorse and Gaudefroy-Demombynes translated an Arabic source in Rabah et les Arabes du Chari: documents Arabes et vocabulaire that mention a battle between Rabih with "Abou Qantour west of Dikwa (Decorse & Gaudefroy-Demombynes 13). Another source, Captain Julien's "Mohamed-es-Senoussi et ses États, likewise reports on Abu Gantur. Unlike the others, he suggests Gantour was based in or from Maiduguri. He was also said to have rejected the "Mahdi of the Turks" behind Rabih (Julien 132). The last source we could locate online was in an article from L'Afrique française: bulletin mensuel du Comité de l'Afrique française. According to this 1918 article, Gantur led a rabble of followers from Maiduguri against Rabih, but was defeated at N'Gomati. This article, published several years after the event, is of even less utility, but emphasizes the humble roots of Gantur's supporters. In addition to his work on the Rabih period, Louis Brenner's study of the al-Kanemi dynasty in the 19th century provides a number of interesting details on the crises of incompetent leadership, economic decline, and excessive taxation which made the peasantry of Borno less likely to support the al-Kanemi rulers. Overall, Mohammed's study, informed by archival research and fieldwork in Borno, likely presents the most reliable account of Abu Gantur.

Next, a short review of the movement. According to Mohammed, Abu Gantur was a Koyam Mallam sometimes called Mallam Buki or Mallam Njimtilo. His revolt began from the Nganzai area after Rabih's successful defeat of the Shehu of Borno (Mohammed 53). That he was also remembered as a Koyam Mallam is significant, since the Koyam were linked to Kalumbardo. Although the later incarnations of Kalumbardo appear to have lost their ascetic, Sufi orientation, Koyam mallams may have retained aspects of this Sufi orientation and reputation for piety. Indeed, according to tradition, Shehu al-Kanemi was reputed to be suspicious of a Koyam Sufi marabout linked to Kalumbardo and renowned for his spiritual power  (Mission Tilho 366). Zeltner, whose source is unclear, also reported that al-Kanemi himself had studied with the Koyam (Zeltner 200). It would be intriguing if tradition could confirm a link to Kalumbardo for Abu Gantur to the same Sufi tradition. 

Returning his movement, Gantur preached rebellion in the Nganzai area, near Gajiram. Claiming power over jinn or spirits, Gantur denounced Rabih. His supposedly uncoordinated movement with millenarian tendencies burgeoned into a following of 20,000 (Mohammed 54). His force defeated troops sent by Rabih, then burned Kuli, Marte and Mussene during their march to Dikwa, the capital of Rabih in Borno. These towns were burned or pillaged for refusing to join the rebels. Unfortunately, the rebels were defeated at Damagda, near Mufiyo. Rabih led troops armed with firearms against the mostly unarmed "rabble" behind Gantur. Intriguingly, Gantur's movement apparently lacked any ties to the resistance of the al-Kanemi dynasty, and aristocrats were opposed to Gantur. Mohammed suggests this was likely due to Gantur's expressed desire to seize control of Borno (56). This could be true, since the founder of the al-Kanemi dynasty had first emerged to political authority through seizing effective rule during a crisis. Thus, oral traditions of Shehu Kyari requesting mallams pray for the defeat of Gantur are plausible. Other traditions report that Gantur lost the support of the jinns after accepting a bridge from Rabih. Alternatively, it is possible that after marrying 3 women, the jinns left him (Mohammed 56). These traditions seem to imply that Gantur claimed to be the husband of a powerful jinn who left him out of jealousy. Thus, abandoned by the spirits, his mostly unarmed followers were powerless against a well-trained force armed with modern firearms. H.R. Palmer was simply told that Gantur lost due to being "remiss in his prayers" (Palmer 24). Hallam, on the other hand, repeated a variant of one of the traditions cited by Mohammed. Essentially, Gantar was abandoned by his jinn wife after taking a Kanuri bride given to him by Rabeh (Hallam 145).

In short, the rebellion, led by a charismatic religious figure of Koyam extraction, was brutally crushed. The Koyam of Nganzai and the Badawi of Gubio had their livestock seized by Rabih's government for supporting it. Even the Magumi Furibe were punished for supporting Gantur (Mohammed 88). Although the Koyam of Nganzai rebelled again in c.1896 and killed the chima gana Sugur of Gadim, the movement of Gantur was utterly eradicated. While popular tradition suggests supernatural causes for the defeat, one must look more closely at the nature of the movement and its popular support to understand why it failed to overthrow the Sudanese warlord, Rabih. Fortunately, Emile Julien's description of Abu Gantur provides some clues about the nature of the movement. According to him, "Abou Gantour" was based din Maiduguri, today the capital of Borno State in Nigeria. He was a faki who preached a holy war of national liberation against Rabeh, associated with the "Turks" in Julien's account. Through his friendship with spirits, Gantur allegedly held superior occult powers to that of the "Mahdi of Turcs." With this divine power assuring his followers of victory, peasants rallied behind him with calls of "Koun fi ye koun" (soit dans ce qui est). They were only armed with branches or sticks (Julien 132). Unfortunately, his 20,000 followers were defeated at N'Goumati when Gantur's forces charged Rabih's well-armed gunmen. Since the spirits didn't save him, he was killed, beheaded, and his followers ravaged (Julien 133). Julien's account suggests that Gantur may have seen Rabih as a supporter of the Mahdi. It is possible that some in Borno believed Rabih was a proponent of Mahdism since Hayatu of the Sokoto Caliphate hoped to win Rabih's support for an invasion of Sokoto (Mohammed 112). However, Julien's description of Gantur presents him as referring to Rabih as a "Turk" invader. It is not entirely clear, but it would appear that Gantur rejected Rabih's rule on the grounds of his "Turk" background and the authority of the Mahdi. Even though Rabih was not considered by most to be a genuine Mahdist, it would seem that Gantur presented him as one (Mohammed 108). His popular support must have also represented both the appeal of a charismatic religious figure, the belief in his spiritual authority and holiness, and the fact that the disconnect between the peasantry and the ruling class was too extreme for any genuine inter-class project of liberation. If the al-Kanemi dynasty had truly lost legitimacy after overtaxing the peasantry, particularly with the Kumoreji tax under Shehu Hashimi, and then lost whatever appeal afterwards by their utter failure to defeat Rabih, the peasantry had no choice but to rally around a religious figure.

If one accepts the interpretation of Cohen of Kanuri society as one in which powerful men (and usually men at this time) accumulated dependents who came to them for protection and security, then the lack of competent elites of the al-Kanemi dynasty left the peasantry no choice. If there were no legitimate leaders or wealthy elites who could provide protection and opportunities for advancement, the rural masses could only turn to a charismatic mallam like Gantur. Unlike the Manga Uprising of 1824, which included local Mangari leadership as well as a charismatic mallam, this rebellion lacked powerful elites to whom alliances or support could easily be extended. There was no galadima or Sayfawa mai the peasants could appeal to, from an alliance with, or use to legitimize their revolt. What would be more interesting to consider is why other towns or villages refused to join the movement. The movement's failure to appeal to more communities, including those with better arms, likely contributed to their downfall as it became clear Rabih's forces possessed superior firearms and military training. And if the traditions of Abu Gantur falling for a bride sent by Rabih suggest anything, there may be a hint at an attempt on Rabih's part to coopt the movement. While ultimately unsuccessful, Gantur's defeat was explained by supernatural reasons in tradition. More importantly, the absence of a well-armed, or at least a peasant accustomed to warfare spelled doom for Gantur. The Manga were accustomed to self-defense, had expertise in the use of poison arrows, and could hold their own against cavalry sent by al-Kanemi.

In conclusion, the revolt led by Abu Gantur represents a fascinating moment of peasant political mobilization in Borno. Though unsuccessful and brutally crushed, the uprising suggests many things about the nature of class, power, religion, and political contest. In order to best protect themselves and sometimes advance socio-economically, dependents attached themselves to patrons. The most talented ones sometimes became influential figures in their own right. Borno by the 1890s, however, was in crisis with a ruling elite probably devoid of legitimacy. Given these conditions of overtaxation and the failure of the al-Kanemi dynasty to provide protection, the peasantry turned to an influential Koyam mallam, Gantur, who may have adapted Sufi and ascetic practices from the Kalumbardo school. He claimed support from spirits and rejected Rabih as a foreign "Turk" and Mahdist. Without alliances from wealthy patrons with access to weapons, better arms, and more troops, the movement failed to coalesce into a broader rebellion across Borno. In fact, traditions suggest the al-Kanemi dynasty actively sought the defeat of Gantur. This failure to create cross-class alliances across more of Borno promised disaster for Gantur, whose followers were massacred at Damagda. The Manga uprising of the 1820s also failed, but that uprising included both a charismatic mallam and local elites with a well-armed peasantry. They also could use the Sayfawa to legitimize their revolt and use their important frontier location as a "bargaining chip" of sorts. 

Bibliography

Brenner, Louis. The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973.

Cohen, Ronald. The Kanuri of Bornu. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967.

Hallam, W. K. R. The Life and Times of Rabih Fadh Allah. Ilfracombe: Stockwell, 1977.

Julien, Émile. "Mohamed-es-Senoussi et ses États." Bulletin de la société des recherches congolaises 10, 1925.

Mohammed, Kyari. Borno in the Rabih Years, 1893-1901 : the Rise and Crash of a Predatory State. Maiduguri, Nigeria : University of Maiduguri, 2006.

Palmer, H.R. Gazetteer of Bornu Province.  Lagos: Govt. Printer, 1929.

Tilho, Jean (editor). Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1910.

Zeltner, J. C. Pages D'histoire Du Kanem: Pays Tchadien. Paris: Harmattan, 1980.

Officer Landeroin

Whilst perusing old issues of La Dépêche coloniale illustrée on Gallica, we came across an article on Tchad that included a photograph of Moïse Landeroin, the interpreter of the Tilho Mission. His role was very important for the historical section of their report, Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, 1906-1909. As an interpreter, one must carefully excavate his process and how his recording of traditions reflected both colonial authority and the interests of local elites. It would be a worthy endeavor to revisit his work and methodology and compare with the research methods of British and German colonial officers and administrators in the region.

The First Kalumbardo and Umar b. Idris

One of the mysteries of ulama-state relations is the tragedy of the first Kalumbardo settlement in Borno. The traditions and written sources on this shadowy event are unclear and, sometimes, contradictory. Nonetheless, it is clear that the Sayfawa ruler of Borno, Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639) ordered the execution of a prominent shaykh affiliated with the Kalumbardo settlement. In addition, another cleric associated with the settlement was forced into exile or pressured to flee to Bagirmi. Many unanswered questions persist about the nature of this conflict, the background of the central personages, and the connection between this first Kalumbardo community and the second one led by a Koyam shaykh. This post will explore the dimensions of the first Kalumbardo community's conflict with mai Umar b. Idris and possible relevant factors for its dissolution. 

First, the major source. Muhammad Bello, whose Infaq al-maysur was written in the early 1800s, praised the shaykhs associated with the first Kalumbardo settlement as scholars promoting Sufism. However, his language is rather uncertain about many of the details, implying that he relied on tradition for most of his narrative. In addition, he may have inserted a falsified speech by one of the victims of Umar b. Idris, Shaykh Waldede. In this speech, Waldede hints at the fall of Borno when a renewer of the faith appears, perhaps represented by Uthman dan Fodio (Bello 71). As a result of this problematic speech inserted into the narrative and the fact that Bello was writing a work that sought to justify the jihad and the Sokoto Caliphate, it is possible some elements of the narrative are embellished or exaggerated to heighten the unjust, corrupt, and immoral nature of Sayfawa rule. These issues aside, other sources and traditions recall Shaykh Waldede's conflict with the ruler of Borno. Moreover, the Sufi leader executed by the state, Shaykh al-Wali b. al-Jarmi, appears in other traditions. Bello identifies the latter as a Tuareg (71). In addition, Waldede was said to have studied in Agadez and Timbuktu (71). If true, then the identification of al-Jarmi as a Tuareg could also be valid. Bello's retelling of events could support the narrative of Waldede studying in the west and then returning to Borno with a Tuareg Sufi, collaborating in the leadership of a zawiya which threatened the state. This threat to the state presumably led to divisions among the ulama  in the Sayfawa court.

But, some elements of Bello's account are problematic. According to him, Waldede died a little after 1000 A.H. (71). If this is true, then Waldede died before the reign of Umar b. Idris. As previously mentioned, Bello was also writing a larger work that sought to justify the Sokoto Caliphate. In other words, the oppressive, unethical, or non-Islamic traits of previous governments in the region were emphasized, even in the case of Borno where Islam was deeply rooted. Additional problems with this narrative can be seen in oral traditions which identify the Borno king who exiled Waldede as Ibrahim (Lavers 223). Hammidu Bobboyi, relying on oral traditions, identifies al-Jarmi as a Borno native of Arab origin. In fact, there was a Shaykh Jirmi (spelling of Bobboyi), son of Goni Salih. This Shaykh also had two sons, Hassan and Musa Dangul (Bobboyi 17). On the other hand, H.T. Norris, whose Sufi Mystics of the Niger Desert sees the influence of the Mahmudiyya of Air in Kalumbardo, argued in favor of a Tuareg origin for al-Jarmi. According to him, al-Jarmiyu's name indicated Tuareg origin. Furthermore, in Borno folklore, Waldede was said to have escaped the horsemen of Umar b. Idris on a flying blanket (36). This contradicts Bello, whose narrative suggests that Umar b. Idris let Waldede go after executing al-Jarmi. Last but certainly not least, Bello attributes Umar b. Idris's brutal crackdown to secular reasons. Oral traditions in Borno, suggest theological differences related to tawhid (100). Muhammad Nur Alkali cites divisiveness caused by the Sufism of al-Jarmi and Waldede (Nur Alkali 256). 

So, how can one reconcile these traditions? The fact that apparently disparate traditions from Borno, the Sokoto Caliphate, Bagirmi, and Wadai seem to refer to the conflict between a ruler of Borno and the leadership of the first Kalumbardo attest to its historicity. Sources from Wadai, for instance, recall that the founder of the sultanate, Abd al-Karim, studied at Bidderi (Barth 528-529). His teacher, identified by Barth as Muhammad and as Mahammat el-Djirmi in a text published by Tubiana are probably the same al-Jirmi of the first Kalumbardo (Tubiana 58). Borno tradition recalls both Waldede and al-Jirmi, with one variant recorded by Palmer identifying the mai who sent a kaigama against "Umar dan Didi" as Dunama Dibalemi (Lavers 223). The connection to Bidderi for the founder of the Wadai Sultanate is still plausible, as the Waldede family were likely linked to its Fulani residents. Consequently, it is feasible that al-Jarmi (or a member of the family) taught at Bidderi before returning to Borno. Such a link connects the first Kalumbardo to both Bidderi in Bagirmi and with the origins of the first sultan of Wadai to the east.

To better comprehend the possible roots of the conflict, one must retrace their steps and ponder the recent past and larger context of Kalumbardo. Beginning with Bagirmi, Nachtigal's history of the reign of Abdallah (c.1568-1608) suggests growing royal patronage of Islam. Indeed, 4 mu'allim of Fulani origin, who are named Dede, Shille, Aji Amede, and Majangala, are said to have helped design the ground plan for his palace. They were also sent to different villages around the kingdom to teach and spread Islam. Nachtigal also tells us this ruler appointed a qadi, an imam, established mosques, invited foreign clerics, and therefore thoroughly promoted Islam (Nachtigal 403). If the chronology for Abdallah's reign is accurate, this suggests that Bidderi in the late 16th century and early 17th century likely benefited from state patronage. Indeed, the Fulani were established in the area north of Ba Batshikam by the 1400s, when they paid tribute to the Bulala rulers of Kanem (398). When the state of Bagirmi was founded in the early 1500s, the Fulani were remembered as allies of the newcomers who established the state (400). This suggests that Bidderi and similar settlements of Fulani Muslims may have welcomed students from other communities whilst also participating in broader regional centers of learning in Borno or beyond. Therefore, traditions of Wadai's founder studying in Bidderi before seizing power in the early 17th century are plausible. Moreover, if al-Jarmi was present in Bidderi or Bagirmi, it could be due to Waldede already having links there since the late 16th century. 

If, however, one accepts the Agadez and Timbuktu travels of Waldede as plausible, then one must also look closely at the Air region's history. In this region, the Mahmudiyya Sufis were established in the 1500s. Their disciples also included a prominent Fulani, Ahmad b. faqih Awgar al-Fullani (Norris 42). It is difficult to imagine that a Fulani scholar with ties to other Islamic Fulani communities did not encounter followers of Sidi Mahmud al-Baghdadi. Other events in Agadez or Air during this period include a revolt led by Hadahada during the reign of Muhammad al-Tafrij. This revolt, which Hadahada led as a jihad against the sultanate, lacks a precise date. Nonetheless, this sultan's reign overlapped with that of Umar b. Idris (Hamani 230). In this environment, with a Sufist leader killed by a sultan in the 1500s and then a revolt against the Sultan challenging his legitimacy on Islamic grounds, one might imagine the intellectual climate Waldede (and al-Jarmi?) experienced or at least were influenced by.

From Borno's perspective, the early decades of the 17th century required active leadership and policy to maintain the sultanate's status as a regional power. Yet the Tuareg of Air remained a persistent thorn. Nur Alkali attributes to Ibrahim b. Idris several campaigns against them (Nur Alkali 255). Oral traditions point to the reign of Umar b. Idris for the establishment of a Mandara prince in Muniyo. This prince, Kazelma Saemi, was sent explicitly to aid the Gamagama in their fight against the Tuareg (Landeroin 404). Umar b. Idris even sponsored the creation of the galadima at Nguru to defend Borno's western frontier, appointing his son by a slave woman to the post. The first galadima already had to put down a Fulani revolt (Palmer Gazetteer 104). These measures taken by Umar b. Idris imply concern for the border was central to state interest, especially to the west. This suggests that the strategy of Idris Alooma to rely on the Koyam and other local populations to make constant raids against the Tuareg, as well as to secure the loyalty of some of them to Borno instead of Agadez, did not succeed. When one also considers the chances that Umar b. Idris was also an elderly man when he took the throne, and perhaps his brother Ibrahim b. Idris was assassinated, concern for state security and political stability must have been paramount (Palmer BSS 98). According to Nur Alkali, he was also known for not accepting any opposition (Nur Alkali 256). This may also explain why Umar b. Idris chose to have al-Tahir of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty drowned when the latter fled to Borno from the Fazzan in 1622/3 (El-Hesnawi 114). Umar, who may have viewed the nephews of al-Tahir as the legitimate rulers of the Fazzan, wanted to punish al-Tahir for usurping the throne from them. Otherwise, Umar b. Idris also viewed the matter as another entanglement that threatened the status quo among powers in the Central Sudan/Sahara. 

Given what we know of Umar b. Idris's background, the first Kalumbardo community triggered his concern for protecting the state. Norris, whose study of the Mahmudiyya in Air was heavily based on the Qudwa, believes that the "Way" promoted by Waldede and al-Jarmi was influenced by Sidi Mahmud al-Baghdadi. Thus, Umar b. Idris acted in the way he did due to the proximity of the Kalumbardo leadership with Air (137). Norris's hypothesis is an attractive one, but lacks enough evidence of the actual practices of the Waldede and al-Jarmi to validate it. Their practices may have been similar to the Sufi practices of al-Baghdadi's followers, but without sources to describe what they actually did, it remains a hypothesis. However, the fact that the sultan of Agadez during Umar b. Idris's reign also had to put down Hadahada's revolt may have been another factor in the Sayfawa ruler's decisions. If Hadahada's revolt occurred before the Kalumbardo leaders were called to the court, perhaps Umar b. Idris acted harshly due to a fear that Waldede and al-Jarmi would lead a revolt like Hadahada? Ultimately, a clear link between the two region's Sufi centers at this time is ambiguous, but the traveler al-Yamani, who visited both the second Kalumbardo community and Air, visited Ahmad al-Targui al-Lamtouni in Air (Nashr al-Mathani 308). 

If the Sufism promoted by Waldede and al-Jarmi was the trigger for Umar b. Idris's exiling the former and killing the latter, one must closely examine how the state and Islamic scholars and holy men interacted at this time. Since Sufism in Borno predated the first Kalumbardo settlement, and many rulers, including Umar b. Idris, had performed the pilgrimage to Mecca or spent time in Egypt, we find it difficult to believe the "oriental mysticism" exemplified by the Mahmudiyya would have been very novel or shocking. Besides, the Krump witnessing Muslims from Borno and the Fazzan engaging in what sounds like Sufist practices with music, dance and ritual prayer suggest Islamic mysticism likely had deeper roots in the region, possibly before the first Kalumbardo community. 

Another perspective on the issue focuses on theology. In Bobboyi's view, the debate over theology rather than Sufism itself caused the conflict (Bobboyi 100). As a result, the garbled traditions recall al-Jirmi was killed on the grounds of a fatwa he issued. The tradition asserts the shaykh gave a fatwa accusing another of being an unbeliever. Then, on the same grounds, the Sayfawa court declared al-Jirmi an unbeliever and executed him (101). Further, it may have involved Quranic folios in his shoes to declare him a kafir (112). This may be why, in Muhammad Bello's version of the execution, the Shahada was miraculously written in his blood (Norris 133). This could be, through the use of a miracle, Muhammad Bello's allusion to the accusation of unbelief. Even if it wasn't the Sufist practices of the community that led to the fatal confrontation with Umar b. Idris, the latter's actions were not met with universal support. Nur Alkali, citing Sheriff Ibrahim, writes of some of al-Jarmiyu's disciples leaving Birni Gazargamo because of Umar b. Idris's actions (259). Thus, the mai did something that was, to some at least, controversial and immoral. It was certainly remembered as such in Bagirmi and Wadai. 

After revisiting the sources on the Waldede-Jirmi affair, many questions remain unresolved. Why is it that the second Kalumbardo community, led by a charismatic shaykh who was accused by a qadi tied to the court of Ali b. Umar, allowed to continue his zawiya? Abu Bakr, the qadi, pressured Ali b. Umar into opposing the shaykh on the grounds he was a threat to the throne. Yet, unlike his father, who executed al-Jirmi, Ali b. Umar recognized his saintliness and supported the settlement. Like his father, he too had performed the pilgrimage and was certainly aware of various Sufi brotherhoods in the Muslim East. Was his acceptance of the mission predicated on coopting it through state support, brick workers for a mosque, and a close relationship with the state to neutralize any threat it might pose? Borno during his reign still had the challenge of Tuareg raids, and the second Kalumbardo community's leader was even killed by Tuareg raiders. If the Kalumbardo community's practices were so similar to those of Sufis in Air, why was the mai not worried about them? Or, was the mai eager to support the Kalumbardo shaykh for the spiritual and Islamic legitimacy it endowed his regime with? Ali b. Umar was known for his support of Islamic learning, his piety, and the projection of Borno as an Islamic state. Affirming it through a vibrant Sufi community on Borno's frontier may have served to support this image of the state. 

In summation, our knowledge of the first Kalumbardo settlement and the reign of Umar b. Idris raises more questions than answers. This mai seems to have been especially concerned with protecting his power and Borno's borders. While the leaders of this community were likely linked to the spread of Islam in Bagirmi and Wadai, the ruler of Borno saw that it was paramount to maintain his power and protect the state from any rebellion, assassination, or division. When some of the ulama of his court were drawn to the first Kalumbardo's Sufist practices, Umar b. Idris responded in a way that immediately minimized the threat. That the community was reborn under Koyam leadership during the reign of his son also raises questions. Possibly by the reign of Ali b. Umar, we see here a more concerted effort to accumulate baraka and Islamic legitimacy through state sponsorship and cooptation of renowned shaykhs.

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