Kaday b. Lafia and Assakélé

Whilst perusing Dierk Lange's study of the Diwan and taking another look at H.R. Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs, we wanted to revisit the Bulala sultans in the first half of the 16th century. Since we believe Aisa Kili of Borno traditions may also be remembered in Kanem under a slightly different name, we previously proposed identifying Aisa Kili with the daughter of Kalo, a Bulala sultan remembered for resisting the Sayfawa in the 16th century. Unfortunately, Carbou's allusions to Kanembu songs of a historical nature that remember the Bulala sultans are not fully quoted. However, Carbou was confident about Kalo being the son of a woman named Lafia. We suspect Aisa Kili, or Assakélé, may have been the daughter of Kaday b. Lafia. Identified in the Diwan as Kaday b. L.fiya (Lange's translation), he was defeated by Muhammad b. Idris of Borno at Lada. If Ahmad b. Furtu's chronicle is reliable, this war took place early in the reign of Muhammad b. Idris (c. 1519-1538, using Lange's chronology). 

The other theory is that Aisa Kili was the daughter of Dunama b. Salma. A brother of Kaday b. Lafia, Dunama b. Salma was noted in Bornoan sources as the sultan defeated by Idris b. Ali, who reigned from c. 1497 to 1519 (Lange's chronology). Around that time, a brother of Dunama b. Salma also took the throne in Kanem, Adam b. Salma (thus, a brother of Kaday, too). Kalo, the name used for Assakélé's royal Bulala father, is likely a Kanembu alternative name for Kaday or his brother. After all, Dunama b. Salma, Adam b. Salma and Kaday b. Lafia were both identified by Ahmad b. Furtu as sons of Abd al-Jalil (Lange has speculated that Salma was interchangeable with the name Abd al-Jalil). If the two brothers shared the same mother, either one could be the Kalo remembered in Kanembu song. Alternatively, a later Bulala sultan, Abd al-Jalil b. Abd al-Jalil, could potentially also match with Kalo, although the timing makes it less likely.

As for the name Kalo, somewhat similar names appear in Bulala girgams or traditions included in Palmer's second volume of Sudanese Memoirs. For instance, a K'ala appears on the list of Bulala maiwa of Kanem. The information is difficult to use given the contradictions and problematic nature of it, but part of the list in the second volume includes the names Lefia, Dala, Umr, Chiroma, Medu, Kademi and Kâlah or Kâle. In Palmer's confusing reading, these Bulala sultans never ruled in Kanem after Lefia and Dala were made into tributaries of Ali Gaji Zeinami. Elsewhere in the second volume of this book, Palmer suggests the name Kade is a local form of Abd al-Karim. Perhaps Kalo is related to Kale, which may be another local variant for Dalla or Dalil, or even the name Nigale (Nikale)? Assuming that Assakélé and Aisi Kili are indeed the same person, Kalo was mostly one of the 3 siblings who reigned in the first half of the 1500s in Kanem. 

The Strange, Mysterious and Unexpected in the Annals of Kanem and Borno

Map of the northern half of Africa in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan.

The following list is a compilation of various strange, miraculous, mysterious, or surprising anecdotes, traditions, and supernatural phenomena from the history of Kanem and Borno. The list is meant merely to function as a catalog for our own interests in various aspects of the history of this part of Africa. Undoubtedly, the list is also incomplete and surely is lacking several miracles attributed to various ascetic saints or stories about other supernatural phenomena. Nonetheless, as a beginning list, it can be of use for our later projects. Numerous other episodes, such as the execution of the people who retrieved the corpse of a murdered mai from a river (for seeing the deceased king’s nudity) or the return of a prince, Medicon, from enslavement in North Africa during the reign of Ali b. Umar are also fascinating episodes we should add to the list. Or perhaps the curse of the mother of 4 thieves against the progeny of Abd Allah (r. 1315-1335) or the attempt to kidnap Ali b. Umar ordered by the Pasha of Tripoli.

1.      Ngamaram: An evil creature believed to resemble a ram, with long hair and only 4 feet tall.[1] According to Ali Eisami, it was a water demon.[2]

2.      Sau Giants hunting elephants: According to “A Legend of the Saus,” a Sau giant killed two elephants and slung them on a stick. The Sau then called the elephants “small beef.”[3] Stories about the Sao as giants who preceded the Sayfawa kingdom in Borno can be found elsewhere. The story of the henna and ruse used by the Kanuri against the Sao (led by Dala Gomami) is another example of the Sao “giants” in Borno oral tradition.

3.      Goigoi: a tiny, fairy-like creature which can speak and walk. Although it lives in the bush, it comes to towns in order to seize children. The children taken by him who are brought back become mad.[4]

4.      Meiram Kurugu: a very tall monster or demon heard at night but rarely seen. It walks through towns whilst howling. It may be like the kúrīram demon described by Ali Eisami. According to Eisami, this entity was enormous, had the complexion of a Fulani, lived in the hollow of trees and slaps people. It was active after sunset, before sunrise, and at midnight.[5]

5.      Wet snakeskin to understand the speech of animals: One of the seemingly bizarre anecdotes in the “Mahram of the N’Galma Duku” in H.R. Palmer’s Bornu Sahara Sudan alludes to a gown made of a snake’s skin. When the faki Abd ul Lahi Dili ibn Bikuru correctly recognized the gown of Salma ibn Bikuru was made of the snakeskin, he also reported that the wearer of it gains the ability to understand animals. Later, after the Kanem ruler put it in water, he was able to understand two black birds.[6]

6.      Ali b. Umar stretching his hand toward al-Azhar: from an account of Gazargamo in Palmer’s Bornu Sahara and Sudan, the Sayfawa mai stretched his hand toward al-Azhar to retrieve a book. The episode may metaphorically represent the Sayfawa ruler’s numerous pilgrimages and piety.[7]

7.      The Opening of the Mune: According to Ahmad b. Furtu’s chronicle of Idris Alooma’s Kanem campaigns, the Mune flew away when Dunama ibn Dabale (Dunama Dibalemi) opened it.[8] The question of the Mune has been a controversial one as some read it as an example of a pre-Islamic talisman or relic. Others, however, point to the Islamic nature of the Mune or its similarities with the Ark of the Covenant.

8.      Al-Marwazi and the gigantic trees (and people!) in Kanem: Although the wild stories reported by al-Marwazi, related by Hamza b. Hasan al-Isfahani in the 10^th century, cannot be taken literally, the idea of giants in Kanem brings to mind the Sao legends.[9] Surely, the idea of the trees in Kanem being so huge that 30,000 horsemen could sit under them is more in the realm of fantasy. But the reference to the bodies of the people being in proportion to their trees is reminiscent of Kanuri traditions of the Sao giants.

9.      Royal sugarcane agriculture in 13^th century Kanem: “They used to tend the sugar-cane, but it yielded little, and only the sultan concerns himself with it; the same applies to vines and wheat.”[10] The reference to a royal garden 40 miles from Jimi (Njimi), presumably close to the Bahr el-Ghazal, is a surprise. This may be one of the earliest attestations of sugarcane cultivation in this part of Africa. Although it was unsuccessful on a large-scale, one wonders if the royal garden was worked by slave labor.

10 . “Pots of Fire” at Night: according to Abu Ishaq Ibrahim al-Kanemi, in a story later repeated by al-Umari, walkers in Kanem saw objects that looked like pots of fire at night.[11] As walkers approached the objects, they moved further away. This may be an allusion to some sort of unusual natural phenomenon. In addition, al-Umari reported that giant pumpkins existed in Kanem, so large that boats were made from them.

11. The miraculous Shahada in Spilled Blood: According to Muhammad Bello, unquestionably relying on oral traditions, a miraculous event occurred when Shaykh al-Jarmi was killed. Identified as a Tuareg by Bello, his origins may have been Arab. Nonetheless, when his execution was ordered by Borno’s Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639), his blood gushed out and spelled the Kalimah al-Shahada.[12]

12. Abu Gantur’s Rebellion Against Rabeh: According to various sources, Abu Gantur claimed control or power of jinn. However, he lost their support after accepting a bride from Rabeh. Mallam Abu Gantur’s movement won popular support and featured millenarian tendencies. Access to powers or control of the spirits apparently shaped his popularity or standing with supporters.[13]

13. Sacrifices for the River: One of the accusations of Muhammad Bello against Borno was the practice of sacrifices or offerings to the river. In some cases, this was even said to be human sacrifice as virgins were thrown into the river when it inundated Gambaru.[14]

14. Flying Blankets: In Borno tradition, Shaykh Waldede was said to have escaped the pursuing horsemen of Borno’s mai with a flying blanket.[15] Unlike al-Jarmi, Waldede survived the wrath of Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639).

15. Tuareg Bandits and Hashish: According to Nicholas Said, some of the Tuareg raiders and bandits enjoyed using hashish. One night, after he was kidnapped, the Tuareg were too drunk from hashish eating, so they forgot to confine their captives. About 7 or 8 of them escaped and killed 5 of the Tuareg. Unfortunately for Said, the escapees did not liberate the other slaves.[16]

16. Firing Rockets to Frighten Rebels: During the first British mission to Borno, the Shehu, Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi, requested the use of rockets from the British travelers. After they fired 2 rockets, the Manga rebels were awed into submission since such a thing was never seen before.[17]

17. Sandaram Pond or Reservoir in Gazargamo: According to tradition, the creation of this was the result of prayers of Shaykh Umar, whose piety and prayers led to the necessary rain.[18] Umar was one of the sons of the leader of the second Kalumbardo.

18. Several French Slaves and a Cannon Foundry: According to an informant from Afade, the ruler of Borno possessed many French slaves. Said Europeans were used to establish a cannon foundry for making cannons to use against “pagans” to the south.[19] Whether or not this was true is unknown, but the Sayfawa mai did have cannons.

19. The Sayfawa mai and Fire: According to Jukun traditions, one of the rulers of Borno was said to have prayed during battle, causing fire to attack the Jukun forces. However, the Jukun ruler was said to have prayed as well, leading to rainstorms. This neutralized the Sayfawa’s fire. Context suggests this mai was Ali b. Umar (r. 1639-1677).[20]

20. Sultan El Gatous: According to blacks in Tripoli in the 17^th century, Borno’s Ali b. Umar possessed the power to transform into a cat. According to Girard, “Ceux qui ont veu Mahi-Hagi-Hali en racontent une chose, que il j’ay creu ne devoir pas estre teüe, quî est qu’il se transforme souvent en chat.”[21] Since the cat was supposedly one of Muhammad’s favorite animals, this transformation was linked to the Sayfawa king’s piety.

21. Enslavement and Spying for Public Morality: According to his informants from Borno living in Saint Domingue (Haiti), Descourtilz wrote that Borno’s ruler had necklaces, jewelry, and bracelets placed in public places or roads. Then, if a child took one of these objects, the king’s courtiers, who were watching, grabbed the child and sold their family into slavery.[22] If true, this constituted illegal enslavement and punishment of Borno subjects.

22. An Old Woman, a Hyena and the Mai: According to Muhammad Yanbu, the theft of an old woman’s sheep by a hyena prompted Ali b. Umar to send men to seize the hyena. Although the woman’s sheep was lost, the ruler compensated her and had the hyena killed. The story is difficult to take literally, but it is an interesting anecdote.[23]

23. The town of Were-Hyenas: According to Ali Eisami, the capital district of Borno had a town whose residents possessed the ability to transform into hyenas. Koelle wrote of the town, “Kάbūtílõa, in which every individual possesses the faculty of transforming himself into a hyena. Any such person is called ngádza.”[24]

24. An Artificial Fishpond in Fachi: Landeroin reported that Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497) allegedly ordered the construction of a large pond at Fachi. Using 1000 camels to carry the animal skins containing the water and fish, the pond was used to resupply a Bornoan army during a campaign against Aïr.[25]

25. A Bornoan Army Terrified of Ostriches: al-Tunisi, who did not go to Borno, repeated a story of Borno troops fleeing from a flock of ostriches that they believed, from afar, were the Fulani attackers.[26] The story suggests that the Bornoan troops were cowards when sent against the Fulani after Ahmad b. Ali already fled Birni Gazargamo.

26. Ceremony of Giving to the Albinos: According to Ali Eisami, a special ceremony existed in which the mai gave a present to albinos. Called šérifūrám, the giving of a present to such individuals reflected the belief in their supernatural powers.[27]

27. The Charm-Water of Shehu al-Kanemi: When called upon to defeat the Fulani, al-Kanemi employed charm-water against them. In one battle, al-Kanemi threw a calabash with charm-water against the Phula, who fled. The Bornoan troops then pursued them and killed many.[28]

28. A Solar Eclipse in Borno: When Ali Eisami was 11 (or possibly 13), he witnessed a solar eclipse. Everyone in his town gathered in the place for prayer until the Sun was visible again.[29]

29. Royal Orgies in the Last Days of Gazargamo: In his field notes, Louis Brenner recorded a story in which the ruler of Borno ordered the construction of a large hall. At night, men and women gathered there for a big orgy in which a man could not tell if he was sleeping with his sister or mother. Apparently, this orgy “went on until the semen ran out of the door.”[30] This tradition was presumably gathered from descendants of people who may have been far more hostile to the Sayfawa in the 1700s and early 1800s.

30. Umar b. Idris Consulting an Astrologer: An Arabic chronicle, translated into French, claimed the Borno mai was told by an astrologer that Tahir, sultan of the Fazzan, would come to him.[31] Events turned out as predicted, with Tahir fleeing from forces from Tripoli to Borno, where he was drowned in a sac in the river for blinding his nephews.

31. Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama’s Progeny: This mai (r. 1747-1792) was said to have 350 children. But, implausibly, 300 of them were males.[32]

32. Turning Pebbles into Gold: One of the miraculous stories included in a problematic rihla from Borno includes an example of the transmutation of pebbles into gold. A mai, identified as Ali b. Umar but incorrectly dated, was said to have been in need of gold whilst still in the Hijaz. After his ulama counseled him to have pebbles gathered, they spat on them for 3 days until they turned into gold.[33]

---

[1] Johannes Lukas, A Study of the Kanuri Language, 175.

[2] Sigismund Koelle, African Native Literature or Proverbs, tales, fables, & historical fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu language. To which are added a translation of the above and a Kanuri-English vocabulary, 373.

[3] P.A. Benton, Languages and Peoples of Bornu, Vol. II, 9.

[4] See Johannes Lukas, A Study of the Kanuri Language, 176.

[5] Sigismund Koelle, African Native Literature, 342. Eisami’s description of this ghost or demon is very similar to another long-haired forest demon said to live in the trees.

[6] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 19.

[7] Ibid., 35.

[8] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Vol I, 71.

[9] See al-Marwazi, in Nehemiah Levtzion and Anthony Hopkins (editors), Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 92.

[10] See Ibn Sa’id, Ibid., 188.

[11] Al-Umari, in Ibid., 260-261.

[12] “The Sarki slew him (al-Jarmi) and his blood gushed out and made a trace of Kalimah al-Shahada on the ground.” See Muhammad Bello, A History of Islam, Scholarship, and Revivalism in Western Sudan, Being an Annotated Translation with Introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio, 70.

[13] Behique Dunama, “Abu Gantur's Rebellion in Borno,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/abu-ganturs-rebellion-in-borno.html.

[14] For more on sacrifices and offerings to rivers and some of the superstitions associated with them, see Behique Dunama, “Bornoan River Ceremony,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/bornoan-river-ceremony.html.

[15] Behique Dunama, “Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639) and the First Kalumbardo,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/umar-b-idris-r1619-1639-and-first.html.

[16] See Nicholas Said, The Autobiography of Nicholas Said; a Native of Bornou, Eastern Soudan, Central Africa, 42.

[17] Behique Dunama, “The Manga Uprising of 1824,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/the-manga-uprising-of-1824.html.

[18] Behique Dunama, “Birni Gazargamo: A Central Sudanic Metropolis,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/birni-gazargamo-bornoan-metropolis.html.

[19] Ulrich Seetzen, “Nouveaux renseignemens sur le Royaume ou Empire de Bornou, recueillis au Caire par M. De Seetzen,” Annales des Voyages, XIX (1812), 180.

[20] J.M. Fremantle (editor), Gazetteer of Muri Province, 36.

[21] Rémi Dewière, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie - xviie siècle), 322. The appellation of Cat King became an insult when used by other blacks not from Borno.

[22] Michel Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste et ses observations faites sur les trois règnes de la nature, dans plusieurs ports de mere francais, en Espagne, au continent de l'Amerique Septentrionale, a Saint-Yago de Cuba, et a St.-Domingue, ou l'auteur ... donne les details les plus circonstancies sur l'expedition du general Leclerc, Tome III, 146-147.

[23] Behique Dunama, “A Hyena, an Old Woman and the Mai of Borno,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/08/a-hyena-old-woman-and-mai-of-borno.html.

[24] Sigismund Koelle, African Native Literature, 275.

[25] Moise Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 355.

[26] Muhammad ibn Umar al-Tunisi, Voyage au Ouadây par Mohammed ibn-Omar el-Tounsy, 259.

[27] Sigismund Koelle, African Native Literature, 401.

[28] Ibid., 224.

[29] Ibid., 207.

[30] Louis Brenner, “Sources of Constitutional Thought in Borno,” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 7, no. 1 (1973): 62.

[31] Anne-Charles Froment de Champlagarde, Alain Blondy (editor), Histoire abrégée de tripoly de barbarie, 1794 et Suite de l'histoire de la Régence de Tripoly de Barbarie. Règne d'Ali Caramanly 1793, 47. The Kanuri word for astrologer is kantágema.

[32] John Ledyard and Simon Lucas, Voyages de MM Ledyard et Lucas en Afrique, 196. Were some wives and concubines claiming other male infants to increase their chances of becoming the mother of a possible future king?

[33] Omer Abdel Raziq El-Nagar, “West Africa and the Muslim Pilgrimage,” 398.

The Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and Tarikh al-Fattash

Reading Nobili, Wright and Diakite's study and translation of the reconstituted Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and Tarikh al-Fattash has been an enlightening experience. With the useful introductory essays elucidating the origins and function of the texts, particularly the more famous Tarikh al-Fattash  as a forgery tied to the promotion of a 19th century ruler, Ahmad Lobbo, The Chronicles of Two West African Kingdoms: The Tārīkh Ibn Al-Mukhtār of the Songhay Empire and the Tārīkh Al-Fattāsh of the Caliphate of Ḥamdallāhi is an essential read. Much of this builds on Nobili's earlier work as well as the scholarship on the Tarikh al-Fattash since the days of Delafosse and Houdas. Needless to say, a new English translation, which clearly distinguishes the 17th century chronicle (Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar) from the 19th century text which interpolates, fabricates, and deviates from its source material, has been necessary for quite some time. The careful footnotes in the English translation are especially useful for noting ambiguity on the meaning of Songhay titles or places, as well as difficult passages from the Arabic texts of the manuscripts used for the translation. 

Unsurprisingly, Houdas and Delafosse made a number of mistakes in their famous French translation of the text. Since we read the French translation in 2021, our recollection of the specifics of the text was a bit hazy. Nonetheless, a number of inconsistencies and the problematic presentation of the text by Houdas and Delafosse made use of the chronicle an arduous task. With the new English translation, readers now have access to a superior translation benefitting from the last century of scholarship on Songhay and related languages, cultures, and manuscripts. Although the overall sense of the chronicles was there in the outdated French translation, this version is much easier and safer to consult for the various reigns of the Askiya dynasty rulers. Unlike the Tarikh al-Fattash, which is politically motivated by its author's desire to elevate Ahmad Lobbo as the next caliph of Takrur, the 17th century chronicle was closer in time to the events it described. Its author was similarly able to access informants from the puppet Askiya court or scholars and texts with a rich body of references and stories of the Songhay kings.

The acknowledgement of unknown or debatable terms and titles used in the text demonstrate that a lot remains unclear, but we now have a superior version of two major chronicles. This facilitates checking the sources for the Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar in terms of who this 17th century writer consulted for his information on Songhay history. As the introductory essays argue, the original 17th century text clearly emphasized the role of scholars or the ulama, with the best of the askiyas being those who submitted to the guidance and recommendations of scholars and patronized them. In this regard, Askiya Muhammad and Askiya Dawud were clearly the best of the dynasty. With their respect and support for scholars and promotion of Islam, these two represented the ideal rulers among an unstable dynasty sadly lacking in "good" kings. Numerous examples are given of their generosity, veneration of scholars, humbling of themselves to listen to the advice of the learned, and their support for descendants of the Prophet or the freeing of slaves (particularly evident here in the case of Dawud). Yet, in spite of the frequent revolts or contested succession among the descendants of Askiya Muhammad, the shock of the Moroccan conquest, initial violence, and unjust expropriations triggered unrest among even the notables and scholars of Timbuktu. 

The comparison is perhaps forced, but we cannot help but think of indigenous Andean chroniclers after the Spanish conquest of Peru. After all, some of them, such as Guaman Poma de Ayala, acknowledged the flaws in pre-Hispanic Inca rule whilst also critiquing the colonial system. In the case of the Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and Tarikh al-Sudan, the authors were also occupying a similar space in terms of being art of the local elites adjusting to the changed political order under an occupying force. Of course, the Songhay towns and cities like Timbuktu followed the same religion as their Moroccan conquerors, yet they too seemed eager to project a certain narrative of the pre-Arma governmental structure which the Songhay rulers, at their best, succeeded in promoting. One wonders if, like the Andean chroniclers, a similar motivation was also at work. Certainly, Guaman Poma de Ayala was interested in challenging the corruption and vices of the colonial system while highlighting some of the superior features of government and society under the Incas. Of course, the Inca Empire as a sprawling, vast empire only lasted for about a century, like the Songhay. Both imperial systems were able to extend their influence across an enormous part of their respective regions before intra-dynastic conflicts weakened them on the eve of foreign invasion. These similarities perhaps superficial, but the parallels are inescapable from our readings of chronicles on the Incas. 

Le Baghirmi

In what may be a doomed long-term project, we have rekindled our interest in Bagirmi history. Sadly, the history of this kingdom, particularly before the 19th century, has not attracted as much attention. Naturally, much of this is due to the paucity of written sources. Nonetheless, Bagirmi oral traditions, royal genealogies, and occasional references to the kingdom from Borno, Wadai, or other sources can be used to reconstruct something of its pre-19th century past. Indeed, one suspects an unpublished dissertation by a Chadian author may have endeavored to do justice to this challenging topic of a comprehensive history of Bagirmi. However, its inaccessibility has led us to re-read various public domain sources on Bagirmi. Included in this category is Devallée's "Le Baghirmi" in Bulletin de la Société des Recherches Congolaises. 

Usually, writers just recycle Nachtigal's chronology or narrative whilst occasionally attempting to correlate it with the colonial-era reports or postcolonial texts on Bagirmi. Some focus on the 19th century, where more written sources and first-hand accounts can be found. Barth, Nachtigal and the colonial-era sources are often useful or detailed in their description of the kingdom and some of the political history. They also have severe limitations, too. For instance, some seem to emphasize the despotic, arbitrary, and cruel nature of many, perhaps most, Bagirmi rulers. Excessive taxation, frequent slave raiding, the buying and selling of offices, or the frequent blinding of rivals upon accession to the throne were frequently used as examples of this. Devallée and Lanier did this to a great extent. But the former was more indebted to Nachtigal in terms of his chronology and basic historical overview of the kingdom. In fact, he appears to have largely recycled Nachtigal's information with a few updates to bring it to the colonial era. 

Yet one must be at least occasionally skeptical of the largely negative portrayal of Bagirmi's precolonial rulers since events in the 19th century clearly placed a lot of pressure on the state. It's former glory was diminished after their defeat by Wadai's Sabun. The conditions of the 19th century may have led to more extreme forms of taxation abuses or unjust, arbitrary, and despotic rule. While these were undoubtedly present to varying degrees before the 1800s, the volatile last century must have placed more pressure on the mbangs. This may have led to an increase in the sale of state offices and certain honors and titles, including some regarding privileges for those who purchased the rights with regard to meetings with the king. In other words, the cash-strapped kingdom which found itself stuck between a powerful Wadai and a still influential Borno, may have become more oppressive and corrupt. 

In spite of our aforementioned issues with Devallée and Lanier, the former's "Le Baghirmi" is a good overview of the kingdom as a European understood it in the 1920s. Breaking down the demographics, political divisions into cantons, revenue system (and how it changed under colonial rule), practices of slavery, administrative structure, historical overview, and physical features of the land, Bagirmi as a unit of analysis becomes easier to contextualize within the larger Central Sudan. It's history as a kingdom once far more powerful or influential before Wadai's ascendancy in the 19th century is an intriguing case study for the Lake Chad Basin. As far as the colonial reports and publications on Bagirmi go, this is more comprehensive than Lanier's effort and, due to its reliance on Nachtigal, a bit easier to reconcile with other sources. 

Amina Sarauniya Zazzau

 

Unfortunately, the 1954 pamphlet, Amina Sarauniyar Zazzau, turned out to be just a pamphlet containing a compilation of stories on Amina of Zazzau (Zaria). The Hausa text is very short and the anonymous author did not name most of his sources. Besides Muhammad Bello and what may be an oblique reference to the Kano Chronicle, the author appears to have largely borrowed from the Zaria king lists and a mix of oral traditions and legends about Amina. Without ever justifying it, the writer prefers to date Amina of Zaria's reign to 1576, a chronology that, to our understanding, is hard to reconcile with the rest of this part of West Africa in the final 3 decades of the 1500s. Nonetheless, there are some interesting materials in this heterogeneous mixture of unlikely legend and historical interests. 

For example, the text not only repeatedly refers to Bakwa as a woman, it also mentions a favorite wife of Amina's grandfather. This woman, Marka, was supposedly very involved in the upbringing of Amina. Like Abubakar's articles on Amina, which cite this source among others, there's also an emphasis on the experiences of young Amina observing the royal court of her grandfather, Nohir. Whether or not one accepts the dates assigned to these figures here is grave concern, but already tradition suggests something about Amina's upbringing. In addition, when describing Amina's refusals to marry after becoming the magajiya at age 16 during the reign of Bakwa, there's a reference to a Kano king, Kama-Masu, rejected as a suitor. This Kano figure cannot be easily identified with any of the known kings, but the name may allude to masu, or spears. After refusing his excessive marriage proposal, Kano is quite marginal to the narrative. Nonetheless, the episode may reflect a moment when Zaria's expansion raised concerns among other Hausa kingdoms. It could also be a traditional story retelling the past where Zaria and Kano allegedly went to war around the time of Amina (according to the Kano Chronicle). If so, perhaps the desire by Kano's king to marry Amina was actually an attempt to make peace?

But what is more interesting about this compilation is the story of Amina meeting Bornoan troops at Gadas. Ostensibly sent by the ruler of "Kukawa" (an anachronism) to ask her to marry the mai, she again refuses. But according to tradition, Amina heard about the Bornoan troops whilst inspecting the Benue. Upon her return from Gadaz, she even returned to Kwararafa, suggesting this area was part of her domains or was about to be attacked. If one accepts an earlier date placing Amina of Zaria in the 1400s, perhaps the Bornoan ruler's interest in a marriage alliance was actually about weakening Kwararafa through an alliance. Again, we are assuming here that the story of powerful rulers courting her was perhaps popular stories transforming some of the details. Either way, in the case of Borno, no military conflict ensured from the Gadas encounter. Instead, one can glimpse Kwararafa playing a role in her military endeavors before her death. Yet her death in Attagara, perhaps Idah on the Niger, would suggest she had moved west by the end of her reign either on some campaign or to inspect the region.

Ultimately, Amina Sarauniyar Zazzau will not convince us to change our thinking about Zaria chronology. However, it does bring up some interesting details about her background, mode of governing (not trusting envoys or courtiers, so constantly on the move to directly investigate affairs) and how tradition remembered her relations with Borno and Kano. That the Kano Chronicle did not report the outcome of their conflict with Zaria around the time the text places Amina, may be interpreted as proof of a Zaria success. With Borno, on the other hand, the ruler of Borno's desire to marry Amina may be legendary to inflate her power and status within the Central Sudan. On the other hand, its context around the time the Benue and Kwararafa were areas of concern to Amina of Zaria may have been the real reason for Borno's interest in Zaria. Indeed, if one accepts the tradition of Ali b. Dunama of Borno defeating the Kwararafa sometime in the second half of the 1400s, perhaps Zaria was seen as a potential ally in holding back Kwararafa. 

Kwararafa From The North: A Tentative Timeline

Kasashen Bauchi in Mahdi Adamu's The Hausa Factor in West African History

Whilst revisiting our notes on different aspects of the history of the Jukun, Hausa and Borno states, we realize why so little has been done on the history of this area since the 1970s and 1980s. Although we find many problems with what we have read of J.B. Webster's inaccessible work on Kwararafa, which relied heavily on oral traditions, we also can acknowledge the tremendous difficulties of working on the precolonial history of this region. With contradictory and problematic sources and a reliance on external sources often written from far away (Europeans in North Africa) or materials written down in the 1800s or 1900s from their northern neighbors, we have not been able to offer anything to supersede Webster's work. 

Nonetheless, we feel that his attempt to identify early Kwararafa with Santolo is very questionable. Even if one accepts Abakwariga traditions claiming Kwararafa was founded or associated with them, the Kano Chronicle did not identify Santolo as the origin of the Kwararafa attacked by Yaji in the 14th century. Indeed, if Yaji attacked and conquered Santolo, forcing its rulers to flee to Kwararafa's capital at Tagara, it is strange that the Kano Chronicle did not connect the two when Yaji began his military campaigns to the south of Santolo (which was the "gate to the South" and besieged Kwararafa. Ultimately, the matter is probably unsolvable given the multiethnic character of the Kwararafa state or confederacy. At different times, it may have consisted of Jukun, Kwona, Abakwariga, and others. But it seems quite clear to the author of the Kano Chronicle, who must have been drawing from oral traditions, that Santolo and Kwararafa were separate entities. 

The Jukun king in Meek's A Sudanese Kingdom: An Ethnographical Study of the Jukun-speaking Peoples of Nigeria

So, deciding to ignore the earlier references in the Kano Chronicle to Santolo, we focused our tentative chronology on dates that are partly reliable for the Hausa states and Borno. Those dates and the few European texts from the 1600s and early 1700s provide a very preliminary timeline for the Kwararafa state from c. 1300-1707. The inclusion of traditions about 13th century engagements with the Kona or Kwana in Borno are drawn from H.R. Palmer's work, and must be treated with caution. Yet possible affirmation of a Kwana or Kona presence in parts of Borno in the 1200s and 1300s can be found in Gujba traditions. One can also thank al-Maqrizi for recording the year (1252/53) of an alleged raid on Mabna by the king of Kanem. If Mabna was possibly referring to Mabina or Mabani, this area would have been close to Gujeba and lands possibly settled by Kona or Kwana in the 13th and 14th centuries.

After this shadowy early period, we draw mainly from the Kano Chronicle, dates from Lange's chronology using the Diwan and other sources on Kanem-Borno, and a range of dates or regnal lengths for Katsina, Zaria, and Kano. For the 15th century, one may be on firmer ground for the history of Katsina and Kwararafa conflict by using Yusufu Bala Usman's chronology. By doing so, placing Korau's reign in the middle of the 1400s, one brings the event closer in time to the tradition of Kwona or Kwararafa war with Borno in the time of Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497). This would mean Kwararafa was engaged in war against at least one Hausa state and Borno in the 1400s. Evidence of its past domination of Zaria can be inferred for earlier in the 1400s if one accepts that Amina of Zaria reigned in the first half of the 15th century. Since her father was remembered for liberating Zaria from Kwararafa, one may be justified in suggesting an earlier period of Kwararafa suzerainty of Zaria in the early 1400s. However, the Kano Chronicle indicates a Kano victory against Zaria during the reign of Kanajeji (c. 1390-1410). Meanwhile, during his reign, he also received "tribute" from Kwararafa and a trade in horses for slaves ensued. If Zaria traditions are reliable for a period of Kwararafa rule that was ended by Amina's father, Bakwa, then one wonders if Kwararafa used horses imported from Kano to conquer parts of Zaria after c. 1410. Subsequently, Bakwa Turunku later defeated Kwararafa and his daughter allegedly conquered Kwararafa. Yet this may have been a brief period of Zaria domination of Kwararafa if Amina died at Tagara (was this in a war or raid?). 

For the remainder of the 1400s, nearly everyone apparently draws from Palmer. The enigmatic reference to a war between Borno and Kwararafa in which the latter was crushed has not surfaced in other sources. But it suggests that, at first, normal diplomatic relations existed between Kwararafa and Borno (the former had sent messengers with a gift for the mai. Upon their return, they reported on the city's walls and Kwararafa's ruler (the Kwana sultan) attacked. They were later defeated and in the process of victory, Ali b. Dunama allegedly took 17,000 captives. If one uses Lange's chronology, this would have taken place sometime between c. 1465-1497. It may have led to the shift in Kwararafa's capital further south to the Benue, too. 

For the 16th century, we have fewer dates. Idris b. Ali, the son of Ali b. Dunama, is said to have died at Walama in c. 1519. This region, the Bima hill, woul have been in an area associated with Kwararafa. There is also an enigmatic tradition from Pindiga recorded in colonial-era sources. According to their Pindiga informants, this state once attacked Kano for refusing to send tribute in the days of Rumpa (Rumfa?). We have never seen evidence of any war between Kano and Pindiga or Kwararafa in the days of Muhammad Rumfa, so Pindiga tradition may be a reference to the raid which took place in the time of Muhammad Zaki (c. 1582-1618). Lastly, over the course of the 16th century and into the early 17th, Kwararafa raiders on horseback may have been one of the reasons for Idoma migration (c. 1525-1625). 

Undoubtedly, the most detailed period for Kwararafa's relations with its northern neighbors can be found in the 17th and beginning of the 18th centuries. This period also, according to Adamu, witnessed migrations from the Hausa states to southern lands, perhaps triggered by climate change. With the Kano Chronicle, a poem by Dan Marina, and some of the reports or letters by Europeans based in Tripoli or Egypt, one can generate a fuller picture of Kwararafa aggression in the 1600s. Oral traditions from Katsina also remember this period, even mentioning an attack against Katsina during the reign of Muhammad Wari. The evidentiary basis for some of these raids or wars with Kwararafa are sometimes based on oral tradition or texts by Europeans who never saw Kwararafa and relied on rumor, hearsay, and conversations with sometimes biased persons (think of Fr. Carlo and the two Bornoan princes he interviewed in Cairo about Kwararafa in the early 1700s). 

Nevertheless, they do paint a larger picture of prolonged and active Kwararafa campaigns against Borno, Kano, and sometimes Katsina in the 17th century. The motives for such behavior may have been related to attempts to shift markets toward Kwararafa or its constituent partners, attempts to capitalize on the control of captives for local development and trade, or, if one trusts a European, based on religion. To what extent the last point is relevant cannot be ascertained, but Kwararafa appears to have been the strongest pagan state or polity faced by Borno in the 17th century. By engaging in attacks on Katsina, Kano as well as Borno, Kwararafa likely was motivated by each of the aforementioned factors. If the exploitation of salines on the Benue was already a factor, Kwararafa's rulers may have sought to shift markets in the Hausa states their salt exports. 

Furthermore, wars and raids on the Hausa states and Borno could bring in large numbers of captives, some of whom may have possessed skills in weaving or other technologies. Indeed, the Abakwariga or Hausa appear to have possessed an outsized influence in Kwararafa textile production whilst also working as blacksmiths, malams (to provide magical services), and possibly as experienced traders. In addition, captives could have been exported to other markets, with perhaps some exported further south toward the coast to participate in the trans-Atlantic trade. Lastly, religion may have been a factor with the Kwararafa ruler described as a "high priest" in one source from the early 1700s. If there was already a cult in place for Kenjo or Kinjo as a deified king and associated with war, perhaps Kwararafa's military exploits were sanctioned by their religious cults. Said cults may have been sufficient enough for a time to ensure the loyalty of Kwararafa's vassals, particularly if rich booty was acquired from Borno and Hausaland. 

Needless to say, what follows is by necessity tentative. Further research in the history of Kwararafa must incorporate work by archaeologists as well as specialists in Hausaland and Borno who can contextualize Kwararafa's history within the larger regional context. Naturally, specialists in central and southern Nigeria must be considered as well as researchers willing to consider different approaches to the Kano Chronicle and other chronicles from the north. 

-c. 1210-1248: Oral Traditions of soldiers sent to fight the Kwana pagans during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi but they wre too frightened after seeing the Kwana eat human flesh and dogs.[1]

-1252/3: Mabna, possibly Mabina or Mabani, was attacked by king of Kanem in 1252/3[2] and tradition has it that the Kona lived in the nearby Gujba area before the Ngalaga.[3]

-c. 1349-1385 Yaji of Kano (r. 1349-1385) besieged Kwararafa at Tagara for 7 months and received 100 slaves to end conflict (yet he died in Kwararafa).[4]

-c. 1390-1410: Kanajeji of Kano (r. 1390-1410) asked Kwararafa to pay tribute after they stopped sending it, and received 200 slaves. Then Kano began to trade horses to Kwararafa for slaves. Also, Kanajeji went to war on Zaria and returned to the Tchibiri cult to achieve victory.[5]

-Early 1400s: Zaria's Bakwa Turunku (father of Amina of Zaria) said to have freed Zaria from Kwararafa yoke (early 1400s likely.)[6]

-c. 1421-1438: Kwararafa said to have been conquered by Amina of Zaria, perhaps somewhere in c. 1421-1438.[7] Abba Jiddum Gana's dates Amina's conquest of Kwararafa to c. 1425.[8] Also worth nothing that Muhammad Bello recorded that she died at a place called Atagara.[9] 

-1450-1650: Earliest layer of occupation at Old Kororofa radiocarbon dated to 1450-1650.[10]

-mid 1400s: Korau of Katsina (dated to mid-1400s by Yusufu Bala Usman)[11] said to have gone to war with Kwararafa.[12]

-c. 1465-1497: Ali Gaji (Ali b. Dunama, r. 1465-1497) allegedly defeated Kwararafa (Kwana) and took 17,000 captives.[13]

-c. 1519: Death of Idris b. Ali of Borno at Walama.[14]

-c. 1535-1625: Idoma traditions of leaving their homeland due to raids by forces with cavalry.[15]

-1582-1618: Kwararafa attack on Kano during Reign of Muhammad Zaki (r. 1582-1618).[16]

-1600s-1700s: Talakawa migration from Hausa states to Kasashen Bauchi.[17]

-c. 1625-1637 (or c. 1631-1641): Kwararafa attack Katsina during the reign of Muhammadu Waari, but was defeated.[18]

-1652-1660: Kwararafa under Adashu attacked Kano during reign of Mohamma Kukuna.[19]

-After 1656: Girard wrote of Borno having intense wars with Agadez and "Ethiopia" (likely Kwararafa) after returning from the pilgrimage.[20] Evidence from Dan Marina's poem in honor of Ali b. Umar confirms war with Kwararafa during Ali b. Umar's reign.[21] Intriguingly, Dan Marina's poem seems to reflect a period of Kwararafa aggression against states besides Borno in the "Sudan." Jukun tradition also remembers a king named Adi Matswen going to war with Borno but the Gazeteer of Muri Province named the Kwararafa ruler who attacked Gazargamo as Katakpa.[22]

-1669: Girard, reported captives from the land of Prester John and their war with Borno.[23]

-1670-1703: Kwararafa attacked and occupied Kano city during reign of Dadi (r. 1670-1703).[24] Some sources assert this attack happened in 1671, but it is not clear where that date comes from. According to Alhaji Abubakar Dokaji, Kwarararafa forces killed Wali Mai Kargo.[25] Also worth mentioning that the "Song of Bagauda" attributes this invasion to the reign of Sharifa, Dadi's son.[26]

-1671-1684: Kwararafa attack on Katsina during the reign of Muhammad Jan Hazo, and stopped by the prayers of Dan Masani.[27]

-c. 1675-1700: Oral traditions suggest Malam Dikko and Malam Sambo were leaders of Abakwariga in Kwararafa during late 1600s.[28]

-1686: Claude Lemaire, French consul in Tripoli, reported many "Christian" subjects of Borno.[29]

-1698: Consul Delalande reported that there were black "Christians" from Kwararafa.[30]

-1703: Report of "village of Christians" not far from Borno capital.[31]

-1705: Fr. Damiano reported Kwararafa said to have fought Borno.[32]

-1706: Lemaire corrected himself: Gourourfa kingdom nominally Christian but said to wage war on Borno and often on religious grounds.[33]

-1707: Fr. Carlo's wrote from discussions with 2 Borno princes that the "Canorfa" people venerated the cross, put it on their houses and their king acted as a high priest.[34] Lemaire's 1707 letter reported Kwararafa had reduced Borno to demanding peace[35] but Kwararafa had an ambassador in Borno.[36]

-1727: Kwararafa appears on D'Anville's map of Africa. 

---

[1] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 69.

[2] Nehemia Leftzion and J.F.P. Hopkins, (eds.), The Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 354. In this case, al-Maqrizi may have meant a region closer to Lake Chad.

[3] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 81. Also see J.M. Fremantle (ed.), Gazetteer of Muri Province, 169 for another reference to Gujba tradition associating the area with the Kwona Jukun (and Walama as one of their earliest centers).

[4] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 72. A praise song for Yaji described him as “Yaji, conqueror of the rocky heights, scatter of hosts, lord of the town.” A close examination of this part of the chronicle clearly distinguishes Kwararafa from Santolo, a pagan power closer to Kano and seen as the “key of the south.”

[5] Ibid., 73-74. According to the chronicle, Kanajeji sat down on Turunku, an early Zaria capital. He then defeated their king.

[6] See E.J. Arnett, “A Hausa Chronicle,” Journal of the Royal African Society 9, no. 34 (1910): 162. Needless to say, we disagree with the regnal dates used by Arnett which have Bakwa’s reign began in 1492 and ended in 1522.

[7] See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 75. Kano’s ruler in this period went to war against Zaria, but the outcome is not shared in the chronicle. For our own argument in favor of the first half of the 1400s for the activities of Amina of Zaria, see Behique Dunama, “Revisiting Amina of Zaria.”

[8] Abba Jiddum Gana, Our History and Origin, 21. This c. 1425 dating is plausible.

[9] Salahudeen Yusuf, A History of Islam, Scholarship and Revivalism in Western Sudan, Being an Annotated Translation with Introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio, 80. Yusuf favored a location near Idah in modern Kogi State, Nigeria for Attagara, but the name brings to mind the Tagara hill besieged by Yaji in the second half of the 14^th century. Muhammad Bello in the text thought Attagara was an expansive land and relatively close to the anchorage of the Christian ships that traded with the West African coast. In his map given to Clapperton, Bello placed Attagara closer to the Yoruba regions (and the land where parrots can talk). 

[10] Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa Factor in the History of Kano” in Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 172.

[11] See Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 1400-1883: The Emergence and Overthrow of the Sarauta System and the Establishment of the Emirate, 12. We have seen different dates for the chronology of the rulers of Katsina in Palmer, Dankoussou, Hamani and Usman.

[12] See Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa Factor in the History of Kano,” 173. Abubakar used the c. 1250 date derived from Palmer, which we disagree with.

[13] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 223. The Kwona leader was captured by Ali b. Dunama. If one accepts Usman’s tentative dating of Korau to the mid-15^th century and the tradition of war with Kwararafa, one can perceive a larger scale of Kwararafa aggression in the second half of century as they attacked Borno.

[14] Dierk Lange, Le diwan des sultans du (Kanem)- Bornu: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain ( de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808, 79. Lange named the place Walam. If it was the Walama in a a region once associated with the Kona, one wonders if this place of death was connected to trouble on that frontier.

[15] See E.O. Erim, The Idoma Nationality, 1600-1900: Problems of Studying the Origin and Development of Ethnicity, 23.

[16] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 82.

[17] Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor in West African History, 27. Perhaps related to climate and ecological changes, as well as other factors, large numbers of people may have migrated to the lands south of the Hausa states during these two centuries.

[18] See Issaka Dankoussou, Katsina: traditions historiques des Katsinaawaa après la Jihad, 32. For Usman’s dating of this ruler, see Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 1400-1883, 63.

[19] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 87.

[20] Girard, Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie in Rémi Dewière, “L'esclave, le savant et le sultan: représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles),” 618. According to this text, “En 1656, Hali fit un troisième pèlerinage à La Mecque, d'où dont il retourna heureusement ; aux années suivantes, il eut d'intenses guerres avec l'empereur d'Éthiopie et avec les Roy d'Agadès don’t le succès différans.”

[21] For Dan Marina’s ode to Ali b. Umar, see H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 247. The implication of the poem is that Kwararafa’s military ventures were not directed solely at Borno as the ruler of Kwararafa “worked iniquity” in the Sudan” (land of the Blacks).

[22] See page 35 of this gazeteer. The editor interpolates material ultimately derived from Heinrich Barth with reported traditions of a simultaneous attack on Birni Gazargamo by the Tuareg and Kwararafa. If this actually occurred, then the c. 1667 date from Girard may be a good year to place the attack. But it is ultimately unknown from where Barth derived this information and to what extent the Gazeteer of Muri Province merely fused Barth’s claim with local traditions to create a coherent narrative.

[23] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 390. This is an essential article for this topic since the author cited a number of French consular letters and missionary correspondence referring to Kwararafa.

[24] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 88.

[25] Alhaji Abubakar Dokaji, Kano ta dabo cigari.

[26] Mervyn Hiskett, “’The Song of Bagauda’: A Hausa King List and Homily in Verse—II,” 118. Oral tradition as the “The Song of Bagauda” is based on appears to have mistakenly placed a war with Kwararafa to the period of Sharifa, whose reign was dated 1703-1731 by Palmer. This date appears less likely as Kwararafa appears to have shifted its capital to Wukari by the early 1700s and was beginning more peaceful relations with Borno.

[27] Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 27, 50. These regnal years are drawn from Usman’s work. An attack on Gozaki by Kwarafa placed in the second half of the 1600s is also mentioned. For the story of Dan Masani’s prayers miraculously leading to the death of the Kwararafa king during their invasion of Katsina, see A.H.M. Kirk-Greene and S.J. Hogben, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 165. They argue this took place around the time of the c. 1671 attack on Kano by Kwararafa, and they were able to breach the walls of Katsina.

[28] Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor in West African History, 39-40. According to tradition, Dikko, who was from Katsina, had a “hot season hosue” in Wukari. If so, then Wukari was established as a Kwararafa center by the late 1600s. Indeed, Wukari may have been established as a zango for Puje. Malam Sambo, the other Ambawarki leader remembered in tradition from this period, was said to have come from Kano and been tied to the Kutumbawa.

[29] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 385. At this early date, Claude Lemaire mistakenly assumed that these so-called Christians lived in Borno itself, not Kwararafa.

[30] Ibid., 385.

[31] Ibid., 384.

[32] Ibid., 384.

[33] Ibid., 385. Supposedly, Kwararafa contained 100,000 Christians (nominally) and Gouroufa slaves made the sign of the cross in Tripoli.

[34] Ibid., 386. One can imagine this exciting European missionaries eager to reach Kwararafa.

[35] Jean-Claude Zeltner, Tripoli, carrefour de l’Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795, 223. Zeltner quoted the French consul in Tripoli describing Kwararafa’s ruler (Gourourfa) as the most powerful black king due to his victories against Borno (written in 1707). If true, then Kwararafa may have achieved some victories against Borno during the reign of Idris b. Ali (c. 1677-1696) and Dunama b. Ali (c. 1696-1715). Great caution is necessary given the delay in information reaching Europeans in North Africa about Kwararafa and their evident confusion about its location and religion.

[36] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 385.