Garumele (Wudi) as a Sayfawa Capital

 

Plans of the Garumele site by Binet, Bivar & Shinnie, Haour and the area displayed with geophysics (Source)

One important site in modern Niger, Garumele, is said to have once been a Sayfawa capital. Heinrich Barth, drawing on oral traditions, believed it had been a royal site. Nachtigal and other others similarly believed this. Landeroin, for the Tilho Mission's Notice historique, compiled traditions that referred to the site as a capital of Ali b. Dunama before he established Gazargamo. Palmer, Urvoy, Bivar & Shinnie, Lange, Gronenborn and others have all, in one form or another, argued for Garumele (or Wudi, the name of the successor settlement) as a Sayfawa capital before Gazargamo. Despite its alleged importance in the history of the Sayfawa dynasty, the area was not seriously surveyed or excavated until recently. Fortunately, Haour, Magnavita, Robertshaw, and others have been able to examine middens, find faunal remains and ceramics, engaged in chemical analysis of glass bead finds and get radiocarbon dates from charcoal samples. The best evidence clearly shows use of the site for inhabitants in the 17th and 18th centuries, but was it a Sayfawa capital in the 15th or even late 14th century?

Satellite image of the site (Source)

The historical sources, primarily oral, strongly suggest a deeper antiquity for the site. Landeroin, for instance, was told that the Sayfawa went to Woudi (Wudi) after leaving Kanem (Landeroin 354). However, the site was said to have been unhealthy and caused frequent fevers. In connection to this tradition, a Magumi woman was said to have complained to Ali b. Dunama about Tuareg raiders. So, the mai left Mankinta in charge at Wudi while he attacked the Tuareg from Agram, or Fachi (355). While it is likely that oral tradition may have compressed a number of different reigns of Sayfawa monarchs, Tuareg oral traditions of Air do remember a period of Bornoan attacks and raids. Furthermore, the Kano Chronicle includes a reference to a Bornoan attack on Asben (Air). This suggests that the traditions associating the Mankinta as the leader of Wudi appointed by Ali b. Dunama may be accurate. Furthermore, Bedde traditions reported by H.R. Palmer similarly refer to the Mankinta (makinta) of Wudi in relation to the foundation of Gazargamo. In Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs, leaders named Makinta Baro, Makinta Yatku and Kaloma Arge were remembered as brothers who came to Borno from Wudi. The site of Wudi may very well have been under the administration of a makinta of Bedde origin who served the Sayfawa. This official may have been responsible for provisioning the palace kitchen of the mai. It is possible that in the 15th century, the fired-brick structure was used by the maiwa but a Bedde official was appointed to administer the territory. 

Garumele's outer wall of egg-shaped bricks in "Old Kanuri Capitals"

As for the earlier history of the site, it is currently impossible to determine if it was identical with the Kagha capital of Umar b. Idris (reigned c. 1382-1385) after the Sayfawa left Kanem permanently. Lange has suggested Kagha was likely the Kaka of al-Qalqashandi and the Jaja of Ibn Sa'id, but the bulk of the archaeological evidence points to a later occupation of Garumele. Another historian, Muhammad Nur Alkali, has also described Wudi briefly. Wudi was said to have been attacked by the Bulala in c. 1471, during the reign of Ali b. Dunama (Alkali 88). According to this historian, Wudi, also called Abadam, was a site that grew through its fishing industry (121). This fishing industry may have also been supplemented by a pastoral herding economy in the Sahelian landscape. Linseele's study of animal remains from Garumele noted the greater number of sheep than goats and has proposed that a pastoral nomadic element was a source of livestock for the site. This may have been why the site was said to be under the control of a makinta, an official who may have gathered fish and herds of sheep or cattle for feeding the Sayfawa royal court.

A view of the eastern tubali wall (Source)

What does the archaeological evidence suggest? Haour, using one charcoal sample that requires further confirmation by other types of evidence, has date ranges from 1280-1330 or 1350-1390 for Garumele (Haour 361). This would suggest that Garumele was either the Jaja/Kagha/Kaka of medieval Arabic sources and the Diwan or settled in the late 13th or 14th centuries. Despite this early date, the Garumele pottery was of a more recent type (366). It was also closest in type to the Yobe and Lake Chad sites north of the firki soils (368). Haour has even proposed identifying Garumele with Gatiga, a settlement mentioned by Ahmad b. Furtu (372). The Magnavitas, in "Garumele Revisited: Retracing Vanished Fired-Brick Elite Constructions and New Data on Settlement Foundation," found evidence of Garumele's occupation in more recent times. For example, radiocarbon dating of wood charcoal suggest construction of the town wall between 1459-1644 (166). The finding of a pipe fragment found in a layer was also consistent with a late 1500s or early 1600s foundation of Garumele as an enclosed urban settlement (172). Of course, this does not mean there were no earlier, non-brick structures and use of the site. Further evidence of more recent occupation of Garumele can be seen in the chemical composition analysis of glass beads by Robertshaw et al. Their conclusions suggest a 17th and 18th century occupation based on the European beads (Robertshaw 602). Overall, the bulk of the evidence favors a later date for the site's wall and brick structures. An earlier occupation in the 1400s, or perhaps even the 1300s, is still possible if one recalls the perilous state of the Sayfawa dynasty during an era of internal conflicts and wars with the Bulala rulers of Kanem or the Sao in Borno. Thus, the earlier Sayfawa use of Garumele as a capital or royal settlement may not have included fired-brick structures or walls. Later, however, after the consolidation of Sayfawa power in Borno, subsequent maiwa may have sponsored the brick structures at Garumele or Wudi.

Evidence of the widespread looting of Garumele for bricks (Source)

Despite the chronological uncertainties and the lack of dated bricks from the elite structure, the site of Garumele presents a number of unique features. The use of egg-shaped bricks for the outer wall is more similar to Hausa architectural practices. This raises the question of possible influences from Hausaland in this site, since it differs so markedly from the outer walls of other Borno towns or cities. Furthermore, the Magnavitas noted that the mounds or middens of Garumele included ruins of clay buildings or home structures. In addition, smaller, fired-brick structures outside the elite compound were present (Magnavita 165). This suggests the town included smaller homes of more perishable material as well as circular brick structures like that of Gambaru. The area was, of course, much smaller than Gazargamo, but Garumele's distinctive outer wall and fired brick structures indicate the site was definitely occupied by an elite group and may have had influences from the west. Acquiring dates for the elite brick structure may finally establish when the Sayfawa sponsored elite architecture at the site. Meanwhile, historians should revisit Kanuri and Bedde tradition and the written sources. If Garumele was not the Jaja, Kaka or Kagha of medieval sources, it was likely located nearby and this region near the northern shore of Lake Chad deserves close scrutiny for any understanding of early Sayfawa expansion by the 13th century. 

Bibliography

Alkali, Mohammad Nur. 2013. Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846) . Nigeria: University of Maiduguri.

Bivar, A. D. H., and P. L. Shinnie. “Old Kanuri Capitals.” The Journal of African History 3, no. 1 (1962): 1–10. http://www.jstor.org/stable/179796.

Haour, Anne, and Boube Gado. “Garumele, Ville Médiévale Du Kanem-Borno? Une Contribution Archéologique.” The Journal of African History 50, no. 3 (2009): 355–75. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25622052.

Lange, Dierk. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

Linseele, Veerle, and Anne Haour. “Animal Remains from Medieval Garumele, Niger.” Journal of African Archaeology 8, no. 2 (2010): 167–84. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43135516.

Magnavita, Carlos, and Sonja Magnavita. “Garumele Revisited: Retracing Vanished Fired-Brick Elite Constructions and New Data on Settlement Foundation.” The African Archaeological Review 34, no. 2 (2017): 155–75. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44988621.

Palmer, H.R. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. 1st ed., new impression. London: Cass, 1967.

Robertshaw, Peter, Marilee Wood, Anne Haour, Karlis Karklins, and Hector Neff. 2014. “Chemical Analysis, Chronology, and Context of a European Glass Bead Assemblage from Garumele, Niger.” Journal of Archaeological Science 41 (January): 591–604. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2013.08.023.

Tilho, Jean (editor). Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1910.

Kanem's 13th Century Eastward Expansion

A map of Kanem at its apogee based on a problematic map by Waziri.

One topic in the annals of medieval Kanem that remains poorly understood is the eastward expansion of the 13th century. The eastward expansion likely began during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi (1210-1248, according to the chronology of Lange). Kanem's influence spread as far east as the land of the Tajuwa and Zaghawa. However, the nature of this control or influence is not clear. Nor can one easily determine its longevity or the reasons for why the Sayfawa maiwa believed extending this far was a worthwhile endeavor. Fortunately, some clues to the nature of this eastward expansion have been possibly revealed through chemical analysis of beads at the site of Njimi in Kanem. Data from stone ruins in Darfur dated to the era of Daju rule as well as evidence from Christian Nubian provide additional clues.

First, let us begin with the early written sources. The most detailed account from the 13th century, by Ibn Sa'id, draws from the earlier writings of Ibn Fatima. Ibn Fatima traveled to Kanem during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi. Writing later in the 13th century, Ibn Sa'id included the "Zaghawa" and "Tajuwa" as subjects of Kanem's Muslim ruler. Ibn Sa'id's brief description of this vast region is unfortunately limited, one can make some sense of it. The Zaghawa, who lived east of Manan (in Kanem) were said to be mostly subjects of Kanem. Tajuwa, said to be the capital of the Zaghawa, adopted Islam and accepted Kanem's suzerainty. Yet, later on, Ibn Sa'id wrote that the Tajuwiyyin were pagans who were refractory to the sultan of Kanem and kept to the deserts and mountainous terrain (Hopkins & Levtzion 189). This confusing account suggests that the land between Kanem and Nubia included Zaghawa and Tajuwiyyin peoples. The latter had a capital where Islam was accepted and the ruler recognized the authority of Kanem's sultan. It is very likely that Ibn Sa'id was also using the 12th century work of al-Idrisi here, particularly in his account of a town called Tajuwa. For al-Idrisi, however, the Tajuwin were pagans who kept camels and were raided by their neighbors (124). One of their towns was Samna, which was raided by the ruler of Bilaq (in Nubia). The news of this attack reached travelers to Kawar, who later related it to al-Idrisi (114). If Ibn Sa'id's muddled narrative is reliable, the town of Tajuwa (the capital of the Daju polity?) included Muslims and recognized Kanem's rule, yet other groups living in the region of Darfur (or its surroundings) were largely autonomous of Kanem or sought to maintain their autonomy.

Besides Ibn Sa'id, other sources merely reemphasize the Tajuwa as a type of "Zaghawa" (Ibn Khaldun) or, in the case of al-Maqrizi, add a few details. The latter wrote of a place called Tukama at the beginning of Taju land. Word of the Taju's penchant for working in stone and their wars against the enigmatic Wathku also reached al-Maqrizi in Egypt (354). Putting together all the aforementioned external Arabic sources, one can surmise that medieval Islamic geographers from the north saw the Taju as a branch of the Zaghawa. In addition, they lived between Kanem and Nubia and included Muslims among their pagan population. In the 13th century, some recognized the authority of Kanem while those living near deserts or the mountainous, rugged terrain, were able to at least resist Kanem's oversight. When one considers the vast distance between Darfur and Kanem and the rough terrain, outright military conquest was unlikely. Thus, it is perhaps more logical to see Kanem's interests in this region as one of securing an eastern trade route. Besides this trade route, occasional raiding outside of a small tributary zone may have been a common feature. Consequently, the "town of Tajuwa" with its Muslims may have been linked to the trade route while the rest of the area was very loosely controlled by Tajuwa.

In the absence of internal written sources from the 13th century, one must look to oral traditions and archaeology for further detail. Gustav Nachtigal, who traveled to Darfur and Wadai in the 19th century, collected oral traditions everywhere he visited. In the Sula kingdom ruled by a Daju dynasty, Nachtigal saw a list given by a prince which enumerated 21 rulers (Nachtigal 81). Another list of kings that Nachtigal saw included 13 Daju kings, 13 Tunjur kings and 22 Keira (Fur) sultans. Yet another list gave 5 Daju kings and 25 Tunjur and Keira rulers. The first Daju king was called Gitar (272). This early Daju kingdom in the Darfur region was based in Jebel Marra (273). On the other hand, Nachtigal was also told that the first Daju ruler was named Kosber, who lived in Debba. And in the first list of 21 Daju sultans Nachtigal received from a Sula prince, 6 were said to have been pagans based at Jebel Marra. These Daju kings were said to have controlled Darfur until the Tunjur, Ahmed el-Maqur, seized power (274). Based on Nachtigal and subsequent authors, O'Fahey's study of the Darfur Sultanate endeavored to use all known traditions on the Daju and Tunjur kings of Darfur to reconstruct a more coherent chronology. O'Fahey was able to locate written sources that allude to a Tunjur dynasty in Darfur by the 16th century (O'Fahey 31). Furthermore, the Daju title for a chief, shartay, survived in Darfur among the Keira sultans (37). This roughly suggests that the Daju kings in Darfur rose to power sometime before the 1500s, probably in the 1100s or 1200s.

In terms of archaeological evidence from Darfur, Andrew James McGregor has produced the detailed work to date. According to McGregor, the Daju rose to power in the 12th or 13th century (McGregor 34). The Daju were the Taju pagans of al-Idrisi, with only 2 towns. Moreover, al-Tunisi apparently believed the Daju were one of the 5 aboriginal Wadai groups 40). Yet as a polity, the Daju kingdom was remembered in Tunjur tradition for primarily subsisting on raiding its neighbors (47). Intriguingly, McGregor found a manuscript source that assigned the arrival of the Daju to Sila to 1692 (39). This date, however, must be too late since Tunjur oral traditions in Kanem contradict it. According to Gros, who studied Tunjur oral tradition in Kanem, the father of the Tunjur ruler, Daoud el Mireim, Omar, had subdued the Daju of Sila (Gros 274). If so, and Daoud el Mireim was the last Tunjur ruler of Wadai, then the Tunjur dynasty there would have conquered the Daju of Sila (Sula) by the early 1600s if not late 16th century. In other words, a Daju presence in Sila (Sula) likely predates the 17th century. Anania's late 16th century description of a polity in Darfur called Uri, presumably the Tunjur dynasty's capital or commercial town, included Dagio (Daju) among its subjects (Anania 343). 

So, based on oral traditions and written sources, we know there was a Daju polity in the Darfur region by the 13th century. It was said to have been based on Jebel Marra and likely raided neighboring groups in Darfur and perhaps further afield. Although the early rulers were said to be pagans, Ibn Sa'id believed that Tajuwa, the capital or principal town, was a Muslim city. Since the kingdom of Makuria allegedly raided one of the Daju towns in the 12th century, it is possible the polity had also disrupted a trade route or attacked parts of Kordofan closer to the Christian kingdom. Overall, sadly, it is difficult to reconcile the sources on this enigmatic polity. Yet it's rather loose administrative structure and reliance on raiding may be clues for a weak polity. If this was the case, why was Kanem interested in conquering this region?

Recent archaeological evidence and chemical analysis of artifacts found at the probable site of Njimi may provide the answer. The article "LA-ICP-MS analysis of glass beads from Tié (12th–14th centuries), Kanem, Chad: Evidence of trans-Sudanic exchanges" noted that the chemical composition of beads at Njimi were more similar to medieval beads found in eastern African sites than those of West Africa. While not the best smoking gun, this pecularity for medieval Kanem suggests that most of its beads were ultimately derived from the same sources of Eurasian beads that arrived in places along the Swahili Coast, southeastern Africa or the Red Sea coasts of Africa. This pattern, so different from sites in West Africa in the 10th-15th centuries, implies that Kanem was ultimately part of the Indian Ocean network that brought high alumina soda glass beads to eastern African sites. Since these types of beads were not common west of Kanem, despite trade routes through the Fazzan connecting western Africa to the Mediterranean, one must wonder if Kanem accessed the beads through a separate route to Egypt or Nubia. While further confirmation of the analysis of glass bead chemical composition in Makuria and Alwa is necessary, it is possible this eastward route from Kanem connected to the Red Sea/Indian Ocean networks through Nubia (or Egypt). Possible indications of a route to Nubia may be found in the analysis of beads at Soba, the capital of Alwa. In Soba, 20 high alumina beads of Indian origin were part of a study of 23 glass beads.

Besides the data from chemical analysis of glass beads, studies of cattle remains suggest Makuria imported cattle from the west. According to "The cattle factor. Faunal evidence for the study of social and economic processes in the medieval Middle Nile Valley. Sudan" by Marta Osypińska and Mariusz Drzewiecki, Makuria imported long-horned cattle from the west, probably the Central Sahel or Kordofan. Their analysis of faunal remains suggests that Alwa practiced a more conservative livestock farming based on ancient Kush while Makuria may have imported as much as 1/4 of its cattle from the west. While there is no evidence for Kanem playing any role in supplying cattle from the Central Sahel to Nubia (Makuria), it is possible that both Kanem and Makuria had an interest in secure trade routes through Kordofan and Darfur. This facilitated access to Egypt (and Nubia) for Kanem while the Christian Nubian kingdoms could be guaranteed of some security for trade routes through Darfur to Kawar and North Africa. Evidence from Nubian graffito writings or inscriptions found in Kordofan, such as one attesting to King Siti and likely from the 1330s, likewise demonstrate Makuria's interests in Kordofan and perhaps Darfur to the west. 

In summation, Kanem's eastward expansion in the 13th century was likely related to economic interests that likely included access to Indian Ocean networks via Nubia (and/or Egypt). While the northern, trans-Saharan route through Kawar and the Fazzan to the Maghreb and Egypt was still very important, the unique chemical composition of beads found at medieval Njimi suggest the use of an alternative route for at least beads. Since the Daju polity of the 13th century was possibly decentralized and divided, Kanem may have been able to expand its influence and promote an Islamic community of traders at the town of Tajuwa, likely somewhere near the Daju polity's base in Jebel Marra. Direct control or tribute-raising on much of the region would have been difficult due to the Zaghawa and Daju "pagans" who used the deserts and mountains to resist Kanem. Nonetheless, for the region to retain its significance to Kanem's rulers, Kanem may have engaged with the Daju polity for more security of the trade routes that led to Nubia (or Egypt). The possible evidence of a Nubian use of this trade route, or at least use by Muslim traders from Makuria and Alwa who also traded with the lands west of the Nile, can be seen in the cattle imports from the Sahel in Makuria. Furthermore, Makuria's rulers raiding a Daju town in the 12th century may be due to their raiders disrupting trade passing through the region. Lastly, the chemical composition of several beads at Soba, the capital of Alwa, resemble those of Njimi in Kanem. This may be due to interest in Makuria and Alwa in maintaining the trade routes to the west. Although any evidence for direct engagement between Kanem and the Christian Nubian states is lacking, Muslim traders active in all three kingdoms may have been the link.

Bibliography

Courtecuisse, L (editor). Les Arabes du Tchad. Paris: Centre de hautes études administratives sur l’Afrique et l’Asie modernes, 1971.

Hopkins, J. F. P., and Nehemia Levtzion (editors). Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2000.

Lange, Dierk, and Silvio Berthoud.  "L'intérieur de l'Afrique occidentale d'après Giovanni Lorenzo Anania (XVIe siècle)". Cahiers d'histoire mondiale, 14, no. 2 (1972): 299-351.

Magnavita, S., MacDonald, B. L., Magnavita, C., & Oga, A. (2024). LA-ICP-MS analysis of glass beads from Tié (12th–14th centuries), Kanem, Chad: Evidence of trans-Sudanic exchanges. Archaeometry, 66(1), 100–118. https://doi.org/10.1111/arcm.12898

McGregor, Andrew James. The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan (dissertation). University of Toronto, 2000.

Nachtigal, Gustav, Allan G. B. Fisher, and Humphrey J (trans.). Fisher. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 4. Berkeley and; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

O’Fahey, R. S. 2008. The Darfur Sultanate : A History. New York: Columbia University Press.

Osypińska, Marta, and Mariusz Drzewiecki. 2024. “The Cattle Factor. Faunal Evidence for the Study of Social and Economic Processes in the Medieval Middle Nile Valley. Sudan.” Journal of Archaeological Science Reports 55 (April): 104513. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2024.104513.

Then-Obłuska, J., & Dussubieux, L. (2023). Overseas imports on the Blue Nile: Chemical compositional analysis of glass beads from Soba, Nubia. Archaeometry, 65(5), 1018–1031. https://doi.org/10.1111/arcm.12863

The Bade and Kanem-Borno

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An excellent reconstitution of a map of Ibn Sa'id for the Lake Chad Region in the 13th century, in Dierk Lange's La région du lac Tchad d’après la géographie d’Ibn Saʿīd. Textes et cartes.

Although far from detailed, 13th century geographer Ibn Sa'id was one of the first writers to specifically name the Bade people of modern-day Nigeria. According to Ibn Sa'id, the Bade (spelled Badi in the translation of Levtzion and Hopkins) lived along the northern shores of Lake Chad and to the west of the land of Jaja. Jaja, a fertile province held by the Muslims of Kanem must have been much of Borno while the Badi occupied the western section (as well as some living closer to Lake Chad, or Lake Kuri). Some ambiguity about the borders between Muslim-held Jaja and the land of the Badi can be found in Ibn Said's reference to the Badi Hills adjoining the river of "Kawkaw" and Lake Kuri (Lake Chad) from which the Nile issues. Referring to Ibn Fatima, who traveled to Kanem, the Badi were bordered on their west by the Jabi (Jati?) peoples, said to be cannibals who file their teeth. 

Interestingly, Palmer's Gazetteer of Bornu Province includes some relevant Bedde traditions. Palmer saw them as linked to the Ngizim and noted that tradition in Borno remembered both groups as the first to come from Kanem to Borno and traveled along the Komadugu. This tradition of tying their arrival in Borno to Kanem and the Sayfawa dynasty seems to be a legend in which many groups sought to redefine their origins in Yemen (or the east) with claims to a Sayfawa connection as additional prestige. However, Palmer's suggestion that that Bade (or Bedde) were in western Borno by c.1300 or 200 years before the foundation of Gazargamo does match Ibn Sa'id's account. If, by the mid-1200s, the Bade were in western Borno, they could have dispersed from Dillawa and then moved to Dadigur in Borsari. Of course, some were supposedly still living along the northern shores of Lake Chad and presumably neighbored the land of Jaja between Badi and Lake Chad.

Timeline of Air History

by c.650: Maranda, or Marandet, settled by this date. The city was a center for copper and the name, according to Hamdani, meant henna. The capital city of Gobir after they moved south of Air was also named for henna, while the name Gobir is said to resemble the Coptic word for henna.

872: al-Yaqubi mentions Maranda, possibly the earliest known Hausa state or town that was connected to trans-Saharan trade routes, as well as the Marawiyyun who were listed after Qaqu and before Maranda. Al-Yaqubi's brief account describes a kingdom of al-HBShH with a town called ThBYR, whose king is called MRH, next to the Qaqu, who lived under the yoke of the king of ThBYR. Kawkaw (Gao) appears to have dominated some of these kingdoms, including in its empire al-MRW (an extensive realm). In addition, al-Yaqubi referenced the kingdom of Malal, described as an enemy of Kanem, ruled by MYWSY. According to Hamani, there are many ruins of the ancient Azna people of at Amellal, east of Amandar, in Azawak. Lastly, al-Yaqubi wrote of polities or peoples called Zayanir, the kingdom of 'RWR, and more.The kingdom of al-MRW had a capital called al-Hya.

-889/890: al-Yaqubi completed his Kitab al-buldan, which mentioned the Miriyyun, Zaghawiyyun, and Marwiyyun among the black slaves exported from Zawila

-c.903: Ibn al-Faqih mentioned Maranda and Marawa as locations on the trade route stretching from Ghana to Egypt

-c.956: al-Masu'udi described the Marka peoples as a group of Sudan in the west, after Kanem and before Kawkaw

-before 967-988: Ibn Hawqal's work goes into great detail on the Sanhaja and Berbers of the southern Sahara, mentioning clan and tribal groups still around in Mali and Niger. Those mentioned include Tarja, Sattata, Makita, Karka, Kilsanadat, Istafan, Imkitan.

-1068: al-Bakri's work mentions a land called Hir (Air?)

-c.1154: Maranda described by al-Idrisi as a populous town yet seldom visited because their merchandise is scare. Yet nomads stop there (from Kawar and Air?)

-1166-1182: Reign of Abdallah Bakuru of Kanem; Borno mahrams collected by Palmer mention his mahram granted to the Beni Mukhtar Tura in the Kawar (Dirku), and mention of conflict between Air (Ahir) and Dirku Tura

-after 1269: Ibn Sa'id's geographical treatise refers to Berbers between Kawkaw and Kanem who were converted to Islam by the ruler of Kanem (and they provide camels used by Kanem's raids)

-c.1337-38: al-Umari's writings allude to a Berber sultan of Ahir (Air), who was considered greater than the Berber kings of Tadmakka and DMWshH

-1353: Ibn Battuta left Takadda, a city he described as exporting copper worked by slaves to Kubar. Sultan of Takadda, a Berber named Izar, was said to have been in a dispute with the Takarkari, another Berber sultans. Ibn Battuta later described Kahir as the country of the Karkari sultan, a grassy land where people buy sheep and dry the flesh, which is later exported to Tuwat

-Also, in 1353, an ambassador of Takadda's ruler at Biskara described the city as an importance stop for travelers to Mali. One caravan of merchants that passed through Takadda included 12,000 camels.

1355: Ibn Battuta's Rihla mentions Gobir as a non-Muslim kingdom importing copper and practicing human sacrifice

-1404/5-1423/4: Reign of Yunus as Sultan of Air

-1423/4-1429/30: Reign of Akkasan

-1429/30-1449/50: Reign of Alisau

-c.1438-1452: Borno attacked Asben/Air during this period, but couldn’t find water, ended by receiving tribute from lands west of Borno; Kano gave tsare to Borno

-1449/50-1453: Reign of Amini; brief reign of Ibn Takuma in civil war

-1452-1463: Fulani go to Borno, according to Kano Chronicle while Gwanja merchants arrived in Katsina, Kanuri came in larger numbers, and Asbenawa came to Gobir. Reign of Abdulahi Burja in Kano

-1453-1461/2: Reign of Ibrahim

-c.1460: Agadez built, according to Marmol, though Hamani cites traditions and evidence of an earlier Hausa or Gobirawa presence at Agades

-1461/2-1477/78: Reign of Yusuf

-1477/78-1486/7: Reign of Muhammad al-Kabir

-1486/7-1493/4: Reign of Muhammad Sattafan

-c.1492-1493: al-Maghili in Takedda

-1493: al-Lamtuni, probably from Air, wrote to al-Suyuti in Cairo

-c.1493: Letter form al-Suyuti to the rulers of Katsina and Agadez; reference to human sacrifice of slaves by Gobirawa when they are ill

-1493/4-1502/3: Reign of Muhammad b. Abd al-Rahman

-1493-1528: Reign of Askia Muhammad I of Songhay

-1500/1501: Askia Muhammad I of Songhay drove Tilza of Air out of his sultanate

-1502/3-1516: Reign of Muhammad al-Adil and Muhammad Humad

-1516: Askia Muhammad's campaign against al-Adala, sultan of Agadez

-1516-1518: Reign of Muhammad in Agadez

-1517/18: Askia Muhammad of Songhay campaigns against Kebbi

-1518-1541/2: Reign of Ibrahim Muhammad Sattafan

-1541/2-1553/4: Reign of Muhammad

-1553/4-1591/2: Reign of Muhammad al-Adil b. al-Hajj al-Aqib

-c.1561: Borno-Kebbi War, Borno said to have fielded an army of 100,000 against Kebbi after Kebbi attacks on Air region, but Kebbi defeated Borno (yet Muhammad Kanta died after)

-1591/2-1593/4/5: Reign of Akanfaya

-1593/4/5: Reign of Yusuf ibn alhaji Ahmad with brief interlude of 4 months under Muhammad ibn al-Mubarek

-early 1600s: Town of Illela founded by Asben immigrants (part of Katsina kingdom)

c.1601: Ibn al-Mubarak fled to Kazway in Borno during civil war with his cousin Yusuf, ruler of Agadez (date from H.R. Palmer)

-c1619-1639: Reign of al-hajj Umar b. Idris of Borno; Waldede-Jirmi Affair during his reign, in which Shaykh Jirmi was killed by Sultan Umar and Waldede fled to Bagirmi. Shaykh Umar Waldede was said to have traveled to Agadez and Timbuktu for study, was part of the Fulani diaspora. 

-1621/2-1654: Reign of Muhammad al-Tafrij

1639-1677: Reign of Mai Ali b. Umar of Borno, who was praised in poem by Dan Marina for his victory against the Kwararafa

-1654-1687: Muhammad al-Mubarak's reign in Agadez

-1657: Agadez began exporting senna to Fezzan (Girard)

-1667: Borno-Tuareg war; Borno prince Medicon sold into slavery after Agadez attacked Borno, but Mai Ali b. Umar was able to have the Pasha of Tripoli find and liberate Medicon

-1674: Sultanate of Agadez conquers Ader/Adar after defeating Kebbi

-1675: Prince al-Hajj Aknafaya of Agadez went on 2nd pilgrimage to Mecca

-1679: Muhammad al-Mubarak, Sultan of Agadez, invades Borno, troops led by Muhammad b. al-Hajj Ibrahim, surnamed Amma Fatim, with Kel Away Tuaregs

-1681: Prince Akanfaya of Agadez went on third pilgrimage

-1683: Muhammad al-Mubarak of Agadez brought about peace between Kel-Oui and Itissines at In-Teboraq 

-1685: Agadez war with Zanfara; Agabba of Agadez returns to Adar

-1687: Muhammad al-Mubarak of Agadez died during epidemic, succeeded by Agabba

-1687-1720: Reign of Muhammad Agabba of Agadez

-1689: Successful counterattack of Muhammad Agabba (Agadez Sultanate) against Gobir; Awlad Muhammad ruler fled to Katsina

October 1710: Fra Carlo Maria de Genoa met an Agadez prince at Taraghen in the Fezzan

-1721: Muhammad Agabba of Agadez dethroned by brother al-Amin, fled to Adar and ruled among the Itisen from Birni-n-Ader until 1738

-1721-1722: Muhammad al-Wali replaced al-Amin as sultan of Agadez

-1723-1735: Reign of Muhammd ag-Ghaisha, nephew of Agabba

-1726: Tuareg of Air war with Gobir

-1735-1740: Reign of Muhammad Humad

-1738: Death of Agabba, sultan of Adar

-1740: Kel Owey Tuareg invade the palace of Agadesand slaughter many people

-1740-1744: Reign of Muhammd Ghuma 

-1744-1759: Second reign of Muhmmad Humad

-c.1759: Bilma War between Tuareg of Air and Borno, resulting in Tuareg of Agadez confederation becoming the dominant player in the movement of Kawar salt to Hausaland; Agadez Chronicles also report the Sultan attacking Gobir with Kel Owey.

-1759-1763: Reign of Muhammad Ghuma

-1763-1768: Reign of Muhammad Humad (third time)

-1765: Kanuri massacred Kel Ewey Tuareg, leading to retaliation by Sultan Muhammad of Agadez who attacked Borno, marching to the gates of the capital

-1768-1792: Reign of Muhammad al-Udala

-1780s: Earliest known Kel Owey settlement on the trade route from Ahir to Katsina established at Magami

-1792-1797: Reign of Muhammad al-Dani

-1797-1809/10: Reign of Muhammad al-Baqiri

-by 1800: Many in Agades had moved south to Hausaland

-1809/10-1818: Reign of Muhammad Humad

-1818-1828: Reign of Ibrahim

-1828-1835/6: Reign of Muhammad Ghuma (2nd reign)

-1835/6-1849: Abd al-Qadir's reign in Agadez

The Little Ice Age and the Oyo Empire

We found the above talk on Oyo b Akin Ogundiran rather fascinating. Gathering data or sources from archaeological, climatological and historical information, an interesting look at the rise of the Oyo Empire is possible.

Siècles Obscurs: The Alifas of Kanem and the Tunjur in the 17th and 18th Centuries

Zezerti, Alifa of Kanem in  Les coutumes familiales au Kanem by Robert Bouillié

One particularly difficult aspect of Kanem's history is establishing a better chronology for the series of alifas who ruled from Mao. First established by Dala Afuno under the auspices of the Sayfawa rulers of Borno, the alifas have not had their pre-19th century history documented extensively. Indeed, most accounts appear to rely on oral traditions, but a clearer picture only emerges in the 19th century. In that turbulent period, pressure from Wadai and the migration of the Awlad Sulayman and the loss of Borno's claims to any suzerainty in the region are recorded by various sources. In addition, European travelers such as Nachtigal or the early colonial-era administrators and scholars were able to collect traditions from what was then a very recent past. Unfortunately, what Zeltner has referred to as the siècles obscurs of Kanem (17th and 18th centuries) remain a mystery. Revisiting the various traditions from Kanembu, Borno, and Tunjur sources, we shall propose what may be a better chronology for understanding the exodus of the Bulala, the immigration of the Tunjur, and the rise of the Dala Afuno and the alifas of Mao.

First, the reign of Sabun of Wadai provides a relatively decent period for understanding the early 19th century in Kanem. According to Landeroin, the 14th alifa, Mele Koura, was deposed for endeavoring to force a Magumi group, the Yabouribous, to pay tribute. After attacking and pillaging their villages, Mele Koura was recalled to Birni Gazargamo and imprisoned. His brother, Hadji, was then appointed the alifa of Kanem. After occupying the office for ten years, he was overthrown by Mele Koura, who had escaped from Borno. With the aid of Sabun of Wadai, Mele Koura reoccupied his post as alifa of Kanem (Landeroin, 381). Since Sabun likely reigned from c.1804-1815 and Hadji was only alifa for 10 years, Hadji had to have held the post by 1805. This suggests that Mele Koura was deposed by the Sayfawa Sultan Ahmad b. Ali (r. 1792-1808). Keep in mind that Hadji could have occupied his post before 1805, too. For example, if his reign began in 1795 or 1796, and he was deposed by Mele Koura (with Sabun's aid) in 1805 or 1806, then the chronology would require some adjustment. Another event that might be correlated with the late 18th century is the intervention of Wadai in Mondo during the reign of Joda (1747-1795). His agid el-Bahr was said to have conquered Mondo and parts of Kanem near the end of his reign (Sahara and Sudan IV, 212).

What of the 13 preceding alifas of Kanem, who held the post in the 17th and 18th centuries? A clearer understanding of when the Bulala ruling dynasty lost control of Kanem and became centered around Lake Fitri may help. In terms of Bagirmi's history, Nachtigal dated the reign of Burkomanda 1635-1665. This mbang had a sister married to the Bulala sultan at Fitri (Sahara and Sudan III, 405). Nachtigal's dates are not infallible, but suggests that the Bulala sultans were based in the Fitri around by the mid-17th century. Tunjur historical tradition in Mondo sheds further light on the Bulala exit as well. According to Gros, whose study of the Tunjur was published in Les Arabes du Tchad, the Tunjur were led into Kanem by Diab, a son of Daoud, the last Tunjur king before the formal establishment of Wadai by Abd al-Kerim. Supposedly, Daoud reigned 17 years before Darfur fell to Solimon Solong (Gros, 272). It is perhaps best not to take this number too literally, and it could be only used relatively since firm regnal dates for the founder the Darfur sultanate are lacking. But, it was not Daoud who led the Tunjur to Kanem. That occurred under the leadership of his successors. Nonetheless, he was said to have launched raids that had reached Kanem (Gros, 275). The actual migration to Kanem occurred around the year 1630. However, Gros attributes the first attack on the Bulala at Mao to Smain, a grandson of Daoud. Allegedly taking place 3 years after the death of Diab, the Tunjur forces struck and seized Mao, a city which still had brick walls or edifices. Supposedly, Borno did not intervene at this time due to past conflicts with a Bulala sultan named Muhammad al-Fadil. If this tradiion is reliable, then it was only under the second generation of leadership in Kanem that the Bulala were able to take Mao and dislodge the Bulala (Gros, 278).

Of course, this traditional history (as told by Gros) is not always consistent chronologically. But it is plausible for the Tunjur not being strong enough to defeat the Bulala immediately upon arrival in Kanem. Tunjur tradition, however, suggests the first alifa sent by Borno, Dala Afuno, did not arrive until the 18th century. After Smain b. Diab died in c.1720, his son, Ramadan became the next Tunjur leader. It was this Tunjur leader who was attacked and killed by Dala Afuno in c.1735. This late date might have been meant to weaken the prestige of the Dalatoa of Mao. Indeed, Gros's Tunjur informants told him that Dala Afuno was originally a vassal of Ramadan (Gros, 279). Since there is no evidence of this elsewhere, it is very likely that Tunjur traditionists sought to increase their own status and history in Kanem while delegitimizing that of their political rivals, the Dalatoa. Indeed, Landeroin's account of Dala Afuno mentions no conflict with the Tunjur at all. It is possible that Mao was already abandoned or quickly fell to the Dalatoa while the Tunjur were largely limited to Mondo. Unsurprisingly, the next Tunjur head, Brahim, was said to have encouraged the Kanembu and Haddad to rebel against the alifas of Kanem. This is likely true, as Landeroin noted that most of the alifas of the 17th and 18th centuries had to wage various campaigns against multiple ethnic groups in Kanem to ensure the payment of tribute (Landeroin, 380).

Despite giving what is almost certainly an unreasonably late date for the arrival of Dala Afuno, Gros's traditions provide another clue for establishing a timeline. According to Gros, Yusuf, the next Tunjur leader, actually traveled to Borno to receive the kadmoul and become a fougbou. The Sayfawa mai who invested him was remembered in tradition as Tschoulloum Aouami (Gros, 279). This mai is difficult to identify, but Kanuri praise songs for the sultans of Borno might provide essential clues. In this case, a song to Muhammad b. al-hajj Hamdum, who likely reigned from 1729-1744, alludes to the Kurata in Kanem as "slaves" of the mai (Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 254). These "Kurata" slaves of the Borno ruler could be Yusuf, the fougbou of Kanem, and his following. Moreover, the praise song identifies the mother of the mai as Hawa, possibly matching the Aouami in the name remembered by the Tunjur. In addition, Jean-Claude Zeltner has connected the Kurata in Kanem with the Tunjur in his history of the Arabs of the Lake Chad Basin (Zeltner, 51). Thus, in a Kanuri praise song to a Sayfawa mai who reigned in the years 1729-1744, Yusuf of the Tunjur at Mondo could have come to Gazargamo for formal investment. Certainly, by 1744, the rulers of Borno were claiming authority over the Kurata (Tunjur) and Tunjur traditions are compatible with this timeline.

What of other ways for improving the chronology for the origin of Dala Afuno and the Dalatoa in Kanem? Landeroin repeated semi-legendary tales of Dala Afuno and his victory against the last of the Sao giants. This clearly legendary story serves as a pretext for his appointment to rule Kanem, as his popularity in Gazargamo worried the mai (Landeroin 379). Besides identifying his Magumi father, Mallam Madou, and assigning an origin in a village in Hausaland called Afo or Apo, we have little to work with. The traditions as recorded by Landeroin suggest Dala Afuno was taken captive by the Sayfawa when they seized control of Borno, which may be a reference to a Borno raid or attack on part of Hausaland (Landeroin, 379). Well, we do have records of an attack on Kano launched by Idris Alooma (r. 1564-1596). Is it possible that Dala Afuno was taken captive in one of these attacks, then brought to Gazargamo?  The Kano Chronicle seemingly refers to the attack on Kano by Borno during the reign of Abdullahi. Palmer assigns a regnal date of 1509-1565, which is likely incorrect (far too long reign of 58 years, though we have no alternatives). Nonetheless, during his reign 3 mallams from Borno came to Kano, Karsaku, Magumi and Kabi (Kano Chronicle, 79). Is it possible Dala Afuno, whose name might have been a reference to Kano and Hausaland, was the son of Magumi? If so, then he would have had to been rather young when brought to Gazargamo. This may also explain his legendary victory against the last Sao giant, possibly a reference to remnant "Sao" populations in Borno (Tatala and Gafata) after Idris Alooma's campaigns. Alternatively, Dala could be added to Dala Afuno's name in order to mark an achievement related to building a walled town or fortifications, as Lange has suggested (Lange, 119-120).

Nachtigal, on the other hand, believed that Dala Afuno was a Hausa slave. Apparently, he also believed that the Tunjur were initially accepted by Borno as legitimate rulers of Kanem, until they became too independent (Sahara and Sudan III, 9). Furthermore, Nachtigal saw ruins of a castle near Mao which was apparently once a Tunjur garrison until Dala Afuno made it his birni (11). This matches the traditions recorded by Gros on the Tunjur seizing Mao (which had brick structures or walls) from the Bulala. If so, Dala Afuno may have arrived in Kanem during the reign of Ali b. Umar (1639-1677) in Borno. That would best match the timeline of events in Kanem where the Tunjur arrived sometime between 1630 and 1650 and the Bulala sultans were installed in the Fitri region before 1665. 

Of course, one is tempted to consider Umar b. Idris of Borno as the first to install an alifa in Kanem since he appointed the first galadima at Nguru (a son of his by a slave woman). But the chronological details suggested here and the fact that there were only 5 generations of Tunjur sultans by c.1744 (4 only in Kanem and not before) might take the origin back to the 1630s or 1640s. It is unlikely that Dala Afuno arrived in the 18th century. Consequently, Dala Afuno may have arrived sometime in the 1640s after the Tunjur established themselves. The generational account based on the list of Landeroin (9 generations of alifas by the early 1800s) might push the birth of Dala Afuno back to the late 16th century, which is compatible with him arriving in Kanem by the 1640s if not earlier. If Dala Afuno was from a village ruled by Kano, we suspect his father may have been the mallam called "Magumi" in the Kano Chronicle. Of course, this is pure speculation, but could be a plausible explanation for traditions of Dala Afuno as a slave from Hausaland and the son of a Magumi mallam. Ultimately, we are forced to concur with Lavers general date of 1642 as the latest in which the first alifa would have begun the dynasty in Kanem.

Sources

Courtecuisse, L(editor). Les Arabes du Tchad  / par L. Courtecuisse [and others]. Paris: Centre de hautes études administratives sur l’Afrique et l’Asie modernes, 1971.

Lange, Dierk.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

Nachtigal, Gustav, Allan G. B. Fisher, and Humphrey J (trans.). Fisher. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 3. Berkeley and; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

Palmer, H.R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

__________. Palmer, H. R. “The Kano Chronicle.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908): 58–98. https://doi.org/10.2307/2843130.

Zeltner, J. C. Histoire des Arabes sur les rives du lac Tchad. Paris: E. Karthala, 2002.

__________. Pages D'histoire Du Kanem: Pays Tchadien. Paris: Harmattan, 1980.

Witness List in the Mahram of N'Galma Duku

Whilst revisiting Bobboyi's work on the mahram texts that have survived in Borno, we came across an interesting find. Bobboyi actually located an Arabic text in Geidam that is a version of the "Mahram of the N'Galma Duku" published in H.R. Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan. The witness list in the Geidam copy found by Bobboyi was apparently shorter than the version used by Palmer. Nonetheless, one notices that a Dunama b. Salma appears as a yarima while the talib was named Yunus. We strongly suspect Dunama b. Salma to have been a yerima during the reign of his father, Salma (sometimes rendered Tsilim). Furthermore, we believe that the talib listed as a witness was the grandfather of Kaday b. Dunama. We've made our case before, but this Arabic copy of the mahram that is likely more reliably translated by Bobboyi is further indication that the yerima in the text was probabl a young Dunama b. Dibalemi. 

The Mystery of the Mune

A plausible map of Kanem's 13th century apogee available on Wikipedia.

The Mune, an object opened by Dunama Dibalemi (r. 1210-1248), is one of the heavily contested or debated topics in the annals of the Sayfawa dynasty. Said to have led to the period of strife, defeat, and civil wars that followed Dunama Dibalemi's reign, the Mune has been interpreted by some as a pagan relic, an Islamic covenant, and even tied to Egyptian conspiracies against the mai. Older academics tried to contextualize it as Dunama the ardent Islamic reformer, eager to end pre-Islamic customs or influences in the state. Others stress the interpretation of Ahmad b. Furtu or Muhammad Yanbu, which suggests the Mune was a revered Islamic relic. Thus, in their eyes, Dunama Dibalemi went against Islam and the advice of his court. A thorough second look at the various contexts in which the Mune was discussed in Borno sources as well as an examination of Kanuri religious practices may shed additional light on this poorly understood aspect of Kanem-Borno history. Ultimately, the Mune may best be understood as a symbol for proper leadership.

 

Let us begin with one of the earliest written sources on the Mune. Ahmad b. Furtu, chief imam and chronicler of Idris b. Ali (r. 1564-1596), mentioned the Mune in the context of Idris b. Ali's campaigns against the Bulala sultan in Kanem. Since Kanem was the ancient homeland of the Sayfawa dynasty, it is not surprising that Ahmad b. Furtu also wrote of visits to the burial places of Sayfawa ancestors or compared Idris b. Ali to Dunama Dibalemi. It would seem that by the 16th century, Borno tradition remembered Dunama Dibalemi as a seminal figure in the history of the maiwa. Informants on this past included elders and sheikhs. More specifically, a shaykh named Wunoma Muhammad al-Saghir ibn Tuguma spoke of Dunama Dibalemi's army including 30,000 cavalry (Sudanese Memoirs I, 50). In terms of the Mune itself, Ahmad b. Furtu wrote it "was a certain thing wrapped up and hidden away whereon depended their victory in war" (Sudanese Memoirs I, 69-70). It was thus something held by the Sayfawa dynasty for generations and believed to be essential for military victory or success. Ahmad b. Furtu stressed that Dunama Dibalemi disobeyed "his people" by opening the Mune and whatever was inside flew away. In addition to losing what ensured victory against infidels, Ahmad b. Furtu wrote, "It is said that when Dunama opened it, whatever was inside flew away impelling the chief men of the kingdom to greed for dominion and high rank" (Sudanese Memoirs I, 70). As if it was not already clear, Ahmad b. Furtu also compared the Mune to the Ark of the Covenant and immediately wrote of the war with the Tubu during Dunama Dibalemi's reign. This was followed by further conflict with the Bulala. Undoubtedly, Ahmad b. Furtu (and presumably elders and shaykhs relying on tradition) saw the Mune as Ilslamic and something held by the Banu Sayf for generations which ensured their military victories as well as internal political stability.

The next source, the Diwan, is much briefer. Since we are relying on the French translation of Lange, which used a 19th century copy found by Barth, we are assuming the Diwan given to Barth represented a 19th century product. While there may have been a longer chronicle or much earlier girgams that were periodically updated over the centuries, we do not have any such document from the reign of Dunama Dibalemi or his immediate successors. So, what does the Diwan tell us about the Mune? Like Ahmad b. Furtu, the chronicle attributes the opening of the Mune, a thing known only to God the most high, to Dunama Dibalemi. Moreover, like Ahmad b. Furtu, it also tells us that Dunama engaged in at least one war, his sons were dispersed. Furthermore, "Auparavant il n'y avait pas eu des factions" (Diwan, 72). Unmistakably, the Diwan emphasizes the rise of political factions with the sons of the mai taking different sides. This corroborates the view of Ahmad b. Furtu, who wrote of the chief men of Kanem aspiring to higher positions and power after the opening of the Mune. The general picture is one of the Mune as a holy object and the opening or cutting of it was actually un-Islamic. In his commentary on it, Lange tried to argue that the Diwan and Ahmad b. Furtu saw the "pagan" object as something that must be maintained by the Sayfawa for reasons of state security. However, it is far more likely that the authors of these aforementioned texts truly believed that the Mune was a Muslim object akin to the Ark of the Covenant. 

The next major source on the Mune is Muhammad Yanbu. A scion of the Sayfawa dynasty who lived in the 18th and 19th centuries, Yanbu wrote al-Idara fi nizam al-mamlaka wa 'l-imara. This author wrote that the Mune was actually carried on military campaigns. Yanbu also emphasized the Mune as a convenant with Ten Commandments the Banu Say were supposed to maintain (Bobboyi, 87). One such commandment was, "Eightly, to hold fast, all together, to the rope of Allah and not be divided" (Bobboyi 88). This commandment seems particularly relevant since the Sayfawa princes apparently began to form or align themselves with factions, eventually leading to civil wars and internal discord that weakened Kanem after Dunama Dibalemi's reign. Based on Ahmad b. Furtu, Muhammad Yanbu and Borno oral sources, Bobboyi believed the Mune represented "a conceptualization of the Islamic political role of the Sayfawa sultans by the 'Ulama, at least from the sixteenth century" (Bobboyi, 88). Besides these aforementioned written sources, abundant Borno oral traditions consulted by Bobboyi stress the central role of the Mune in the fall of Sayfawa rule in Kanem. For example, the Mune commandment to never flee from battle when defeated, as Bobboyi elucidates, informed the custom among the Sayfawa for the ruler to dismount, sit on his shield and say, "Munem Bago." This apparently means "Fleeing is not in the Mune" (Bobboyi, 107). Undoubtedly, the Mune and its commandments were understood in this broadly Islamic ideology of a proper, just ruler.

Additional Borno sources on the Mune were utilized by historian Muhammad Nur Alkali. One of his sources, an unpublished text he entitled The story of the mune written 1185 A.H. (NO, 1771) as a memory of the golden age of the Sayfawa rule, was written by the amir of Alarge, Muhammad b. al-Hajj b. Ali. A translation and commentary by Abdullahi Smith was included in Kyari Tijani's "The Mune in Pre-Colonial Borno." This source includes a list of pledges or dictates the Sayfawa must maintain, which is essentially the same as the Commandments in al-Idara (Alkali, 43-44). Alkali also included material from al-Idara which blamed the Egyptians for influencing Dunama Dibalemi's actions with regard to the Mune: "Thus, Mai Dunoma’s decision to open the Mune was not only seen as a break-away from an established tradition of his ancestors but was also considered a conspiracy against the state by the Egyptians who influenced the Mai into taking this decision" (Alkali, 70). A possible foreign involvement or influence on Dunama Dibalemi was certainly possible. He was likely the ruler of Kanem when Kanemi pilgrims and students began to pay Ibn Rashiq in Cairo to teach at a madrasa, sometime in the 1240s (Levtzion & Hopkins, 353). Furthermore, one mahram said to originate during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi's father designates Dunama Dibalemi as "Al Hajj Dunama ibn Dabale" (Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 20). There are no Egyptian sources to corroborate a pilgrimage undertaken by Dunama Dibalemi, but he likely sponsored the Kanemi students and pilgrims who passed through Cairo in the 1240s and began to study at Madrasat Ibn Rashiq. 

Since contact with Ayyubid Egypt did occur and it entailed Islamic teaching, there may have been some kind of foreign involvement or pressure that influenced Dunama's decision to open the Mune. Alternatively, one wonders if the story of an Egyptian conspiracy here is merely a muddled alternative version of Egyptian involvement in the drowning of Dunama b. Hummay in c. 1140 (Diwan, 69). Unfortunately, there are no Fatimid sources on the alleged pilgrimages of Dunama b. Hummay or any involvement in his death. But since Dunama Dibalemi shared the same name, is it possible the idea of Egyptian involvement arose because of Dunama b. Hummay's death, a death in the sea of Moses which the Kanem ruler could not part? Or was there pressure from Egyptian scholars to end the veneration of the Mune that reached Dunama in Kanem? Alternatively, is the Egyptian involvement related to Ayyubid fears of Kanem's influence in the Fazzan and lands in the east, toward Nubia? One of the Borno sources, written in the late 1700s, merely states, "Some Egyptians who came to him advised him that it would be preferable to open it to find out what it contained" (Tijani, 239). 

Alternatively, given its Judeo-Christian overtones and clear resemblance with the Ark of the Covenant, was there some creative reimagining of Sayf b. Dhi Yazan legends in which he actually took the Ark of the Covenant from Ethiopia? Or was this a reference to the period of Jewish rulers in Himyar? In one of the story cycles of the Sayf legends written in Mamluk Egypt, Sayf was interested in seizing a book on the history of the Nile. Is it possible that Coptic and Islamic legends in Egypt about the Ark of the Covenant being in Ethiopia possibly influenced, even indirectly, the Mune traditions acquiring more overt Biblical characteristics? Unfortunately, the ascent of the Solomonic dynasty in Ethiopia only began in 1270, but the idea of the Christian kingdom as the land of Sheba and its Solomonic connections predate this period. Is it possible that the Mune was creatively reimagining the Ark of the Covenant based on traditions of Sayf b. Dhi Yazan defeating the Abyssinians? Or was this due to the brief period of a Jewish kingdom at Himyar? Either way, it was undoubtedly reimagined with a more Islamic veneer by the 16th century. It nonetheless demonstrates how complex the Mune and its origins were.

With Borno sources emphasizing an Islamic orientation of the Mune and connecting it to an ideology of kingship, what room is left for interpretations of it as a pagan relic or symbol from the pre-Islamic past? Palmer, whose diffusionist imagination often got the better of him, tried to link the Mune to sacra of the Hausa, Kwararafa, and Zaghawa peoples. When informed by a Zaghawa of Wadai that a Koran covered in skins like the Kano dirki was a Mani, and pagan Zaghawa saw the Mani as a ram stored in a cave with sacred objects, Palmer leapt at the opportunity to bring in the Ancient Egyptian god, Aman (Amun, perhaps). Consequently, Dunama Dibalemi's opening the Mune was seen by Palmer as the first truly Islamic ruler of Kanem ending pagan practices (Bornu Sahara and Sudan). However, this view is contradicted by local written sources and oral traditions. In our own feeble attempts at reconstructing pre-Islamic religion in Kanem, we preferred to view the Mune as a type of sacrum from the pre-Islamic period which was adapted after the conversion of the Sayfawa maiwa in the late 11th century. 

Looking at the sources on it again, we find it impossible to answer. Either the Mune was purely inspired and began during the reign of Hummay or the tradition attributing its opening or "cutting" to Dunama Dibalemi is meant metaphorically to refer to the loss of internal unity during and after Dunama Dibalemi's reign. In that sense, he violated one of the central commandments and his successors truly paid the consequences. Yet, the Mune must have also been an actual object at one point if it was carried into battle. Its possible pre-Islamic, Judeo-Christian, and Islamic meanings or origins suggest the need for a closer exploration of Kanem-Borno's intellectual history. Understanding, to whatever extent possible, the connections with the broader Islamic world and perhaps, the Egyptian context in which Kanem pilgrims and students began to travel more frequently in Ayyubid and Mamluk Egypt may provide further clues for the development of the Mune ideology. 

Bibliography

Alkali, Mohammad Nur. 2013. Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846) . Nigeria: University of Maiduguri.

Bobboyi, Hamidu. The ’Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808. Dissertation, 1992.

Hopkins, J. F. P., and Nehemia Levtzion (editors). Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2000.

Lange, Dierk. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

Palmer, H.R. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. 1st ed., new impression. London: Cass, 1967.

___________. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

Dunama Dibalemi and Kaday b. Dunama

Although much stronger evidence is required, possible hints as to Dunama Dibalemi (r. 1210-1248) before his ascent to the throne may be found in a mahram. Translated in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, this "Mahram of the N'Galma Duku" was first issued during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi's father, Salmama (r. 1182-1210). Included within the mahram is a list of witnesses (p. 20. This very list contained a yerima named Dunama ibn Tsilim. Tsilim is actually another variant for Salma, or Salmama, referring to this ruler's dark skin. However, this charter of privilege for the descendants of Abd ul Lahi Dili ibn Bikuru likely dates to the 18th or 19th century. It was allegedly renewed several times by later Sayfawa maiwa, the last one named as the Ali ibn Dunama (r. 1747-1792). Consequently, it is dangerous to make too many assumptions about this document without seeing an original Arabic text and other possible copies, if any survived. Nonetheless, if the list of witnesses to the original act is accurate, it suggests Dunama Dibalemi may have first served as a yerima. Since this position in later centuries always went to a free-born son of a princess and encompassed responsibilities for northern territory or defense, Dunama was likely well-equipped to handle trans-Saharan and northern affairs by the time he became king.

Unfortunately, another problem exists: if Dunama Dibalemi's father was named Salma ibn Bikuru in the mahram, would his name later be given as Tsilim? According to later sources, Salma's name was sometimes rendered Tsilim, leading us to suspect the list of witnesses to the original act may have been based on oral traditions or a later copy used the variant Tsilim instead of Salma. Nachtigal's list, for instance, uses the name Tsilim. Salma is also referred to as Tsilim multiple times in Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs and Bornu Sahara and Sudan. If the mahram really was a 19th century or 18th century copy, perhaps the list of witnesses was adapted to fit their later rendering of Salma (or Salmama) as Tsilim. Alternatively, Salma (or Salmama) may not have originally been linked to the word for a dark-skinned person. Lange, in his study of the Diwan, suggests another etymology linking the name to the Arabic word for peace. 

One also worries about the other son of Tsilim listed among the witnesses: Mabarlad ibn Tsilim. Since the position of tegoma appears to have disappeared, we cannot figure out what his responsibilities were. However, it is interesting to note that Mabarlad's name slightly resembles the son of Salma named earlier in the mahram: Mabradu. Is this a possible example of names garbled in later copies of the mahram or a possible error in Palmer's translation? Again, we would love to see copies of the original or any variant manuscripts to check the name. If we are indeed speaking of the same person as a witness, which is not impossible since the benefactor, a learned imam, had taught the Mabradu, then this could be further evidence that Dunama ibn Tsilim was indeed the yerima. Of course, the mystery is why the chiroma, or heir, was named Nigale ibn Sa'ad. If the chiroma was usually a son or brother of the mai, one would expect another ibn Tsilim or perhaps ibn Bukur.

Despite these aforementioned problems, the Diwan does suggest the list of witnesses for the mahram included people significant during the reigns of Dunama Dibalemi and his sons. Thus, Kaday b. Dunama, who reigned likely in the years 1248-1277, was said to be the son of M.t.la, or Matala, in the Diwan. His maternal grandfather was named Yun.s of the M.gh.r.ma tribe (p. 72). Well, this tribe, which Lange saw as the Magumi, were said to have also been the tribe of Dabali, the mother of Dunama Dibalemi. Furthermore, in the list of witnesses, a talba was present whose name was Yunus. The talba was a chief magistrate and important official in the Sayfawa court. Furthermore, he was of the same tribe or clan as Dunama Dibalemi's mother. Dabali, whose father was Batku, may have been the daughter of the Batku who was a brother of Abd Allah Bakaru, who likely reigned from c.1166-1182. If so, then Dunama Dibalemi's father was related to his mother. Then, in the next generation, Kaday b. Dunama's parents may have been related. Since Kaday b. Dunama's mother was the daughter of a talba in the court of Dunama Dibalemi's father, it was likely easier for her to ensure his succession in c.1248. Unfortunately, we know little about Matala, though Muhammad Nur Alkali believed she was essential in preparing him for leadership (p. 74). 

Unfortunately for Kaday b. Dunama, a rival son of Dunama Dibalemi likely contested his authority and succeeded in establishing his own descent group. The Diwan does not give the full tale, but Kaday was assassinated by someone named Dunama, likely a dignitary or person in government. Afterwards, the throne went to Bir b. Dunama, a son of Dunama Dibalemi with Zaynab. According to the Lange translation, Bir b. Dunama died at Njimi in c.1296 (p. 73). His successor was a son, Ibrahim, whose mother was a "Kunkuna." He was violently murdered and thrown into a river or stream by a yerima. Then a son of Kaday was able to ascend to the throne. Named Abd Allah b. Kaday, he actually ordered the execution of the people near Diskama who saw the naked corpse of his cousin. Descendants of Abd Allah b. Kaday held the throne until c. 1342, when Idris b. Ibrahim became mai. Several of his predecessors had short reigns and died in conflicts with the Sao (p. 75). Thus, from c.1248 to c. 1342, power was contested between two descent groups originating among Dunama Dibalemi's 2 sons. The last direct descendant of Kaday b. Dunama to reign was Muhammad b. Abd Allah, who only reigned for a year after dying in a war against the Sao.

Although our own speculative reading of the "Mahram of N'Galma Duku" offers possible clues to the origins of Dunama Dibalemi's rise to political power and how his son Kaday was favored for succession, further evidence is required. It nonetheless suggests that a consolidation of the Magumi royal clan took place during this period (late 12th century and early 13th century). Furthermore, the function of yerima held by Dunama Dibalemi before coming to the throne would have prepared him well for governing the northern lands of Kanem. This would have meant contact with traders from the north through secure routes as well as moments of tension or collaboration with Tubu and (Tuareg?) Berbers. The central role of Kawar in Kanem's trans-Saharan trade and ensuring security may have been part of his remit. Furthermore, by ensuring his successor was also a Magumi through his mother and possibly a talba in the court of his father who was a relative, Dunama may have believed he was ensuring power remained in a close-knit descent group. Sadly, it did not last very long as dynastic conflict arose among the descendants of his two sons for nearly a century. It has been suggested that Dunama may have placed his sons or many descendants in posts of authority around the empire, which may have initially worked when a strong, dynamic father could exert some influence. But once he left the scene, squabbles over the throne and wars with the Sao plagued Kaday's descendants.