Revisiting the Song to the Gumsu (Amina)

Although we have already attempted to write about a gumsu named Amina from 17th century Borno, we believe revisiting the topic was necessary. As a silence on the roles of women in Borno weakens our written sources, Kanuri oral tradition and song contains references to queens, queen-mothers, and other women who hold various high positions in society. Though these same oral traditions and praise songs often ignore women from the peasantry or enslaved women, they nonetheless require closer attention for any comprehension of women of the elite. As a senior wife to one of the most pivotal figures in the history of the Sayfawa, Ali b. Umar, Amina's contributions to this period in Borno's history is often overlooked. The following is a brief attempt at using various sources to corroborate details of her life. Admittedly, much of it is speculative given the paucity of sources. Revisiting this theme also reveals certain details about the relationship between the Sayfawa and the talba, a likely hereditary office of great importance for the royal council. The frequent intermarriage between the daughters of the likely hereditary post of talba and the Sayfawa rulers aids in understanding who was in the royal court and how this custom may have started as early as the 1200s if not earlier. 

Even if the name of the gumsu, Amina, frequently appears in other sources as the name of mothers of various Sayfawa rulers over the centuries, there does seem to have been a consistent pattern of daughters of the talba marrying the mai. Indeed, we have proposed that such a custom may have begun as early as the 13th century, when Dunama Dibalemi married the daughter of a talba named Yunus. Muhammad Nur Alkali has also suggested that the gumsu was usually a daughter of the Talba based on the girgams (Alkali 96-97). Unfortunately, we could not locate any documents from the 17th century that named Ali b. Umar's first wife as Amina, but the likelihood that she was indeed the daughter of the talba is very high. Caution is still necessary since there was a gumsu named Amina Talbaram who was said to have been the mother of Brem Gumsumi, or Ibrahim b. Idris (Alkali 255). Intriguingly, his mother was said to have been a gumsu of the "Maghrama tribe" in the Diwan. Lange has suggested this was the Magumi (Lange 81). However, this would mean that the gumsu of Idris Alooma was the daughter of the talba just like the gumsu of Ali b. Umar, his grandson.

Luckily, we do have some written sources that shed light on the family and court of Ali b. Umar (r. 1639-1677). For example, a mahram translated in H.R. Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan names the talba in 1647 as Talit ibn Fasam. This information identifies the talba by his maternal ancestry and yet lacks a first name. The Yuroma listed in the mahram, Biu, bears a name that could be connected to the Bitku in the song (Palmer 32). Since the yuroma was usually a eunuch official who also held responsibility for the women taken along on military or other journeys of the mai, he would have been close to the gumsu (Nachtigal 256). Of course, it would be necessary to verify this Bitku=Biu theory by examining the Arabic original of the mahram. Only then would it be possible to confirm that the Bitku named in Palmer's translation is perhaps a mistaken rendering of Bitku (or vice versa). Nonetheless, we at least know the name of the talba in 1647, who was probably the mother of the gumsu of Ali b. Umar.

The above aids us in establishing the probable origins of Amina. Other sources on elite women in Borno hint at not only their political influence, but travels abroad, great wealth, and ties with Islam. For instance, a sister of Idris b. Ali (Idris Alooma) accompanied him on the Hajj in 1565 (Hadrien 193). In the late 18th century, Miss Tully met a black prince from Borno who traveled to Tunis and Tripoli. Among his party were 3 of his wives, including one who learned the Italian laguage (Miss Tully 206). Whilst passing through Cairo during one of his pilgrimages, Ali b. Umar was seen by Evliya Çelebi. Although we do not know if the gumsu accompanied him on his pilgrimages, he came with 1000 camels carrying his retinue. Women and kings from Borno were also described as wearing strings of beads around their heads (Hodgkin 184). The implication is that elite women were undoubtedly part of Ali b. Umar's entourage that traveled to Mecca. Consequently, the gumsu Amina may have also traveled to Cairo and Mecca during one of these pilgrimages. We were unable to confirm this, but Girard, describing Borno from Tripoli, was told the mai had many women in his harem (Dewière 616, f.321v). Thus, it is possible that Amina had traveled abroad, performed the pilgrimage, and was far more worldly than contemporary sources indicate.

Certainly as gumsu, Amina's powers were likely extensive in Borno's royal court. According to Alkali, the gumsu was primarily responsible for the administration of the royal palace and overseeing the princesses. As a titled member of the court, she also received fiefs (Usman 107). In addition, Alkali wrote of the gumsu recommending to the mai which slave girls should be given kambe, or free-born status (122). A sense of the power and wealth of can be found in the praise song translated by Patterson. According to this song, Amina held the following lands: Dugumaram, Bamma, Banna, Asaga and riverain towns. Banna may have been the village of Bana, a town once inhabited by the Sau Gafata that was described in Lange's A Sudanic Chronicle (112). Anyway, these riverain settlements and towns were administered by the yiroma Bitku (Patterson 19). It is very likely that these riverain areas held as fiefs by the gumsu were near the Komadugu. She also held the town of Dillawa, Gizawa, Maradi Town, Yam, Yemen, Gazargamo and Njimi (20). Some of this may be hyperbole, yet it suggests the queen held fiefs scattered throughout the state. This scattered distribution of fiefs appears to have been common for chima recipients. Perhaps it was designed to prevent one person from accumulating too much power or influence in a region? Either way, the praise song (probably with great exaggeration) also indicates Amina had access to soldiers or musketeers. The number given, 500, is actually how many gunmen Idris Alooma was said to have had at his disposal in the late 16th century. Likewise, the song stresses her ownership of a silver pestle, clearly an indication of luxury. Yet military power is suggested by the praise song's reference to the queen's ownership of a Yambal sword from the north.

Besides the song in Patterson's Kanuri Songs, Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan is the most detailed source on this queen. According to a document translated and dated to 1658, the gumsu was the first lady of Ali b. Umar's household. She was also the one who told the mai about the Islamic holy man and scholar, Umr ibn Othman, whose prayers on behalf of various people in the capital were particularly effective. According to this account of the capital, the Gumsu had 60 courtiers, 40 slaves, and 20,000 slave soldiers (Palmer 34). While these numbers are perhaps best if not interpreted literally, it nonetheless supports the image of the queen in the praise song. Access to many dependents, wealth, and even military power are clear. The same source also mentioned Ali b. Umar wanting 1000 slaves and asking Umr ibn Othman to pray for him. Unsurprisingly, the king later received 10,000 slaves with the death of his mother (magira). Although there is probably no connection, the praise song referred to Ali b. Umar reconciling Amina with 1000 slaves after divorcing her (Patterson 20). Is it possible he was looking for 1000 captives to reconcile with Amina?

Further evidence of Amina's power and influence during this period may be glimpsed through the history of her husband's reign. Since it is unclear if she accompanied him on each hajj, she may have been important for assisting in the maintenance of the state during Ali b. Umar's many extended absences. For instance, when rebels in Borno took up arms during one of his pilgrimages and the Sultanate of Agadez launched an attack that reached the capital, loyalists to the mai held the city. It is possible Amina and her father, the talba, helped in resisting the rebels. After all, the talba was often given administration of the state when the mai left on long military campaigns (Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno 119). If the talba and Amina were still in Gazargamo at this time, they presumably would have helped or led the loyalists against the rebels and the forces of Agadez. Likewise, when Kashim Biri attempted to usurp power when Ali b. Umar was on the pilgrimage (assuming this was not the same rebellion mentioned previously), it is possible that Amina and her father, the talba, led forces loyal to the mai against him. Indeed, Amina's father may have assisted when Ali b. Umar ascended to the throne in c. 1639. According to one source, the mai had 4 brothers put to death as soon as he became mai, certainly due to contested succession of Umar b. Idris and fears of another revolt. Amina's father, as part of the Mainin Kenandi, could have been part of the smooth succession and assisted the young mai. Amina, as the daughter of the talba, would have occupied a key position in ensuring this alliance.

In spite of the close relationship between the gumsu and the mai as both marriage partners and the function of the talba in the royal administration, the praise song cited earlier hints at tensions. According to the song, "The Babuma said to him (the Sultan): Do not do as your wife wishes." The song also warns the mai, "Leave behind the pleasures your wife wishes for." It is difficult to tell specifically what pleasures the narrator meant, but Amina allegedly prevented the sultan from riding out to war (Patterson 20). This is presumably an allusion to the queen endeavoring to stop Ali b. Umar from going to war or engaging in raids, but it is impossible to tell where. The song's reference to the Shari and El Ebeit rivers suggest it may have been a campaign against an area south of Lake Chad. Regardless of this disagreement, Ali b. Umar later reconciled her. We would suggest this was due to her own recognized power and the possible influence of her father at court. Maintaining an alliance with such a powerful woman with connections in the royal court made her a key ally. Indeed, it is possible her forces may have been counted among those who supported his government when he traveled abroad. 

Though our own thoughts on this powerful queen are necessarily speculative, we believe they are still plausible. In fact, they may account for descriptions of Amina in the praise song as "Ruler of Islam." Her position included a number of fiefs and administrators, providing ample resources for her while she oversaw the royal household and the princesses. Moreover, her father's position as talba meant the mai likely had to consider her position and connections at court. In the case of Ali b. Umar, this may have been even more important since he faced a period of contested succession and was frequently abroad for pilgrimages. Further confirmation of her parentage is required, perhaps through the Arabic original of the 1647 mahram and any alternative girgams. That said, the praise song, despite its occasional hyperbole, points to a woman of political and economic power and legitimacy. Indeed, her position was so admirable she was compared to the Sultan. Even after separating, Ali b. Umar was said to have reconciled her, perhaps in recognition of this. 

Bibliography

Alkali, Mohammad Nur. 2013. Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891-1846) . Nigeria: University of Maiduguri.

Chirurgien esclave. "Passages sur le Borno de l’Histoire chronologique du chirurgien esclave, 1685" in Rémi Dewière, L’esclave, le savant et le sultan Représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles), PhD diss., Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2015.

Hadrien, Collet. “Royal Pilgrims from Takrūr According to ʿAbd Al-Qādir al-Jazīrī (12^th–16^th Century).” Islamic Africa 10, no. 1–2 (2019): 181–203. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26670347.

Hodgkin, Thomas (editor). Nigerian Perspectives: An Historical Anthology. London: Oxford University Press, 1975.

Lange, Dierk.  A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

__________. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

Nachtigal, Gustav, Allan G. B. Fisher, and Humphrey J (trans.). Fisher. Sahara and Sudan, Vol. 2. Berkeley and ; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

Palmer, H.R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

Patterson, J.R. Kanuri Praise Songs. Lagos: Government Printer, 1926.

Miss Tully. Narrative of a Ten Years' Residence at Tripoli in Africa. London: H. Colburn, 1817. 

Usman, Yusufu Bala, and Nur Alkali (editors). 1983. Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno. Zaria: Northern Nigerian Pub. Co.

Bornoan River Ceremony

A photograph of the Komadugu near Gazargamo (Borno Sahara and Sudan).

Whilst perusing Frauke Jäger's "Maiduguri–Twentieth Century Capital with Ancient Roots" in From Bulamari to Yerwa to Metropolitan Maiduguri, we found some intriguing references to ancient customs maintained in Borno's current capital. One of these practices is of deep antiquity in Borno, beginning under the Sayfawa dynasty. According to Jäger this water ritual took place when the river reached the dry riverbed during the rainy season. Afterwards, the Shehu threw a silver ring inside the river. The courtiers believe this is a blessing for a good harvest for the year. The crowd in attendance also took water from the river home. Under the Sayfawa maiwa, this custom was once celebrated with the slaughtering of an ox, prayers for a good harvest and commerce and even an oracle at the Komadugu Yobe (Jäger 28). Apparently, vassal kingdoms of Borno engaged in the same rite, too (29). In terms of her analysis of this ceremony, Jäger drew from field notes, Lukas, Seidensticker and Palmer. In the case of Palmer, she merely refers, indirectly no doubt, to Muhammad Bello's Infaq al-maysur. Unfortunately, Palmer did not cite his source for the quotation, merely referring to it as a "Bornu Fellata manuscript" (Palmer 105). But based on the brief extract used by Palmer, the text was likely that of Bello or someone whose work was perhaps based on his.

Moving on Lukas, whose study of the grammar and vocabulary of the Kanuri language was published in 1937, one finds another reference to the same ceremony. In this case it is for the river (Ngadda?) flowing near Yerwa (Maiduguri) in a translated passage (based on oral tradition?). Lukas reported that, in former times, the Shehu came to the river with attendants when the nearby river filled up during the rainy season. Riding on a horse, the Shehu threw a silver ring into the river and people brought other items to throw into it as offerings or sacrifices (Lukas 177). However, some people practiced more superstitious customs when this ceremony took place. Women hoping to have children prayed at the river and rolled naked in the river. In addition, at the source of the river, "fetish" practices were done by others (178). Clearly, the river was linked to fertility (of land and people) and some of the customs done in Borno were not Islamic. Yet the ceremony led by the Shehu was seen as distinct, and presumably did not include "fetish" practices.

A translation of Muhammad Bello's work referring to improper customs in Borno (translated by Salahudeen Yusuf).

Besides Jäger and Lukas, Muhammad Bello's 19th century description of the ceremony is the most interesting. Used in a context of justifying the jihad's attacks on Borno under the Sayfawa, Bello needed to portray the ceremony as idolatrous or pagan. Thus, the customs of Borno, despite Islam being widespread, made the people unbelievers. The Sayfawa rulers, despite their status as Islamic kings, failed to condemn idolatrous or "pagan" practices and therefore were legitimate targets. While Bello also included the custom of sacrificing animals and sprinkling blood at the gates of cities as among their acts of disbelief, his reference to the practice of offering sacrifices to snakes brings to mind Machina (Bello 72). Since some of what he described may have been more specific to vassals of Borno rather than the Sayfawa rulers themselves, his brief sentence on the river ceremony is probably the easiest to relate to the ruling dynasty. Sadly, his description is too short, but comparing how they do to the river what the Copts did to the Nile in the "days of ignorance" is telling. Clearly, superstitious practices were taking place at rivers and the Sayfawa were guilty of participating them as customs inherited from their forefathers. If the river ceremony was an ancient one of the Sayfawa, it may even have roots in Kanem when the king was seen as the source of sustenance (possibly through a similar ritual involving rivers or streams associated with the wet season and fertility). 

The annual river rite was probably performed at Gambaru, too. According to Ritchie, whose report on Borno was published in 1820 based on informants who had been there, a virgin was sacrificed to the river flowing near Gambaru. Relying on an informant named Hadji Hamet, allegedly a Borno native, the story suggests that a virgin was sacrificed every year when the river inundated near Gambaru. That Hamet's account was at least somewhat believable is the mention of castles erected at Gambaru. Although attributed to Christians, this is probably an allusion to the fired-brick ruins at the site. Moreover, Burckhardt, in his Travels in Nubia, was informed by a Borno native that the mai ordered a virgin thrown into the river (Burckhardt 444). It is somewhat muddled whether or not the ceremony took place both near Gazargamo and at Gambaru, but it is clearly tied to the rainy season ceremony of prayer and rituals at the river. The throwing of a virgin (slave?) into it also seems to be another clear allusion to the river's association with fertility. 

Unfortunately, the throwing of a virgin into the river brings to mind human sacrifice. Moreover, that Borno natives were the sources of this information does incline one to believe there is some truth to it. But were these women actually drowned in the river? Or was it more akin to the women who, praying for children, waded in the river? Certainly, the slaughter of an animal and prayers for a good harvest are remembered in Borno tradition, but it is difficult to imagine the Sayfawa rulers sanctioning human sacrifice. The ceremony was likely of deep antiquity but associated with the Islamic prayers and practices of the ruling elite. That, of course, still made them infidels to Muhammad Bello. For even one act of disbelief can outweigh one's other actions. But the throwing of a virgin into the flooded river sounds like the later tradition of women praying for children entering it or others using foam from the river to wash themselves.

Intriguingly, Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi agreed that the visits of the Sayfawa kings to special places to give alms or conduct ceremonies was condemnable. He also wrote, "But its performer should not be imputed with unbelief, since no one claims that it has any impact (on them) nor do they intend to shirk (polytheism) (with such acts), rather their claim, because of ignorance is that giving alms at these places is better than in other places" (Bello 300). While not directly commenting on the annual river ceremony, al-Kanemi's letter suggests it was associated with the other places where the mai gave alms and performed sacrifices. It was not acceptable from an Islamic point of view, but not due to disbelief. Instead, it was through ignorance and innovation in the faith. If al-Kanemi saw human sacrifice as part of these rites, which is not mentioned by either Bello or himself, it was possibly due to the ideological conflict between Bello and himself. Or, as we believe to be more likely, human sacrifice was not part of the rites. Despite his condemnation of it, the annual river custom was later practiced by the al-Kanemi dynasty anyway. Popular traditions and rituals can become Islamic. The antiquity of this custom may also stretch back in time to pre-Islamic Kanem. It was certainly a custom associated with the rulers that could incorporate Islamic prayer and rituals while still honoring ancestral tradition. 

The Brick Palace of Machina

One of the disappointing aspects of the study of Sayfawa royal architecture is the absence of adequate photographs, plans, and sketches of the old palace complex at Machina, Nigeria. Long known to be the only fired-brick construction sponsored by the Sayfawa that is still in use (the others have been plundered for building material or ravaged by time and sackings), Machina's palace structure has undoubtedly been modernized or restored in the 20th century (and likely the 21st, too). But finding photographs of what the palace complex looked like has led us to Google and social media accounts by Nigerians from Yobe State or Machina itself. These images, however, do not provide a complete overview of the palace complex. Nor does Google Earth clearly display an outline of the palace complex. 

In spite of these aforementioned limitations, the photographs online do offer some clues as to how the brick structure might have looked in the past. In addition, it was also similar to other sites in Borno and possibly the larger "Central Sudan" region. For instance, the circular structure in which the Machinama (king of Machina) is seated while talking to guests may be how circular, brick structures were used in Birni Gazargamo, Gambaru, and other sites. These brick buildings with a courtyard for hosting visitors or relatives were part of a larger palatial complex of buildings with brick walls. Besides this feature, the old brick walls for a structure that appears to have been retained in front of newer concrete walls may have been the reception space for larger audiences. Alternatively, it may have once been part of the walls of the original house for the king, possibly lost when the ruling family favored concrete and other materials to modernize the palace.

In terms of historical sources and studies, Machina's palace was noted by colonial-era officials, travelers, and subsequent, post-colonial scholars. C.J. Lethem, whose 1919 report on the Marchena District report has been digitized, was told the palace was unique for having a main gate facing the east rather than the west. Supposedly, this was done so the palace's gate could face toward Birni Gazargamo. Moreover, Lethem believed the bricks at Machina's palace were smaller than those of Gazargamo and Gambaru. Yet despite its smaller size, the structure in the early 20th century had one hall, which was 20 feet high, plus 54 layers of brick in its walls. The structure was in need of repair, however, especially the roof and arches. Unfortunately, Lethem did not include a sketch or plan for the palace. To his credit, however, he recorded an early version of Machina history based on a chronicle lost when Zinder attacked the town in c. 1896 (or was it just a girgam?). This chronicle, rewritten based on memory, extended the history of the town 988 years. It similarly made the original rulers of the town Sao (So). 

But the chronicle sought to connect Machina with the origin of Sayfawa consolidation at Gazargamo in the 15th century. According to this tradition, the first mai to settle at Gazargamo sent troops to the west to capture a woman who could bear a son for him (no previous wife had sons). The woman the Bornoan forces seized was actually a Machina woman who was the wife of the Machina Sao hunter, Bolo. Unbeknownst to the ruler of Borno, this Machina woman was already pregnant with a son, born in Borno. She later bears the Sayfawa king another child, named Arigu like her previous son. Then, in a case of mistaken identity, her first son succeeded to the throne. After calamity, people in Borno realize her second son was the legitimate heir. With his half-brother on the throne, the son of the Machina chief returns to Machina. But missed by his dear half-brother in Gazargamo, he is visited by the Sayfawa mai. In order to make sure his brother lives in an appropriately royal setting, the Sayfawa mai "sent for a supply of the famous Birni bricks, or, according to another account, hade them made at Mijirik, near Gumsi "(Lethem 4). If taken at face value, this account would make Ali Gaji the step-father of Arigu, the first Machina leader to live in a brick palace. Since there are no sources to corroborate what is clearly a legend of origin, and we have no records of a Sayfawa mai named Arigu who ruled after Ali Gaji, this account is nonetheless interesting for not claiming direct descent from a Sayfawa mai. Even if its attempts to connect the Machina dynastic line to an earlier period in Borno history, the fact that they don't assert a Sayfawa origin may represent some historical truth. Indeed, according to Lethem, the chiefs of Machina were Walu, a group possibly tied to the Dagira peoples.

The next person to describe the palace of Machina was Migeod, whose Through Nigeria to Lake Chad was published in 1924. Migeod saw the palace, describing it as a brick house with a brick wall around it. He also thought the bricks were carried from Gazargamo a little over 100 years ago, when the Sayfawa capital was abandoned. Moreover, the Machina palace was in poor condition by the time Migeod saw it. Consequently, the Machinama was in the process of rebuilding it. Nonetheless, Migeod still observed large pillars and arches and a square-shaped reception hall with 4 arches (Migeod 278). Is it possible this is the most imposing of the brick structures seen today? It is quite clear that Migeod was wrong to suggest the brick palace was only built in the 1800s and with plundered bricks from Gazargamo. This is contradicted by Lethem's sources and may have been a reflection of the limited knowledge of fired-brick structures west of Lake Chad at the time. Interesting, Migeod's book included 2 photos of walls from the Gambaru palace structure, whose bricks do bear a resemblance to those of Machina. 

With the exception of John Lavers, whose research on Machina's palace is difficult to find, Wilhelm Seidensticker seems to the most recent scholar to investigate the site. In a short essay on brick technology in Borno ("Borno and the East: Notes and Hypotheses on the Technology of Burnt Bricks"), he referred to Machina's palace as a complex with several impressive brick buildings. Furthermore, Machina tradition attributes the bricks to Gazargamo. The people there even described the bricks differently, based on color. In another essay, entitled "Archaeometric investigations on burnt bricks from six archaeological sites in Nigeria and Niger," Seidensticker et al. wrote of preliminary chemical analysis of bricks from different parts of Borno. The Machina bricks, though said to have come from Gazargamo by oral tradition, were actually unlike the samples from every other site (Lergam, Gazargamo, Gambaru, Kukawa graves of al-Kanemi shehus, Garumele, Garukime). Although further analysis is necessary, the chemical analysis of the bricks from these sites may suggest that masons and bricklayers sponsored by the Sayfawa were sent to various locations. These artisans may have used local materials for their bricks. In fact, this theory is the most sensible since it is difficult to imagine large quantities of bricks being moved from across vast distances if local materials could be sourced and prepared to complete elite structures at Machina, Gambaru, Garumele, Lergam, Garukime, and other sites. Of course, actually dating the bricks and a more thorough chemical analysis are required to understand the chronology and when Machina's palace came into being. 

Ultimately, we can only hope for complete photographs of the site, dating of the bricks, and further study and comparison with Borno and Kanem fired-brick sites. The traditions of Machina suggest that the palace was built by a Sayfawa mai for a half-brother who ruled at Machina. This tradition may not stand up to scrutiny, but is interesting nonetheless for providing an example of Sayfawa elite agriculture "extended" to Machina. This brings to mind the Sayfawa sponsorship of a brick mosque for the Kalumbardo community, although possible Sayfawa descent for the second movement's founder has been suggested by Bobboyi. Further, the Machina palace structure, despite modernization, has elements comparable to other fired-brick structures in the Central Sudan. Further study of the largest brick building and the use of arches or pillars may help us understand how Gazargamo, Gambaru or Njimi structures looked. Since the bricks used at Gazargamo and Gambaru were larger, we should probably expect Machina's palace to have been much smaller than what the Sayfawa rulers used for their own elite residences. 

Ouara, ville perdue (Tchad)

Jean-Paul Lebeuf and Johannes Hermann Immo Kirsh's Ouara, ville perdue (Tchad) is a study of the elite palatial complex at Wadai's former capital, Wara. Unfortunately, the site does not seem to have received further investigation and one wonders about the current conditions of the palace, mosque, and other structures. As elite architecture made of bricks in the Central Sudan, one cannot help but wonder to what extent the earlier fired-brick building traditions of Kanem and Borno influenced Wadai. Lebeuf and Kirsch did not fully explore this question, but they raised a number of intriguing theories about parallels with Kotoko architecture and African royal architectural traditions. 

Using the few written sources, oral sources, and past and contemporary plans, photographs, and sketches, the authors did endeavor a basic overview of the site. That said, given the paucity of written sources from the period when Wara was occupied by the ruling dynasty of Wadai, one must interpret the sources carefully. Nonetheless, a general overview is possible. The larger site includes an area attributed to the period of the Tunjur, but the site is most associated with Abd al-Karim and his descendants. A royal cemetery, a maison de marabout brick structure, the palace structure, elite residences for upper-echelon dignitaries like the djerma and the counsel hall structure are still impressive ruins. A partially ruined pyramidal structure on Mount Treya and a central tower that may have been an observatory aligned with the Pleiades indicate some intriguing possible motives for the site's design. Unfortunately, precise dating of many of these structures has not been attempted, although a brick from the mosque structure dated to 1796 was found. It would seem that successive kings of Wadai built or sponsored the construction of some brick buildings over the centuries the site served as a royal capital. Furthermore, it was likely not a large city, with its growth circumscribed by the mountainous terrain. 

Despite its small size, the city's astronomical alignments for some structures and the larger cosmological and ritual significance of the space's design are worth exploring. The building remembered traditionally as the maison de marabout included a tower or column structure of brick. The authors speculate that this may also have been a symbol of the kingdom's axis. Indeed, the division of Wadai into 4 quadrants based on the cardinal directions with the center, or axis, at this structure was no coincidence. Furthermore, the Salle de Conseil with 4 sides, square-shape may have been another reference to the 4 provinces of the state: North, South, East, and West. While the authors may need further proof for the larger cosmological points about square and round buildings and towers as references to the land and the sky, possible similarities with the Kotoko states is not impossible. Clearly, part of the capital was designed for ritual reasons. For instance, the platform on Mount Trey was used for accession rituals of the Wadai rulers. The royal cemetery was also ritually significant, even though none of the tombs feature inscriptions. 

Hopefully with the dating of fired-brick structures in Kanem, similar research can be undertaken for Wara. Even if the brick mosque was built in the 1790s, some of the other structures may date from the 17th or early 18th centuries. This late date also raises the question about influences from Kanem, Bagirmi and Wadai. The influence of Kanem-Borno in Wadai can be detected in areas like political titles, such as the djerma. The word birni was also used in Wadai to refer to the palace, perhaps another instance of political vocabulary (and royal architecture?) being influenced by Kanem-Borno. It is not inconceivable that rulers of Wadai also borrowed from the Sayfawa dynasty (and its successors in Kanem, the Bulala) brick structures for elite residences and mosques. A close analysis of brick construction techniques and architectural styles must be launched for Kanem, Wadai and Borno to verify this hypothesis. Massenya, the capital of Bagirmi, should likewise be thoroughly investigated. 

Hausa Influences in Oyo

Whilst perusing Samuel Johnson's History of the Yorubas, one notices multiple examples of Hausa influence in the Oyo state. Even when referring to the mythical or semi-legendary rulers like Sango, examples of this Hausa or northern presence can be detected in Yoruba historical tradition. For example, one of the Yoruba legends of origin traces the people's descent from Lamurudu of Mecca. This figure was said to have been the father of Oduduwa as well as two kings of Gogobiri and Kukawa in the Hausa region (3). Kukawa may mean Borno. Even the (legendary) Sango was said to have had a Hausa slave, too (149).

Some titles used in the Oyo government were also words of Hausa origin. Take the Magaji, for instance. This title was said by Johnson to go to the heir of a great estate, usually the eldest son of that family. The alafin of Oyo's court also included an official called the Magaji Iyajin. He functioned as an official "elder brother" who defended the interests of the king (69). Well, magaji in Hausa means heir or successor, according to An English-Hausa Dictionary. Another word of Hausa origin used by Oyo's government was the seriki, derived from the Hausa word for king. According to Johnson, the seriki was an military leader who was comparable to the Balogun but more for the young warriors. A successful seriki could even succeed the Balogun (133).

Some of the specific trumpets and instruments associated with kingship also came from the Hausa or via Nupe peoples. The kakaki and ivory trumpets were only used for the king (121). Johnson also referred to a cymbol (aro) or the Bembe drum as instruments introduced by the Hausa. The use of these instruments may have been through the Nupe as an intermediary, but it demonstrates how the northern peoples exerted a significant influence on Oyo.

As noted by various scholars, such as Adamu in The Hausa Factor in West African History, Hausa captives and artisans were also a significant presence. Hausa captives were the main labor force for taking care of the cattle owned by the chiefs. In addition, Hausa and Fulani peoples were often the barbers and ropemakers in Oyo (123). Hausa traders were also a familiar presence long before the 19th century. One of them, named Alaja-eta by Johnson, had his goods seized in Oyo until Aole, the alafin, ordered them returned. The failure to return the Hausa merchant's Koran contributed to the political tensions of Aole's reign after the zenith of Abiodun (190). Later, the Hausa slaves in Oyo joined Afonja as soldiers for Ilorin, but that development is better known or documented.

Overall, the Hausa influences in Oyo seem to be of a much deeper antiquity than we initially thought. While much of it was likely indirect through Nupe and Bariba peoples, the actual Hausa presence in Oyo was clear. And it was not restricted to slaves and Hausa or Fulani-oriented crafts and trades. It even included titles and political offices that used words of Hausa origin. Some were said to marry with the elite of the Oyo kingdom. Thus, Abiodun, remembered in tradition as one of the greatest kings of the Oyo Empire, married his daughter to a Muslim who had secretly harbored a son of Gaha for several years (186)! According to Johnson, Abiodun was previously a trader in potash before ascending the throne and defeating Gaha (187). Is it possible the potash trade increased Abiodun's dealings with Muslim traders from Hausa land and the north? 

Mahamat ibnou Dirmi and Wadai

Whilst perusing Abd el-Karim ibnou Djamé, propagateur de l'Islam et fondateur du royaume du Ouaddaï by Marie-José Tubiana, Issa Hassan Khayar, and Paule Deville, we noticed yet again the Borno/Kalumbardo connection for Wadai's founder. According to various oral traditions, Abd el-Karim studied theology or religion with a Mahamat ibnou Dirmi. This name appears in Muhammad Bello's account of the first Kalumbardo's destruction at the hands of Umar b. Idris of Borno. It also appears in Borno oral traditions and in Wadai. We have written about this elsewhere in our endeavor to analyze Umar b. Idris's decision. Yet the traditions cited by Tubiana et al. strengthen the Borno identification.  For example, the account of Adam Mahamat el-Amin of Wadai referred to Mahamat ibnou Dirmi in the following manner: "Il fut tué injustement par ses enemies"(27). Wadai tradition is adamant that Mahamat ibnou Dirmi was buried in Dar Bornou (20). 

Interestingly, however, Wadai tradition remembers a shaykh named Dede who was buried at the Bahr El-Ghazal (27). This is possible since Bagirmi (where Bidderi is located) in the late 1500s and early 1600s was not disconnected from this area and Islamic scholars sometimes taught in different locations as they moved. More importantly, if the teacher of Abd el-Karim was indeed the same leader of the first Kalumbardo, is it not unreasonable to postulate a totally political motive for the Borno mai's decision to execute him and exile Waldede? Consequently, does this mean that Wadai's foundations possibly preceded the reign of Umar b. Idris of Borno (r. 1619-1639, in Lange's chronology)? This could mean that Barth's chronology for the kings of Wadai is more accurate than that of Nachtigal's, although further confirmation is necessary. 

Tantalizing clues, however, may be found in the sparse data about one of the predecessors of Umar b. Idris. According to Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, Muhammad b. Idris (1596-1612) died in Kanem. According to Palmer, "He was slain in Holy War, and buried at Dagana Daniski" (244). This could have been related to the rise of Abd el-Karim's rise to power in Wadai. His political ascent led to some of the Tunjur leaving Kanem, although pressure on the Bulala sultans of Kanem may have also been a factor since it is unclear if a Tunjur exodus from Wadai had already begun in c.1610 or 1611. Either way, it does seem rather likely that Mahamat ibnou Dirmi was the very same leader at the first Kalumbardo. If one of his students, Abd el-Karim, later overthrew the Tunjur dynasty, it is no wonder that Umar b. Idris viewed Waldede and al-Jirmi as a political threat. 

Revisiting the Siècles Obscurs

Part of Gustav Nachtigal's map of Kanem and the Lake Chad Region (Gallica)

Although the paucity of written sources makes it exceedingly difficult, the so-called siècles obscurs of the 17th and 18th centuries are worth revisiting. Far from being obscure, 17th–18th century Kanem was politically, economically, and socially dynamic. Several changes took place politically and ethnically as Kanem and the Bahr el-Ghazal witnessed population movements, the replacement of the Bulala sultans by an alifa under the auspices of the Sayfawa, and the growing threat of Wadai in the east. Kanem’s integration in a Borno-centered regional economy continued through the lively trade in livestock and horses while trona production and trans-Saharan trade continued. Kanem’s political conflict between the alifate based at Mao and the Tunjur leadership at Mondo likewise contributed to a period of political conflict. Nonetheless, Kanem’s social, ethnic, economic, and political transformations in this era provide another vantage point for viewing the gradual decline of Borno and the political revolutions that shocked the Central Sudan in the 19th century. Thus, the picture that emerges from an analysis of the 17th and 18th centuries is one of political and economic dynamism. This was a provincial dynamism that gradually declined with metropolitan Borno’s loss of the Bilma salt mines, insecure trans-Saharan routes, and a reorientation of the Central Sudan’s metropole with the rise of the Sokoto Caliphate.

First, the political changes. We have already attempted to create a more coherent chronology for the alifa rulers at Mao, using oral traditions and attempting to corroborate it with other sources. But, what was the state of the Dalatoa alifas? According to Landeroin, the institution began with Dala Afouno. Whether or not he was from a village in Kano, his descent from a Magumi mallam and appointment by the Sayfawa seems to have begun in the 17th century. Indeed, Zeltner has echoed Lavers in preferring a date by c. 1642 for the establishment of the caliphate at Mao.[1] As for the court at Mao, it consisted of court officials called kokenawa. The court dignitaries used titles like those of Borno: kaigamma, jerma, dugma, yerima, etc. In addition, the post of dima was a once-powerful position with authority over the Kanembu tribes and requiring ratification by Borno.[2] Conte has also stated that the court at Mao was modeled on that of Borno, with “fiefs” for some officials while others did not receive any land. The highest dignitary title, the zegbada, was quasi-hereditary and vested in a descent group of the alifas. Other court titles included Mala, N’goa, Kajala, gerema, dalado, maina, magiri, Nogona, and khalifa. The jerma was a minister of justice and the interior. As for the Mala, it was for the head of the Dalatoa Kingiru.[3] Moreover, a Kogona clan, established in the 17th century, was originally a military and administrative caste under the authority of the alifas.[4] 

 

Additional details on the administrative structure of the Dalatoa-Magumi ruling group can be found in an ethnographic work by Robert Bouillé. His Les coutumes familiales au Kanem was published in the 1930s, after the momentous changes of the 19th century and the French colonial conquest. Nonetheless, it is likely reliable for the structure of the government before the 1800s, too. Thus, the alifas divided Kanem into sous-commandements led by chiefs with titles like Fougbou, Melinia, Kadela, etc.[5] While it is possible that the Fougbou at Mondo was very autonomous in the past, it is noteworthy that the leader of the Tunjurs there used a Kanembu title. Moreover, oral testimony reported to Landeroin clearly establishes how difficult it was for the alifas to ensure payment of tribute or taxes. Nonetheless, the state appears to have been modeled on the Sayfawa court of Borno (which, of course, first developed in Kanem several centuries earlier). As noted by Nachtigal, the alifas appointed dignitaries who oversaw several valleys from Mao to Gala, including Billema, Kimbageri, Niggara, Billangara, and more.[6] The family of the zegbada, the highest post, was said to be part of the Samarous tribe and had intermarried with the family of Mustafa (of the alifas) for around 200 years by the 1930s.[7] Intriguingly, Nachtigal believed the djegebada, or zigibada, was a slave official who functioned as a royal messenger in Borno.[8] In the case of Kanem’s alifas, this title was not associated with servile status and actually possessed a close relationship with the ruling family. Further confirmation is necessary, but we suspect the family that monopolized the post of zegbada may have included the father of the 19th alifa, Ahmadou Kalli (though he reigned more than once during the 19th century). In Landeroin’s genealogy, Ahmadou Kalli’s father is named jagata Moustapha.[9] Was this jagata Moustapha of the same family as the zegbada family?

In addition to taxes on agricultural produce and livestock, notables and village chiefs had to present gifts to the alifa for Ramadan, harvest times or other occasions. Failure to do so meant their goods were seized.[10] The principle of taxation paid to the alifa may have been linked to the idea of him as the sole “owner of the land” of the Kanembu. This justified their tax on outside groups, the kiski. Land was distributed in lougan, a term for a cultivated plot. Beneficiaries of the alifa were allowed access to land and paid a moud at harvest, 6 zakats per lougan.[11] In addition, the state used officials called mara to function as a village chief. Others, called Déguedji, were sent by chiefs to collect taxes.[12] Furthermore, Kanembu farmers sometimes paid several other taxes, such as the dougouchi, mararom, and sadaka.[13] In exchange for the burden of various taxes and forced “gifts” to the alifa, the state also maintained a Bit el mal while Borno still held Kanem. This was a caisse publique designed to feed the poor, provide gifts to mallams, aid foreigners, and to pay masons for the construction and maintenance of mosques.[14] Returning to the origins of the state based at Mao, the first alifa, Dala Afouno, had to submit most groups by force to receive tribute. This included the Tubu, Daganas, Koukas west of Fitri, and Shuwa Arabs. All of his successors similarly had to launch campaigns from Mao to force recalcitrant groups to pay the required tribute, save Hadji, the seventh alifa.[15] Consequently, the issue of taxation was a persistent problem for the rulers of Kanem during the 17th and 18th centuries. Indeed, by the end of the 18th century, Méle Koura b. Beker, the 14th alifa, was deposed by the mai of Borno for pillaging and attacking villages of the Yabouribous, a Magumi group that refused to pay tribute since they were of Magumi descent.[16] This led to the deposed alifa seeking the aid of Sabun of Wadai to seize his old position.

In the midst of the state’s struggle to ensure tribute payments, Kanem’s population structure was also changing. Zeltner, in his history of Kanem, wrote of the Awlad Himayd and Rashid in the Bahr el-Ghazal region in the 17th or 18th centuries. The Daganat united with the Awlad Alwan while the Bani Wa’il under Far’on and Idris were the most prosperous. The Kreda also pushed south. By the mid-18th century, the Asali had left the Bahr el-Ghazal, likely due to Tubu pressure.[17] Unsurprisingly, the Daza presence, migrating from Borku to Kanem, was also felt during the 18th century.[18] Growing pressure from nomadic groups like the Kreda also pushed the Bani Wa’il to disperse in c. 1780-1800.[19] Of course, the aforementioned Tunjur were also established in Kanem during the 17th century. The 18th century even witnessed the migration of various Kanembu populations to the west of Lake Chad. The Tsougourtis, for instance, were said to have left Kanem during the 18th century. New villages of Borati, Dogochi, Kaoua, Kounguia and others, of which Kaoua was the most important, were settled. Kaoua was said to have become a village during the reign of Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama of Borno.[20] The 19th century witnessed the arrival of the Awlad Sulayman, another nomadic group, while Borno and Wadai engaged in conflict with each other over suzerainty of Kanem. Undoubtedly, the perennial conflict between the Tunjur of Mondo and the Dalatoa of Mao continued.

Despite the population shifts with nomadic or semi-nomadic Tubu or Arab populations and the departure of Kanembu farmers, Kanem was believed to be a prosperous region by some outsiders. One of the rare textual sources that allude to the region in the 18th century referred to Kanem as a “city” 5 days from the town of Domboo. Kanem, or perhaps Mao, was seen as the capital of a fertile province where cattle and horses for the ruler of Borno were raised.[21] It is also quite likely that trona was collected in the Foli region, an area where a Magumi presence had been established for centuries and was filled with many villages.[22] Thus, despite the chronic conflict between Mondo and Mao or the pressure from Tubu and Arab nomads, Kanem continued to participate in trans-Saharan trade, promote a pastoralist economy, and likely exported trona to Borno and beyond. This trade in livestock, horses, salts, and other products ensured Kanem occupied a role in the larger Borno-centered Central Sudan economy. When peaceful relations were maintained, the Buduma likely participated in this exchange through providing canoes and barks for the movement of people and goods across Lake Chad. Even as ecological and population shifts made Kanem less capable of supporting larger cities or towns like Borno could, the region was likely more important than is often remembered for the larger Bornoan economy. On the other hand, the gradual decline of Borno’s economic power and the loss of control of the Kawar salt trade in the mid-18th century likely had a negative impact on Kanem. In fact, growing insecurity on the trans-Saharan routes may have decreased trans-Saharan trade that once reached Kanem. 

Cultural and religious life during the “obscure centuries” can be glimpsed, too. After all, it was in Kanem where the father of the Shehu, Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi, was born. Said to be a reputable mallam from Fahi, a village near Mao, Muhammad Ninka later married an Arab woman from Fazzan.[23] Kanem likewise produced Goni Musa Burmama, born in Mao in 1754/5. Although he came to Gazargamo for further study, his background points to the existence of Islamic scholars and prestigious religious figures in Kanem.[24] The region’s Kanembu peasantry also inherited certain customs from the Dalatoa or Bornoans. One of these customs, a form of mutual aid called debdou, illustrates how the peasantry engaged in mutual aid by sharing resources. The custom may very well have had deeper Kanembu origins, but the Dalatoa and their allies were believed by Bouillé to have brought it to Kanem.[25] The growing insecurity of the 19th century unsurprisingly shaped settlement patterns, too. The evidence for that in the 17th and 18th centuries is ambiguous, but the expansion of the Tubu and Arab presence may have fueled more conflicts as central authority weakened with the gradual decline of Borno. 

In conclusion, the political, economic, demographic, and social picture of Kanem during the 1600s and 1700s is one of great dynamism. While some continuity in administrative structure is evident through the deeper common history of Kanem and Borno’s origins under direct Sayfawa administration, Kanem in particular witnessed the fall of the Bulala sultans, the brief rise of the Tunjur, and the subsequent ascent of the Dalatoa at Mao. Further, Kanem’s economy likely became even more centered on pastoralism as ecological shifts and the immigration of various Arab and Tubu groups transformed the region’s demography. Nonetheless, ongoing trade, links to Borno and trans-Saharan networks, as well as the trade in livestock, horses, and salt likely made its economy dynamic. To what extent, if any, the alifas controlled artisanal production by the Haddad, a caste group, is unclear but another possible factor for Kanem’s political economy. In short, there was much more going on than what Zeltner initially labeled the siècles obscurs.

________________

[1] Zeltner, Pages du histoire du Kanem, pays tchadien, 193.

[2] Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 9-11, 21.

[3] Conte, Marriage Patterns, Political Change and the Perpetration of Social Inequality (in South Kanem, Chad), 120-122.

[4] Ibid, 129. 

[5] Robert Bouillé, Les coutoumes familiales au Kanem, 279. 

[6] Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 74-75.

[7] Bouillé, 220, 240.

[8] Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan II, 252-253.

[9] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, 1906-1909, 392.

[10] Bouillé, 168.

[11] Ibid, 189.

[12] Ibid, 192.

[13] Ibid, 193.

[14] Ibid, 196.

[15] Landeroin, 380. 

[16] Ibid, 381.

[17] Zeltner, 193.

[18] Conte, 60.

[19] Zeltner, 194. 

[20] Landeroin, 391.

[21] Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa, Proceedings for the Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa I, 129.

[22] Landeroin, 389.

[23]Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa, 39. 

[24] Bobboyi, The Ulama of Borno: a study of the relations between scholars and state under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808, 25.

[25] Bouillé, 146.