The First Mai to take the Sudanic Pilgrim Road?

Whilst perusing old notebooks, we came across a translation of a short rihla copied in 1850/51 describing a Sayfawa sultan's pilgrimage to Mecca in 1727/28, written by a descendant of the Sayfawa. According to Omer El-Nagar, who included a translation of the short text in his thesis, West Africa and the Muslim pilgrimage: An historical study with special reference to the nineteenth century, the text was from the personal library of Abu Bakr al-Miskin. al-Miskin, a descendant of the Sayfawa and specifically, of Muhammad Yanbu, likely possessed several other papers and books that shed further light on the history of Borno. Unfortunately, the text describing the hajj of a sultan in 1728 appears to conflate details of Ali b. Umar with the sultan in question, likely  Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun in Borno. However, we know from the Diwan that Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun in Borno ruled for 16 years, which aligns nicely with this source's allusion to the mai reigning for 15 years after his pilgrimage. In addition, the Diwan included a reference to a famine that lasted for two years during the reign of this mai. 

Where things get interesting is in the details from the source from Abu Bakr al-Miskin's library. According to this source, Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun took the "Sudan" road for his pilgrimage. This is interesting since as late as the 1690s, the Sayfawa sultans traveled through the Fazzan to reach Egypt. According to this account, however, he traveled through Bagirmi, Wadai, and Darfur to reach Egypt, from whence he crossed the Red Sea. It is likely that this occurred right at the beginning of his reign or before he became mai. In addition, he settled slaves in the lands he traveled through, allegedly leaving 5,000 captives in Bagirmi, and apparently over 4000 in Wadai. While this is difficult to interpret, El-Nagar suggests the author may have been alluding to similar practices of medieval Sayfawa rulers, who settled slaves in various parts of their kingdom and abroad. Either way, one wonders if the settlement of large number of captives in Bagirmi and Wadai can be interpreted to signify that Wadai and Bagirmi were still tributary to Borno in some form, as well as a recognition of the establishment of secure pilgrimage routes through Bagirmi, Wadai and Darfur for West African Muslims. After all, if the king established slave settlements there, one may assume they may have also served pilgrims from Borno who passed through the eastern lands, perhaps serving as possible nuclei for later settlements of Borno pilgrims.

Once in the Hijaz, Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun spent all his funds. Miraculously, with the aid of the ulama, pebbles were turned into gold (clearly fictional). The creation of this extra source of money allowed the sultan to purchase slaves. As for his return journey, he passed through Egypt and returned on the Sudan road, again confirming the placement of slaves in Wadai and Bagirmi. Since Bagirmi and Wadai recognized the suzerainty of Borno in some form at this period and the fact that a mai could travel unmolested through their territories, suggests a degree of security for Muslim pilgrims was already established by 1728. Furthermore, Kanuri praise songs seem to commemorate this mai's reassertion of authority over the Kurata Arabs in Kanem, a Tunjur group, since the song refers to the Kurata as slaves of the mai. It is certainly plausible for this mai to have reasserted Sayfawa influence in Kanem and the lands nearby, including Bagirmi and Wadai. Indeed, the praise song to him specifically praises him for creating settlements out of the relocation of captives. For example, the following verses of "The Song of the Ngijima to the Sultan of Bornu" from J.R. Patterson's Kanuri Songs allude to this practice:

You son of Aji, can collect or disperse people at your will

And turn again, and make a town (with those you have dispersed)

You are the scourge of Jillam, Dalla Darge and Dakkinam Dalla Damaram

Some towns are founded during the cold season of the year

But some of yours have been founded as the result of your victories, Aji Gana the Intriguer

Even more intriguing is the cause of Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun's death. According to the Diwan, he died in Gazargamo in 1744. The manuscript describing his pilgrimage, however, states, "He raided Krowrowa and died there in Krowrowa where his grave is visited" (El-Nagar, 399). If this is accurate, then the Diwan omitted the cause of his death in a defeat or failed raid of Krowrowa. Unfortunately, it is unclear what Krowrowa is referring to. It may be Kwararafa, a "pagan" polity to the south which was known to have engaged in conflicts with Borno during the reign of Ali b. Umar in the 1600s. Yet, even into the 18th century, reports of Kwararafa as a powerful state which occasionally entered into conflict with Borno reached the French consul in Tripoli, Lemaire. Alternatively, "Krowrowa" could be a reference to another polity or region subjected to raids by the Sayfawa, since the Kanuri appear to have usually referred to Kwararafa by Kwona or Kona. 

To make things even more confusing, the text later mentions Muhammad b al-Hajj Hamdun as a mai who performed the pilgrimage. But, if the year 1727/1728 for the hajj is accurate, and a regnal length of about 15 years followed, then Muhammad b. al-Hajj Hamdun is the best candidate. Lamentably, since the author appears to have confused Ali b. Umar for the mai who performed the hajj in 1727 or 1728, one can only use this source cautiously. Nonetheless, it does suggest that Islamic pilgrims were using the "Sudan" Road to travel from West Africa to Mecca by the early 1700s. This development seems more plausible for the 18th century, since Ali b. Umar and subsequent 17th century sultans appear to have crossed the Sahara and traveled through North Africa rather than taking the "Sudan" road for the pilgrimage.

Des jésuites au royaume du prêtre Jean

Des jésuites au royaume du prêtre Jean (Ethiopie): stratégies, rencontres et tentatives d'implantation, 1495-1633 by Hervé Pennec is another study of the Jesuits and the mission in Ethiopia. Since the scholarly literature and written sources on the topic is vast, Pennec proposes new interpretations and questions about the subject. While revisiting the sources and challenging readers to reconsider the strategies and tactics employed by both the Jesuits and ruler Susenyos, one can see that the topic of the Jesuits in Ethiopia and this transformation of Prester John of myth into the "real" Ethiopia which the Latin West engaged in the Early Modern Period still raises many questions.

The first third of the book begins with Portugal's early relations with the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia, and how Ignatius of Loyola (and others) mistakenly assumed the Abyssinian ruler was ready to submit to Christ. Relying on outdated information from Alvares, plus the issue of Bermudes and his claim to be Roman Catholic patriarch, confusion abounded. Despite being well-informed on some aspects of Ethiopia, the founder of the Jesuit order wrongly believed that Ethiopia was ready for submission to the papacy. Of course, Galadewos had no interest in doing such a thing, and the early wave of Jesuits in Ethiopia found themselves largely on the periphery. Still, despite their small numbers in the second half of the 16th century, Ethiopian religious literature engaged in a Christological written (and oral) debate with the Jesuit missionaries, particularly once Susenyos converted to Catholicism in 1622. Despite their complete lack of success in converting Ethiopian rulers, the early Jesuits did proselytize and preach to Luso-Ethiopians, maintaining Roman Catholicism among descendants of Portuguese in Abyssinia. Moreover, Goa, as the capital of Portuguese India and center of the Jesuit missions in the Orient, was also an early example of a periphery being arguably more important or essential for the survival of the Jesuit mission in Ethiopia than Rome, Portugal and Spain. Goa, much closer to the Jesuit missions and capable of receiving and sending information more quickly, shaped the decisions on personnel who were ultimately sent to Ethiopia. This was no simple matter, since Ottoman control of the Red Sea made the matter more difficult.

Pennec likewise focuses on how the Jesuits, once able to establish a foothold again in 1603, particularly with the arrival of Pero Paes. Whilst it would take several more years before an Ethiopian ruler converted to Catholicism, one can begin to see here the Jesuits establishing stone churches and residences (with Ethiopian workers and at least one Indian). By erecting churches in stone, some beautifully designed, the Jesuits were implanting themselves in the kingdom on a more permanent basis. By doing so, they were also increasingly drawn into what Pennec sees as royally-sponsored churches. Gifts of land (gult), money, supplies, and the involvement of Susenyos in the ceremony culminating the completion of churches was partly a way for Susenyos to assert his power. This meat that Susenyos, and his brother who converted to Catholicism before him, were incorporating the Jesuits into a familiar patter of royal sponsorship and assertions of power, particularly in Gojjam and around Lake Tana. While the Jesuits undoubtedly benefitted from receiving lands, supplies, funds, and elite backers, they were also part of a strategy of Ethiopian rulers to express their power, which even included enlisting the Jesuits (or the masons among them) to construct stone palaces and monumental architecture for him. This complex process was followed by the Jesuit experience in Ethiopia after the conversion of Susenyos. Part of this complex relationship was also due to Susenyos's desire for Spanish troops to be sent to Ethiopia to help him as a prerequisite for converting, while the Jesuits told him he would have to submit to the papacy before any European troops would come to his aid.

With the 1620s, Pero Paes died but Susenyos's conversion gave the Jesuits their legitimacy and renewed the mission by the arrival of more missionaries. Although a failure within ten years, as Susenyos abdicated and his son, Fasiladas, later exiled the Jesuits, one can see this experience as the zenith of the mission. More missionaries on the ground, conversions of more Ethiopians (although the numbers given by the Jesuits are problematic, it seems that Gojjam had more converts), and Susenyos sidelining his Catholic brother as a supporter of the Catholics. Nonetheless, the mission's short-lived success came to an end with Susenyos's abdication. Pennec's study is less focused on this period, highlighting how Paes and d'Almeida's histories of Ethiopia must be analyzed carefully for the ways in which the authors engaged with Ethiopian written sources, especially the royal chronicle on the reign of Susenyos. Paes especially, despite his nearly 20 years spent in Ethiopia and his familiarity with ge'ez and Amharic, must be interpreted for the ways they cite, paraphrase, and refute Ethiopian sources. For instance, the question of the metropolitan accused of fathering children, drinking, and abusing his ecclesiastical authority in Paes's redaction of the chronicle of Susenyos, and being involved in a revolt in 1617 against the king, may not necessarily be an insertion by Paes. It is possible that later versions of the chronicle after Susenyos's reign censored that segment of the chronicle, but Paes, who was of course biased against the metropolitan sent from Egypt, may have been closer to the truth.

Sakara Music

Sakara music recorded in Benin in the 1950s. The singing is quite engaging while the insistent rhythm of the drums and the droning stringed-instrument or violin make this quite the alluring song. According to Wikipedia, this genre of music among the Yoruba has Islamic influences, and the goje instrument used in it has some resemblance to similar instruments among West African cultures of the Sahel.

Kwararafa: A Multi-Ethnic Power in the Central Sudan

In the interest of experimentation with new technology, we have used our notes on Kwararafa to attempt a short overview of the polity. There is much that is poorly understood or unknown in the history of Kwararafa. However, using references to it from its northern neighbors can provide a rough chronology of sorts and insights. Sadly, it is probably an area in dire need of a second look by scholars who understand the relevant local languages for oral traditions or can read sources (in Arabic or Hausa) that refer to Kwararafa and the Jukun. It would also be necessary for those fluent in Kanuri and/or Arabic to check records and traditions from Borno to verify some possible mentions of Kwararafa in H.R. Palmer's work. But I digress. Below, we have attempted to a short overview of Kwararafa based on our notes and a little help from a friend. With the aid of this friend, we have two drafts. We suspect this friend misread our hand-written notes and that caused some of the errors here. 

The Kwararafa polity, active from at least the 16th to the 18th century, occupied a central position in the political and military landscape of the Central Sudan. Far from being a homogenous state, Kwararafa was a multi-ethnic confederacy led by the Jukun but also incorporating Abakwariga, Goemai, Alago, Tiv, and other groups. Its influence extended across the lower Sudanic regions and, at times, into the middle Sudan.

Origins and Structure

Kwararafa's political system reflected its confederal nature. Leadership was shared among four principal officers: the Mai, the Jirahu, a lesser Mai, and the Master of the Horse. Succession could be fluid—any son of a deceased king was eligible, and in some accounts, kings were replaced every two years. Religious leaders played a vital role in rituals, sacrifices, and even in controlling the weather.

The kingdom was deeply embedded in spiritual practices, blending local beliefs with outside influences. Ritual use of palm wine, divination, animal symbolism, and veneration of water spirits were widespread.

Political and Military Power

At its peak, Kwararafa claimed control over as many as 20 states (as recorded by Muhammad Bello in the 19th century). It was a feared military power, repeatedly launching raids on Hausa city-states such as Kano and Katsina, as well as on Borno. One notable tradition recalls the Jukun refusal to submit to Kano’s Queen Amina in the late 16th century. (Our own beliefs favor a 15th century date for Amina of Zaria)

In the early 1700s, the ruler Adi Matswen increased royal revenues by organizing salt-gathering expeditions and founding new towns. Large-scale military expeditions continued during this period: in 1707, Kwararafa attacked Borno, an event recorded by the French consul Lemaire, who also noted the presence of Kwararafa ambassadors in Borno. (AI likely misread our notes)

Religion and European Observations

European sources from the late 17th and early 18th centuries, including French consuls Lemaire and Delande, offer intriguing glimpses into Kwararafa’s religious life. These observers described Kwararafa as “Christian,” though likely in a nominal or syncretic sense. Lemaire estimated that more than 100,000 Christians lived in the kingdom. Crosses were reportedly displayed on horses and weapons, and Kwararafa dancers in Tripoli were seen making the sign of the cross. Such details suggest a complex religious environment, blending local traditions with Christian symbols—possibly transmitted via contact with Borno and the trans-Saharan trade routes.

Economy and Trade

Tribute formed a major part of Kwararafa’s external relations. According to 18th-century claims recorded by Koelle, the kingdom paid annual tribute to Borno, possibly in slaves. Control over salt resources was another pillar of its economy, with expeditions bringing wealth and political leverage. Kwararafa’s location allowed indirect contact with North Africa through Borno and Hausa intermediaries, linking it to the commercial networks of Tripoli and Fezzan.

Decline

By the mid-18th century, Kwararafa faced growing external pressure. Attacks from neighboring states, internal shifts in power, and the rise of the Sokoto Caliphate in the early 19th century eroded the kingdom’s influence. The Fulani jihad from 1806 marked a decisive blow, fragmenting the confederacy and absorbing its territories into new emirates and political formations.

And here is a second version:

The Kwararafa polity, remembered in Hausa, Kanuri, and European sources from the 16th to the 18th centuries, occupied a prominent position in the history of the Benue Valley. Contemporary accounts depict it as a multi-ethnic state dominated by the Jukun, but incorporating Hausa, Tiv, Mumuye, and other groups under a confederated structure. Its rulers exercised influence far beyond their core territories, engaging in warfare and diplomacy with Borno, Kano, and other Hausa states.

Political and Military History

Kwararafa’s military campaigns were a defining feature of its regional role. Abakwariga (and Jukun) oral traditions recall attacks on Kano and Katsina, taking captives from both Hausa cities in the late 17th century.^2^ Muhammad Bello, writing in the early 19th century, described the Kwararafa ruler as commanding “twenty states” and waging war against both Kano and Borno.^3^

European observers in North Africa and the Mediterranean also documented the kingdom. In 1706–1707, the French consul Lemaire in Tripoli described Kwararafa as a powerful, nominally Christian state, whose rulers clashed with Borno on religious and political grounds.^4^ Lemaire claimed that “more than 100,000 Christians” lived in Kwararafa, and even witnessed Kwararafa captives making the sign of the cross.^5^

Religion and Culture

The claim of Christianity within Kwararafa is controversial, but it recurs in early modern sources. Lemaire and other French officials reported Kwararafa ambassadors in Borno and Borno princes visiting Cairo in the early 18th century.^6^ Koelle, writing in the mid-19th century based on African informants in Sierra Leone, described the Jukun (Wukari) as the capital of Kwararafa and recorded tribute relations with Borno in the late 1700s.^7^

Internally, Kwararafa’s political organization featured a king assisted by principal officers, including the the Master of the Horse.^8^ Succession was flexible, allowing any male relative of a deceased king to ascend the throne.^9^ Spiritual beliefs blended political authority with religious rituals; Talbot’s ethnography notes the king’s involvement in weather control and divination, and his role as chief priest of the sun deity.^10^

Economy and Trade

Kwararafa’s economy combined agriculture, tribute, and control of regional trade. Meek records that rulers such as Adi Matswen increased revenues through salt expeditions and the founding of new towns in the 18th century.^11^ Tribute from subordinate towns and trade in goods such as slaves, horses, and salt connected Kwararafa to markets in Borno, Hausaland, and as far as Tripoli.^12^ French archival records from Tripoli in 1669 note captives taken from “the land of Kwararafa” being sold to North African buyers.^13^

Conclusion

The image of Kwararafa that emerges from African oral traditions, Hausa chronicles, Kanuri records, and European reports is that of a resilient, adaptable state. Its influence was felt from the Middle Niger to the Sahara, and its ambiguous religious identity—Islamic neighbors describing it as Christian, European consuls reinforcing the same—reflects both the complexity of its diplomacy and the layered identities of the Central Sudan in the early modern period.

Footnotes

1. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, 126.

2. Ibid., 124.

3. Muhammad Bello, Infaq’l-Maysur, in Hodgkin, ed.,  The Kano Chronicle, 480.

4. Lemaires, “Letter to the French Foreign Ministry, Tripoli, 1706–1707,” Archives Nationales, Paris, Series Afrique, carton 385.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid., carton 386.

7. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 21.

8. Talbot, The Peoples of Northern Nigeria, 408–409.

9. Ibid., 408.

10. Ibid., 410–412.

11. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, 156.

12. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 21.

13. “French Debt Records in Tripoli, 1669,” Archives Nationales, Paris, Series Afrique, carton 390.

What is missing here is our notes on the possible earlier history of Kwararafa, stretching back to the 1300s and 1400s. 

Shuwa Arabs Documentary

After watching this same channel's series on the Kanuri, we decided to check out their other videos. They are short and of course are not anywhere close to a complete history. Nonetheless, it is interesting to see people from the region interviewed and discussing their traditions and history. The Shuwa Arabs appear to have been present in Kanem by the 14th century, where a reference to them seems evident in a letter from the Sayfawa mai to the Mamluk sultan, Barquq, written in 1391/2. According to that letter, Judham Arabs even killed a mai, so nomadic Arabs had become involved in the unstable conditions in Kanem related to civil war and the Sayfawa versus Bulala. This documentary focuses on aspects of Shuwa Arab culture and traditions, like marriages or the former importance of camels. 

Attacking Birni Gazargamo (c.1667)

During our attempts to revisit the sources for the enigmatic state or polity known as Kwararafa, we encountered Jukun traditions of Kwararafa's conflict with Borno. One of these episodes, first discussed by Heinrich Barth (who did not name his sources), was an attack on Birni Gazargamo from Kwararafa at the same time as a Tuareg attack. It was said to have occurred during the reign of Ali b. Umar (r. 1639-1677), whose victory against Kwararafa was recorded by a Katsina poet, Dan Marina. In addition, reports of Borno's conflicts with the Tuareg reached Europeans at Tripoli, just as the chirurgien esclave also wrote of Borno's wars with the land of Prester John. Upon closer examination, and particularly with the aid of Richard Gray's work on the ill-fated Borno missions of the Church, it is possible to support some of the Jukun traditions of Kwararafa as a regional power in the 17th century. How exactly it looked in the 16th or 15th century is more difficult to untangle, although traditions from Hausaland and the Kano Chronicle suggest Kwararafa was a power to be reckoned with by the 14th century. In order to clarify the issue, one must enter debates on the chronologies of various kings lists of Kano, Katsina, Zaria, and try to identify when and if the famous Amina of Zaria ever conquered Kwararafa. Sadly, and this may be due to Kwararafa having developed as a multiethnic confederacy in which the Jukun may have been latecomers, Jukun traditions seem to be mainly useful for the period of the 17th century onward rather than these earlier centuries.

However, in the 17th century and early 18th century, reports of Kwararafa as a "Christian" kingdom in conflict with Borno reached Europeans. Claude Lemaire, a French consul in Tripoli with a keen interest in the history of what is now Libya, recorded reports and observations that support this. For instance, in a 1686 letter, Lemaire wrote about trans-Saharan commerce through the Fezzan. In addition, the previously mentioned history of Tripoli by an enslaved surgeon included several observations on the kingdom of Borno. Included in Dewiere's fine dissertation, the relevant sections of Girard's Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie appear to allude to Kwararafa multiple times. Since Girard was confused about the exact geography of the African interior, he believed Ethiopia bordered Borno. And since, already by this time, Europeans believed the "Kwararafa" to be Christian, we suspect Girard confused Kwararafa with Borno. Nonetheless, when reading his account, he uses the word cridi for the so-called Christian black slaves in Tripoly. Upon closer examination, it is very likely that Girard was actually repeating the word kirdi, used in Borno for pagan peoples. This misunderstanding was continued by Lemaire, who then repeated it to the Church, whose missionary arm in the Propaganda Fide began an ill-fated Borno Mission to reach Kwararafa. Needless to say, Kwararafa was not Christian at all, but Gray cites fascinating letters and reports that suggest the cross was a venerated symbol. Someone should revisit these and other sources from the archives of the Propaganda Fide to see what else may be useful for reconstructing the history of Kwararafa.

But, we digress. In short, external, written sources do support the existence of Kwararafa as a regional power in the 17th century. Its conflicts with Kano and Katsina undoubtedly contributed to problems with Borno, too, since the Sayfawa rulers had interests in trade and commerce with these major Hausa states. For example, as late as c.1671, Kwararafa, under Agwabi, attacked Kano. Lemaire, writing in 1706, described "Gourourfa" as powerful, waging war on Borno on religious grounds. The point about religion here is likely a misunderstanding on Lemaire's part, but it shows that even into the early 18th century, relations between Borno and Kwararafa were still marked by conflict. Intriguingly, in 1707, Lemaire wrote of an ambassador of Kwararafa in Borno. This must have been around the time that Borno appointed its own representative, a zanua, to Kwararafa. This position, according to Meek's Sudanese Kingdom, was maintained in Wukari until the 20th century. 

So, conflict between Borno and Kwararafa persisted even into the 18th century. However, at some point, Kwararafa was said to have paid annual tribute to Borno. This idea, apparently reaching Koelle in Sierra Leone via Ali Eisami, should be verified with other sources. Nonetheless, the establishment of permanent envoys between Borno and Kwararafa by the early 1700s may indicate the beginning of more cordial relations. If the decline and disintegration of the confederacy hastened, it would be another reason for more peaceful relations between the two states to become the norm. Interestingly, Adamu, author of The Hausa Factor in West African History, researched oral traditions from the Abakwariga Hausa communities in the region. According to his chronology, two famous malams from Kano and Katsina were said to have settled in the area by the late 1600s. In addition, traditions recorded by Europeans at Wukari indicate the discovery of salines during the late 1600s. The Kwararafa kings, based on Wukari, likely sought to boost the trade in salt, horses, textiles, and other products. In fact the growth of the Abakwariga population was said to have supported crafts and production, especially Hausa-descended blacksmiths. Moreover, Meek, who visited the site of the old Kwararafa capital before Wukari, noticed dye-pits of the Abakwariga as well as pottery fragments with designs like those of the Jukun. This may indicate that already, before the shift of the capital to Wukari in the 17th century, the Hausa communities were an important part of the kingdom's economy.

This brings us back to the conflict with Borno. If Girard's chronology is reliable, we know that in 1667, Ali b. Umar went on the pilgrimage to Mecca. However, upon his return, he found Borno to be in ncivil war. Rebels had tried to seize control, calling for aid from the sultan of Agades against the officers loyal to Ali b. Umar. During this unstable time, a prince of Borno, Ali b. Umar's nephew, was taken captive and sold into slavery across the Sahara. Meanwhile, if the stories reported in Jukun tradition are reliable, a Kwararafa army decided to take advantage of the political instability and attack Borno. According to the Gazetteer of Muri Province edited by Freemantle, the Kwararafa ruler, Katakpa invaded and attacks Gazargamo at the same time as the Tuareg. Unfortunately for them, they were defeated when the besieged Bornoan forces made a deal with the Tuareg and jointly attacked the "pagans" of Kwararafa. What followed was a tale of supernatural magic as the Borno ruler was said to have supernatural control of fire and the Jukun ruler could control rain. Meek, on the other hand, reported from Jukun tradition at Pindiga slightly different details. Supposedly, one story of war with Borno took place under the reign of Adi Matswen. 

While the traditions are somewhat ambiguous on the chronology and perhaps even when Wukari became the capital of Kwararafa, it does appear to be the case that one of the Kwararafa attacks on Birni Gazargamo took place around 1667. Whether or not this was tied to the celebration of Ali b. Umar's victory in a poem by Dan Marina is unclear, since the poet was believed to have died before 1667. If so, then it may have been a celebration of Borno's military intervention against Kwararafa earlier in Ali b. Umar's reign, perhaps after Kwararafa, led by "Adashu," attacked Kano. If the poem by Dan Marina is reliable, Ali b. Umar's forces pursued Kwararafa into their own territory. Regardless of chronological problems if one attempts to connect Dan Marina's poem with the c.1667 conflict, Barth, who likely heard the tale of Birni Gazargamo under attack from the Kwararafa and Tuareg via oral traditions, reported something similar to traditions from the Jukun of Wukari. Of course, the colonial officials who recorded this from the Jukun may have also drawn heavily from Barth, but there reasons to suspect the narrative is largely correct. And if it occurred due to internal strife and civil war in Borno, one can understand more clearly how the Kwararafa and Tuareg of Ahir were able to threaten the capital.

The Song of the Zakkama to the Sultan of Bornu

The Song of the Zakkama to the Sultan of Bornu is the last praise song in J.R. Patterson's Kanuri Songs (1926). Meant for the sultan, Aman Alimi, or Ahmad b. Ali, the praise song provides a window to view the Late Sayfawa Period court on the eve of the fall of Gazargamo in 1808. Ahmad Ali, who reigned from 1792-1808 in Lange's chronology, was remembered in the Diwan for supporting the poor and scholars. Since his father reigned for so long (1747-1792), it is possible he was also quite old by the time took the throne. Either way, like his father, he was a devout man identified as a savant in a time of generally good conditions. However, Ali Eisami's testimony does suggest a famine occurred in c.1792, which is unsurprisingly not mentioned in the praise song. 

Nonetheless, the praise song remembered for him follows the same conventions of the genre, and stresses his genealogy. Indeed, Ali b. Umar of the 17th century appears to be mentioned along with other illustrious ancestors in the Sayfawa dynasty. Of course, as one would expect, some of the praise is unrealistic or merely symbolic, like the assertion of Borno's rule over Mali (Melle), which surely must only mean the Fulani in Borno (whose ancestors came from the west centuries earlier). Praising the mai as the "scourge of pagan towns" or "firm like a fixed rock" point to military leadership, determination and other attributes of kingship. Like past praise songs, one notes a pattern of attributing fertile land and harvests to the leadership of the mai. However, as recorded in the Diwan, Ahmad b. Ali was also generous and seen as a "ruler of Islam." This suggests that some of the sources of authority and power for the Sayfawa rulers was indeed their status as Islamic savants, supporters of Islamic scholarship, and promoting the religion. 

Of course, we know all was not good in Borno. During Ahmad b. Ali's reign, Wadai attacked Kanem. In addition, the appearance of a poem (in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan) expressing anti-Fulani sentiment may be a hint of tensions between Fulani communities and others in Borno. What were once at least cordial relations with some Fulani in Borno (evidence from a mahram reconfirmed during the reign of Dunama b. Ali in the early 18th century) appears to have declined by the late 1700s. One might even detect the assertion of Sayfawa rule in this praise song over the Fulani as a reflection of this atmosphere of hostility. This led to, by c.1807, open conflict between some Fulani in Borno with the galadima, followed up by the later attacks on Birni Gazargamo. Only with the intervention of al-Kanemi, a celebrated mallam, were the Sayfawa able to retake their ancient capital. Of course, by the end of his reign, Ahmad b. Ali was old and supposedly blind, according to Brenner's study of the al-Kanemi dynasty. Thus, he was unable to provide the type of leadership necessary to defeat the jihadist forces. 

To see you is to see the world filled with light

And to attain one’s desire 

You are the chief of the chosen Arabs, fair of skin

And you the chief of the light skinned Debaba Arabs

West, Melle, the land of the Fellata is yours

And yours Aliarge

Your slaves were in battle order, and all armed; you came and entered their ranks

Your kingship is on a pinnacle as high as that of any of your ancestors

You are the strength of Bornu

You are the scourge of the pagan towns

Ruler of Islam

To-day you are the prop of the world

Yours the town of Makibirrum honey-sweet

To-day you have become as honey to all the princes

Your town Makibirrum, and you the son of Gumsu who wore a turban

Fadallam’s son

Son of the owner of the town of Ngalji the less, and Ngalji the greater, (Ngalji) Buro

You call the owner of Bidi, with its thousand roads, your elder sister

You have sat, have grown up, were born (with your brothers)

But you have excelled them all 

By the length of a train of a hundred camels 

Yours the town of Kakere Karowa

A woman, your mother, has a sieve made of gold

You are the chief even of her who owns the ‘Sokkutu’ head dress and the sieve

A sieve of gold

You give a tithe of gold for the fast month

And alms of a fine horse

Of your chiefs and of your juniors

To-day you are the (protecting) shade

What men call your kingship,

Is like the bite of a caterpillar and like black anger

That is kingship

(Habits) like (those of) a mason wasp, that is kingship

Which makes the children of others its own, that is kingship

(Habits of) an old goat which frightens away the young of others, that is kingship

(The fleetness of) a huntsman’s stick,

(the lightness of) a broken calabash,

that is kingship

To be firm as the fixed rock, 

that is kingship

(If you prepare for war) When the

rainy season comes, (your advisers say) there are tornadoes

(If) when the hot season comes, (they say) the sun is hot

(If) in the winter, (they say) there is cold

Make your own plans as your father used to make his,

Leave others’ plans and they will follow yours

(For) you are like a carrier’s pad made of the male ‘kamga’ bush.

Which, if a man takes on his head, wears his head away

If he moves it to his shoulder it wears his shoulder away

If you leave it on the ground, you leave what the Sultan has put in your care

East, the land of the Beni Hassen is yours

West, the Beni Mala Feram pool,

The watering-place of one thousand cattle

Yours Makabiroma, Mai Haji of Mecca Damaram

Sultan Haji of Mecca,

Has every attribute of kingship

Kaigama Ali whose mother was Rashi and father Idirisa,

Has all his father’s attributes

Mohammadu owner of Lergam town, and whose mother was Mune, and his father Aji,

Has all his father’s attributes

The head of Ngala City, Kadabu the lion, son of Duna Haman,

Has all his father’s attributes

Fusam, daughter of Umar, whose towns are Bantigu and Tarmuswa

Has all the attributes of power

Mai Ibrahim son of Aman, son of Aman the son of Saifu

Has all his father’s, Aman Saifumi’s, attributes

You whose town is Lergam, whose mother was Mune, Mai Mohammadu,

whose father was Haji

Mai Haji of Mecca Damaram, whose mother was Fanna

You have attained to the topmost heights of power

You son of Gumsu, Gumsu Amina daughter of Talba, you Ibrahim,

Have attained to your father’s place among the great

(During your reign) One rainy season gives seven harvests

A he-goat gives milk and oxen give milk

Because of his kingly power set forth to war (you men of his)

Because of his good luck, set forth to war

You, son of Haji, who are the owner of Ngeleru, whose mother was Gumsu

Gumsu Amina, Talba’s daughter

You have attained to the greatness of your father Arri son of Umar

And Amadu was Arri’s son

You have attained to your father’s greatness

And Ibrahim was Amadu’s son

You have attained to your father’s greatness

Son of Dalatu, Mari Arri of Minarge town

You have every attribute of power

To the East we look to worship, pray, give alms and sit in congregation,

To-day you hold it with a rod of gold

The West, the world’s back, 

You hold with a rod of gold

The North, the world’s foot, 

You hold with a rod of gold

The South, the world’s head,

To-day you hold with a rod of gold

May God (put a future) full of health before you

May God (leave a memory) of happiness behind you

Reign in health, the health of Fusam

Long life, good fortune, perfect health be yours

Reign amidst happiness.